A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 4 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (page 5)

[1] This expedition appears to have been for the reduction of certain provinces to the south-east of the vale of Mexico, now forming the intendency of Oaxaca, inhabited by the Mixtecas and Tzapotecas. The Tustepeque of the text, was probably a town on the Boca de Chacahua on the South Sea, now called Tututepec, in lat. 15º 50′ N. and long. 100º 15′ E. On the very imperfect map of Clavigero, it is named Tototepec, and is placed in the country of the Mixtecas.–E.

[2] Named, more appropriately, in the map of Clavigero, Tzapoteca-pan.–E.

[3] I suspect this ought to be named Chinantla.–E.

[4] This way probably be some corruption of the native name of the Rio Coatzacualco, or Huaxacualco; by giving it the ordinary Spanish prefix _agua_; which signifies water, or a river, with the native termination _cualco_.–E.

SECTION XVI.

_Some Account of the Expedition of Francisco de Garay for the Colonization of Panuco_.

Having formerly mentioned the expedition fitted out by Francisco de Garay, the governor of Jamaica, it seems proper to give a more particular account of that affair in this place. Hearing of the great riches which Diego Velasquez was likely to acquire from New Spain, and of the fertile countries which had been discovered on the continent of the West Indies, and encouraged by the means he now possessed of prosecuting discoveries and conquests, he determined to try his own fortune in that career. For this purpose he sent for and discoursed with Alaminos, who had been our chief pilot, from whom he received so favourable an account of these countries, that he sent Juan de Torralva, a person in whom he could confide, to solicit the bishop of Burgos to grant him a commission for settling the country on the river of Panuco; and having succeeded in this preliminary step, he fitted out an armament of three ships, with 240 soldiers, under the command of Alonzo Alvarez Pineda, who was defeated by the Panuchese, one ship only escaping, which joined us at Villa Rica, as already related. Receiving no intelligence of the fate of his first armament, Garay sent a second, which also arrived at our port. Having now expended a great deal of money to no purpose, and having learnt the good fortune of Cortes, he became more than ever desirous to secure the advantages he expected to derive from his commission. With this view he fitted out thirteen ships, in which he embarked 136 cavalry, and 840 foot soldiers, mostly musqueteers and crossbow-men, of which he took the command in person. He sailed with this great armament from Jamaica, on the 24th June 1523, and arrived safe at the port of Xagua in the island of Cuba, where he received information that Cortes had reduced the province of Panuco to subjection, and had sent a petition to the emperor to get a commission for governing his new acquisition. He was here informed of the heroic deeds of Cortes and his companions, and in particular of our having defeated the large force of Narvaez, while we had only 270 soldiers.

Struck with awe at the power and abilities of our general, he solicited the licentiate Zuazco to mediate between him and Cortes, that he might be permitted to take possession of the government of Panuco, in pursuance of his commission from the bishop of Burgos.

Garay shortly afterwards set out with his armament, and being driven by a storm into the river Palmas[1], he disembarked there, intending to march by land to Panuco, having first exacted an oath of fidelity from his troops; and he even nominated the various officers of his colony, which he intended to name Garayana. Having marched for two days along the sea-shore, through a marshy uninhabited country, he arrived at some villages, where the inhabitants entertained him hospitably, but many of his soldiers straggled about robbing and maltreating the people. Garay at length arrived at Panuco, where his soldiers expected all their difficulties would end, but it was almost a desert, as it had been much wasted in the war with Cortes, and the natives concealed what remained, so that they found nothing but bare walls, where they were tormented with mosquitos and every kind of vermin. Garay could get no intelligence of his fleet, and learnt from a Spaniard who had fled from punishment and lived among the Indians, that the province of Panuco was poor and unhealthy; and as this man gave a very favourable account of Mexico, many of Garays soldiers deserted from him, and went off for Mexico, plundering the natives on their way. Garay found himself in a bad plight, and sent one of his officers, named Diego de Ocampo, to sound the disposition of Vallejo, who was governor of St Estevan del Puerto for Cortes, and to notify the appointment of Garay to the government of this country. Vallejo gave a favourable answer, requesting the soldiers might be restrained from maltreating the inhabitants; but sent off an express to Cortes, soliciting a strong reinforcement or the immediate presence of the general. On receiving this intelligence, Cortes immediately sent off Alvarado, Sandoval, Father Olmedo, and Gonzalo de Ocampo, brother to Diego de Ocampo, who was with Garay, giving them a copy of the royal instructions, by which all his conquests were left under his command till the dispute between him and Velasquez were judicially settled.

On the arrival of Garay in the neighbourhood of St Estevan, Vallejo learnt from five deserters that the troops were scattered negligently in a large town called Nacoplan, on which he concerted a plan for coming on them by surprise, and made forty of them prisoners, alleging that they had invaded the country without a commission, and had plundered the inhabitants who lived under his government. Garay threatened Vallejo with the vengeance of the court of Spain for this outrage, and demanded the immediate release of his soldiers; on which Vallejo requested to see his commission, which, if from his majesty, he would obey in all humility. Just at this time arrived the deputies from Cortes, and Diego de Ocampo, being then first alcalde of Mexico, made a formal remonstrance against the entrance of Garay with an armed force into the government of another person. Several days were spent in remonstrances and replies on both sides, during which time many of Garays troops deserted from him.

Two of the ships belonging to Garay were lost in a tempest, and the remainder took shelter in the mouth of the river, when Vallejo secretly negotiated with their officers to join the party of Cortes. He at length contrived to inviegle the whole of the fleet up the river to the port of St Estevan, where he made all their officers and men prisoners in the name of Cortes; but Father Olmedo persuaded him to set them at liberty. The unfortunate Garay entreated the officers of Cortes to restore his ships and to compel his troops to return to their duty, promising to give up his intended settlement at Panuco, and to retire to the river Palmas. They agreed to this, and used every measure to induce the deserters to return, but with little effect; as they alleged they had already discharged their engagement in coming to Panuco, and they despised Garay. In this hopeless state, Garay was persuaded to write to Cortes, stating his situation, and requesting his protection and assistance, in consideration of their former friendship. Cortes engaged to do what he desired, and invited him to come to Mexico, where he was honourably received, and promised every redress, referring him to Olmedo, Sandoval, and Alvarado, to agree with him on the terms. At the suggestion of Olmedo, a marriage was proposed between Donna Catalina Cortes y Pizarro, the daughter of Cortes, and the eldest son of Garay, who had a command in the fleet. Cortes agreed to this, giving his daughter a liberal fortune, and agreed that Garay should establish a colony on the river Palmas, in which he engaged to give him every assistance in his power. Garay now interceded with Cortes to allow Narvaez to return to Cuba, for which favour Narvaez was extremely thankful, and took leave of Cortes with many professions of gratitude. Soon afterwards, Garay was seized with a pleurisy, of which he died in four days, leaving Cortes and Father Olmedo his executors. As his armament was left without a head, a competition arose among his officers for the vacant command; but young Garay was ultimately made general. This gave great offence to the soldiers, in consequence of which they dispersed about the country in small bodies of fifteen or twenty men, pillaging the natives as if they had been among Moors. This enraged the Indians, who laid a plot to cut off the Spaniards, which they executed so effectually that in a very short time they sacrificed and eat above five hundred of the soldiers of Garay, in some of the towns upwards of a hundred of them being destroyed at one time. In other places they fell upon the stragglers, whom they massacred almost without resistance; and, encouraged by this success, they even rose against the settlement of Estevan in such numbers, that they could hardly be resisted by Vallejo and seven or eight of the veterans of Cortes, who induced many of Garays soldiers to abide by them in the open field, where three battles were fought, in one of which Vallejo was slain, and a great number of Spaniards wounded. The Indians became at length so bold and desperate, that they one night killed and burned forty Spaniards, among whom were several belonging to Cortes, and destroyed fifteen horses. When Cortes heard of these proceedings he was much enraged, and would have gone in person to suppress the rebellion, but was then confined by a broken arm; wherefore he sent Gonzalo de Sandoval, with 100 infantry, 50 cavalry, 15 musqueteers, and two field-pieces, accompanied by 8000 Mexican and Tlascalan warriors, giving orders to reduce the country so completely under subjection that they might not have power to give any farther disturbance.

Sandoval was a person of much vigilance when he had any important business in hand, and made no delay in marching against the enemy, who had concentrated their forces in two narrow defiles. Sandoval divided his forces into two bodies, but was so obstinately resisted, that he drew off his forces, feigning to retreat to Mexico, followed by the Indians, whom he completely deceived, making an unexpected countermarch at midnight, by which he gained possession of the passes; yet not till he had lost three horses, and had a great many of his men wounded. On passing the defiles, he found himself opposed in front by an immense body of Indians, who had collected on receiving notice of his countermarch. He concentrated his whole force into one solid column; and as his cavalry were inexperienced in the service, he gave them full instructions never to halt making thrusts, as the Indians always seized the lances when wounded, and often wrested them from the hands of our men; but ordered them to clap spurs to their horses on such occasions, firmly grasping their lances, and thus force them from the enemy by the strength of their horses. Having placed guards and patroles, and ordered the horses of the cavalry to remain all night saddled and bridled, he made the troops repose under arms on the banks of a river, placing the Mexican and Tlascalan warriors at a short distance from the Spanish troops, knowing by experience that the allies were of more harm than benefit in a night attack. At day-break next morning, Sandoval put his troops in motion, and was soon fronted by three large bodies of the enemy, who endeavoured to surround him. Forming his cavalry in two squadrons, he attacked the enemy with such spirit that they were soon broken and dispersed, with the loss of two soldiers and three horses on his side. The allies made terrible havock after this victory, burning and plundering all before them, till the arrival of the army at St Estevan. The remains of this colony were found in a miserable condition, and the soldiers of Garay assured him that its preservation was entirely owing to the bravery and conduct of our few veterans who were there. Sandoval divided his army into several bodies, which he entrusted to the command of the veterans, and sent them to overrun the neighbouring districts, with orders to send in all the provisions they could collect, being unable to go out himself, as he was badly wounded. In the course of three days, his parties sent in many prisoners of the ordinary class, and five chiefs; but Sandoval released the common people, and ordered his troops to make no more prisoners, except of such chiefs as had been concerned in or present at the murder of the Spaniards. In a few days Sandoval was able to take the field, and by skilful measures he made prisoners of twenty caciques, who had commanded where no less than six hundred Spaniards were slain. He then summoned all the neighbouring towns to send their chiefs to him to treat of peace and submission: Some obeyed, but others neglected to attend, and he thought it best to dissimulate with the latter for the present, till he had informed Cortes what had been already done, and had received his orders as to the disposal of the prisoners and his future procedure. Cortes, who now conferred the vacant command of St Estevan on Sandoval, ordered all who had been any way concerned in the murder of the Spaniards to be punished with death, as an example to deter others from being guilty of the like offence, directing Diego de Ocampo, as alcalde-major, to take the necessary steps against them, with orders to execute all who should be found guilty. He gave orders likewise to conciliate the natives by all possible means, and to prevent the soldiers of Garay from committing any future outrages. Two days after the receipt of these orders, the accused caciques were brought to trial; and many of them being found guilty by evidence, or by their own confession, were publickly executed, some being burnt and others hanged. Many also were pardoned; and all the districts which had belonged to the caciques who suffered on this occasion, were restored to their children or other heirs. Ocampo now proceeded against all those Spaniards who had been guilty of outrages, going about the country in bands, plundering and murdering the natives, or who had invited other soldiers to desert to them; and having collected them together, he shipped them off for Cuba. To Juan de Grijalva, who had been commodore of the fleet under Garay, Cortes offered the alternative of a present of 2000 crowns, and a passage to Cuba, or an honourable reception at Mexico. But Grijalva and all the other officers belonging to Garay preferred going to Cuba. When Sandoval and Ocampo had thus reduced the settlement to order, and cleared it of these troublesome inmates, they returned to Mexico, leaving the command at St Estevan to an officer named Vallecillo; and on their arrival at the capital, they were received by Cortes and others with the distinction which their services richly merited[2].

[1] This is probably the river of Nueva Santander, about 100 miles north from the Rio Tampico or river of Panuco–E.

[2] A very uninteresting episode, respecting the misfortunes of the liceniate Zuazo, who has been formerly mentioned, is here omitted, as having no reference whatever to the general history in hand: It is sufficient to say that, after many perils by sea and land, Zuazo came to Mexico, where Cortes gave him the office of alcalde-major, which seems to have resembled our provost-marshal, or chief military judge.–E.

SECTION XVII.

_Narrative of various Expeditions for the Reduction of different Provinces in New Spain_.

As the views of Cortes were always lofty, so was he always well supported by the talents and bravery of his officers and soldiers. After his power was thoroughly established in the great city of Mexico and its more immediate dependencies, and in the districts or provinces of Guaxaca, Zacatula, Colima, Vera Cruz, Panuco, Coatzacualco, and others, as already related, he was informed that there were populous nations and rich mines in the province of Guatimala; and he resolved to send a military force under Alvarado, to conquer and colonize that country. Alvarado, therefore, was dispatched to that province, with 300 infantry, 135 cavalry, 200 Tlascalans and Cholulans, and 100 Mexicans[1], and four field-pieces. Alvarado was instructed to bring those nations to submission by peaceful means, if possible; and Father Olmedo accompanied him, on purpose to preach the doctrines of our holy religion to the natives; and at all events, to insist upon all the prisons and cages that were used for human victims being destroyed, the prisoners set free, and the utter abolition of human sacrifices and cannibal feasts. This expedition left Mexico on the 13th of December 1523; and Alvarado during his march, received the submission of the district known by the name of the Rocks of Guelama, where he received many rich contributions in gold. Having passed the districts belonging to the Tzapotecas of Tecuantepec, and by Soconusco, a town containing above 15,000 houses, Alvarado came to the neighbourhood of a place named Zapotitlan, where, at a bridge over a river, he was opposed by a very numerous body of warriors who disputed the passage with so much bravery, that many of the soldiers were wounded and one horse killed; and it required three very hard fought battles before the Spaniards were able to break through and disperse the enemy.

From this place, continuing his march, Alvarado was continually harassed by the Indians of Quetzaltenango, and came at length to a defile in a high mountain, where the ascent was about a league and a half. On arriving at the summit, a remarkably fat woman was found in the act of sacrificing a dog, which is an infallible token of intended hostilities; and immediately afterwards, great numbers of armed Indians were seen advancing on all sides, in a difficult broken ground, where the cavalry of Alvarado were unable to act. In this rough and impracticable place, above 6000 of the warriors of Utatlan, a district adjoining to Quetzaltenango, made an attack upon our troops; and being soon put to flight, they rallied shortly after, reinforced by great numbers of fresh troops, who waited the advance of our forces, and fought them bravely hand to hand. On this occasion, three or four of the enemy uniting their efforts, used to seize a horse before and behind, endeavouring to pull him to the ground, and it required the most strenuous exhortations both of Alvarado and Father Olmedo to animate the exertions of our troops, who at length succeeded in defeating and dispersing the Indians. Our army halted in the field of battle for three days, unmolested by the enemy, and then marched to Quetzaltenango, where Alvarado hoped to have given his troops some repose; but he found two xiquipils of warriors, or 16,000 men assembled to oppose him in a plain, where he gave them so complete a defeat, with so heavy a loss of warriors, that they remained for a long time under complete awe of the Spaniards. The chiefs of these Indians sent a deputation to Alvarado, offering peace and submission, under which they had concealed a plan for destroying his army in the following manner. At a short distance there was a place called Utatlan, in a very difficult rugged country, and surrounded by defiles, to which they invited him to march, intending to fall upon him there with all their forces, as in that place the cavalry could not act.

Alvarado accordingly marched to Utatlan, a town of considerable strength, which had only two gates, the ascent to one of which was by a stair of about twenty-five steps, and the other opened to a very bad broken causeway, the streets likewise being very narrow, and the houses very close together. Observing the bad situation of this place, and that the women and children had disappeared, Alvarado began to suspect that some mischief was in contemplation; and he was informed by some Indians of the place he had last quitted, that a number of warriors were concealed all round the place, to which they meant to set fire in the night, and then assault him with all their forces. Alvarado immediately called his troops to arms, and marched out into the open country, telling the chiefs that he did so for the purpose of procuring grass for his horses. They did not seem pleased with this change; and as soon as Alvarado was completely clear of the town, he seized the principal cacique, whom he reproached for his treachery, and ordered to be burnt alive. Father Olmedo obtained a respite of this sentence, with permission to endeavour to convert the condemned cacique to the holy faith, in which he exerted himself a whole day, and at length succeeded: and, _as an indulgence_, his punishment was commuted to hanging, and his territory given to his son. After this, Alvarado attacked and dispersed the native warriors who were in the neighbourhood of the town. When this success became known in Guatimala, which was engaged in hostility with the people of Utatlan, they sent an embassy to treat with Alvarado before his arrival on their frontiers, bringing a present of gold, declaring their submission to the government of our emperor, and offering to serve as allies in all our wars. Alvarado accepted their submission and offer of service, and desired them to send him 2000 of their warriors, with which they immediately complied; and as the people of Utatlan had again rebelled, he remained eight days in their country, collecting considerable spoil and making many slaves; after which he marched to the city of Guatimala, where he was hospitably received.

As the utmost harmony subsisted between Alvarado and the natives of Guatimala, the chiefs of that nation represented to him that a nation in their neighbourhood, called the Altitlans, who occupied several strong fortresses on the side of a lake, had refused to make submission to him, and that they were a barbarous and malicious people. Alvarado sent a message commanding these people to submit, but they abused his messengers; on which he marched against them with 140 Spanish soldiers and 2000 warriors of the Guatimalans, and was resisted by a strong force of the Altitlans, whom he soon defeated with considerable loss, and pursued to their fortresses on the lake. Having driven them from these fortresses, they took shelter in an island of the lake, to which he sent several of their chiefs whom he had taken prisoners, to persuade them into peace and submission, in which he at length succeeded, partly by threats and partly by promises, and returned to Guatimala. Father Olmedo exerted himself so effectually in his mission, that he prevailed upon the people to imitate our example, in adoring the holy Virgin, for which purpose he erected an altar and image of our lady, and explained the mysteries of the Christian faith to the natives. A people named the Pipiles, who came from a considerable distance towards the south, to enter into submission to Alvarado, informed him that a nation in their way, called the Izcuintepecs, were of a malignant disposition, and maltreated all travellers through their country. He sent, therefore, a message to invite them to come in and submit, which they refused to comply with; for which reason he marched into their country with his whole force, united to a strong body of his allies of Guatimala, and made great havock among them. Not having been present in this expedition, as I did not go into the province of Guatimala until my return from Higueras, I have only given a short summary of the conquest of Guatimala and its dependencies, which may be found related at full length in a book written by Gonzalo de Alvarado.

About this time Cortes was informed that the provinces of Higueras and Honduras contained rich mines, and some sailors reported that the native fishers of these countries used weights to their nets made of gold mixed with copper; they alleged also, that a strait or passage would probably be found in that direction into the Pacific Ocean. On these accounts he determined to send some troops to that country under Christoval de Oli, to inquire after the mines, and to search for this reported strait, by which a communication might be opened with the Spice Islands; and as the way by land was long and difficult, it was determined to send this expedition by sea. Accordingly, de Oli embarked in six ships, with a force of 370 soldiers, 100 of whom were musqueteers and crossbow-men, and 22 cavalry. Five of the veteran conquerors of Mexico went along with this expedition; among whom was one Briones, a seditious fellow and a bitter enemy of Cortes; besides whom, many of the soldiers on this expedition were greatly dissatisfied at the unequal distribution of lands which had been made in New Spain. De Oli was ordered to go first to the Havanna, to procure a supply of provisions and necessaries, and then to pursue his voyage to the Higueras to make the necessary inquiries for the reported mines and straits; after which he was to build a town in some commodious situation. To advance the interests of our holy religion, he was provided with two friars, one of whom understood the Mexican language. At the Havanna, de Oli took on board five of the followers of Garay, who had been expelled from Panuco for seditious conduct, who ingratiated themselves into his confidence, and advised him to renounce his obedience to Cortes, in which they were aided by Briones; so that he at length went over to the party of Velasquez, who engaged to make such representations at court that the command of this intended settlement might be given to de Oli independent of Cortes. De Oli was a brave man, and endowed with many good qualities, yet unfit for his present employment, having been brought up in the house of Velasquez, so that he was the more readily influenced by bad advisers to desert the interest of Cortes to whom he lay under great obligations. On the third of May, de Oli arrived at his station, which he named _El Triumpho de la Cruz_, where he appointed to the civil administration of the new colony, such alcaldes and regidors as had been recommended by Cortes, and even took possession of the country for his majesty in the name of Cortes, as he wished to conceal his secession from our general till he saw whether the country was sufficiently rich to be worth while to set up an independent government; as, if it turned out otherwise, he could return to his possessions in Mexico, and gloss over his negociations with Velasquez, under pretence of having done so in order to procure the necessary supplies. In this manner was the new colony of El Triumpho established, from whence Cortes had no intelligence for more than eight months.

There were a considerable number of veterans and Spaniards of rank, established in the town of Coatzacuaclo, otherwise called Del Espiritu Santo, who were entrusted with the government of that province, together with the districts of Citla, Tabasco, Cimatan, Choutalpa, Cachula, Zoque, the Quilenes, Cinacatan, Chamuela, Chiapa, Papanahausta, Pinula, Xaltepec, Huaxaltepec, Chinantla, Tepeque, and others; but through all New Spain, the demand for tribute was the signal of insurrection, and all who attempted to levy it were killed, as were all Spaniards who fell into the hands of the natives; so that we were continually obliged to go from one town to another with a company of soldiers to preserve peace. As the district of Cimatan was particularly refractory, and Captain Luis Marin could not conveniently send a body of troops to that place, I and three other Spaniards were sent there to endeavour to prevail on the people to submit. On approaching the principal town, we were attacked by a large body of Indians, who killed two of my companions, and wounded me desperately in the throat. My surviving companion made off to some canoes on the banks of the river Macapa, leaving me alone and in great jeopardy; but I crept under cover of some bushes where I lay some time almost exhausted, and recovering my strength after some time, I forced my way through the natives, and escaped to where my companion was in the canoes, with four Indians whom we had brought with us to carry our baggage, which they had thrown away, and for the sake of which the natives quitted us, so that we got across the river, which is broad and deep and full of alligators. To avoid the Indians, we concealed ourselves for eight days in the woods, so that we were concluded to be lost, and our property in lands and Indians was divided among the other Spaniards, such being then the custom in New Spain. We returned to the town, however, at the end of twenty-three days, to the great joy of our friends, and the disappointment of those who had succeeded to our property.

Our captain, Luis Marin, thought proper to wait upon Cortes, to represent the necessity of a reinforcement; and accordingly got thirty soldiers, commanded by Alonzo de Grado, with orders for all the Spaniards at Coatzacualco to march for the province of Chiapa, which was then in a state of rebellion, and directions to build a town there to keep the natives in order. In the first place, we had to make roads through the woods, and the country being very marshy, we were under the necessity of constructing causeways in many places to enable the horses to pass. The first place we came to was Tezputzlan, and thence to Cachula, beyond which there had been no passage before our expedition, all the other natives being in great fear of the inhabitants of Chiapa, who were then the bravest warriors in all America, and had never been subdued by the Mexicans; but they were extremely barbarous, being in use to rob all passengers, and to carry away the natives of other districts to till their ground. The present expedition was during Lent, and as well as I can now remember, in the year 1524, our little army consisting of 27 cavalry, 23 musqueteers, 72 foot soldiers armed with sword and target, and one field-piece under the direction of a cowardly fellow of a gunner, who pretended to have served in Italy. Besides these, we had 50 Mexican warriors, and the cacique of Cachula with some of his principal people, who were all terribly afraid. On approaching Chiapa, an advanced guard of four of our most active soldiers, of whom I was one, always preceded the army to reconnoitre, and as the ground was not fit for a horse, I left mine behind. We were usually about half a league in front of the army, but on our approach to Estapa, their first settlement, some of the hunters of Chiapa perceived us at a distance, and gave the alarm by means of smoke. The road was now wide and convenient, between well cultivated fields of corn and other vegetables; and on coming to Estapa we found it abandoned by the inhabitants, on which we posted our guards and patroles, and took up our quarters for the night. We were soon disturbed by information from our out-guards, that the natives were collecting on every side to attack us; and, going out of town to meet them we had a severe action, in which they killed two of our soldiers and four horses, wounding our reverend father Fra Juan, and thirteen soldiers, including our captain Luis Marin, who was wounded in two places; besides which many of our allies were slain. This action lasted till dark night, when the enemy were forced to retire, leaving fifteen slain and many wounded in the field. From two of the wounded, who seemed chiefs, we learnt that a general attack was intended against us next day. These people were clothed in good defensive armour of quilted cotton, using darts hardened in the fire, war clubs, and lances longer than ours, and they fought with unusual bravery; insomuch that, when one of our horsemen halted to make a thrust, the Indians seized the horse, and either wrested the lance from the horseman or pulled him to the ground.

Next day we pursued our march to Chiapa, a place with very regular streets, and containing not less than four thousand families, besides the dependent towns and villages around. We had not proceeded above a quarter of a league from Estapa, where we had passed the night, when we found the whole warriors of the district drawn up to oppose us, well armed, dressed up in plumes of feathers, and making the hills resound with their warlike shouts. They attacked us with the utmost fury, and our black gunner was so stupified with fear, that he stood long trembling before he durst put the match to the gun, and when he fired the piece all the good he did was wounding three of our own men. After a severe conflict, we at length forced them to fly; but they rallied in some broken ground, reinforced by some fresh bodies of Indians, and attacked us again by surprize, while we were giving God thanks for our victory. In these new troops, many were provided with long thongs to twist round our horses, and some carried the nets they used in hunting for the same purpose. In this second battle the enemy were so desperate that they killed two of our soldiers and five horses, and scarce one of us escaped without a wound. They had along with them a very fat aged woman, whom they esteemed a wizard, who had promised them the victory. Her body was all covered over with paint mixed with cotton wool; and she advanced fearlessly amid our allies, who were regularly formed by companies, by whom she was cut to pieces. At length, by a violent effort, we forced the enemy to fly, some taking to the rocks and others to the river, and being excellent swimmers they made their escape. We then halted and sang the _Salve regina_: After which we took possession of a town on the river, where we halted for the night, taking care of our wounded, and carefully concealing our dead.

About midnight, ten chiefs of neighbouring districts came down the river in five canoes, and were brought to our captain, whom they informed that they belonged to the nation of the Xaltepecs, who were at war with the people of Chiapa, and came to offer their assistance to us against them, on condition that we should afterwards support the independence of their nation against the people of Chiapa. This was very satisfactory to us, as we could not have passed the river, which was both broad and deep, without their assistance; the chiefs were therefore dismissed with a promise on our part of protection, and on theirs to bring us canoes and auxiliaries. During the remainder of the night we had to keep strict guard, as the drums and horns of the enemy were heard on the opposite banks of the river, where their warriors were collecting from all sides to attack us. As soon as it was light, our new friends joined us with the promised canoes, and shewed us a very dangerous ford, which they urged us to pass without delay, that we might endeavour to save the lives of some of their people who had been recently made prisoners by the enemy. We accordingly passed the river in a solid column at the ford, which reached our armpits, and where we lost one of our cavalry. On gaining the opposite bank, we were so hotly assailed by the enemy with darts and arrows, that every one of us had two or three wounds before we got out of the water. But as we were now joined by large bodies of those Indians who had offered their assistance, we soon compelled the enemy to fly for shelter to their city, against which we immediately advanced in good order, accompanied by our new allies. On arriving there, it seemed too closely built to be occupied with safety, and we encamped therefore in the open field, sending messengers to invite them to peace, with which they complied, by sending a deputation of their chiefs, who submitted to become subject to our sovereign, and requiring that the neighbouring tribes might be prevented from destroying their houses and plantations. All these things being settled to our mutual satisfaction, we went into the town, where we found many prisoners confined in wooden cages, who had been seized by the Chiapese while travelling from place to place, all of whom we set free. In the temples of this place we found several idols of horrible figures, and many remains of men and boys, who had been recently sacrificed. Our reverend father Fra Juan, broke all the idols to pieces, and preached so successfully that many were baptized. Many of the chiefs of the neighbouring tribes came in and made their submission: Among these were the chiefs of Cinacatan, Papanahaustla, Pinola, Guehuistlan, Chamula, the Quilenes, and others who spoke the Zoque language, and many other tribes, the names of which I do not now remember. These people were much surprised when they perceived the smallness of the force with which we had ventured to attack a nation so warlike as the Chiapese, whom the Mexicans were never able to subdue.

While our captain was thus occupied in arranging matters with the chiefs of the surrounding districts, one of our soldiers went accompanied by eight Mexicans, to a town called Chamula, where he demanded a contribution of gold in the name of our captain, though entirely without authority. A quantity was accordingly offered him; but not being satisfied with the amount, he attempted to seize the cacique, by which violent proceeding he occasioned an insurrection of that town, and another in the neighbourhood called Quiahuitlan, or Guehuistlan. When this improper transaction came to the ears of our captain, he sent the soldier a prisoner to Mexico, and immediately marched to Chamula to quell the insurrection, being assisted on this occasion by the inhabitants of Cinacatan, a polished tribe which was addicted to merchandize. On our arrival at Chamula, we found the place strongly fortified by art and nature, and the people well armed, having a peculiar species of large shield which covered the whole body, and could be rolled up into a small compass when not in use. Our cavalry were ordered to keep guard in the plain in our rear, to watch the motions of the insurgents in the neighbouring districts; while the infantry endeavoured to force their way into the town; but our musketeers made very little impression, as the enemy were covered by their walls, while their missiles injured us materially, being exposed without any defence. We continued the attack during the whole day to very little purpose, being unable to force the ramparts, which were guarded by above 2000 men armed with lances. We therefore drew off for the time, and procured some timber from a depopulated town in the neighbourhood, with which we constructed certain machines named _mantas_ or _burros_, under cover of which twenty men or more could approach the walls in safety, to work a passage through them. On our first attempt to do this, the enemy threw down upon our machines, heavy stones, fire, and scalding water, so that we were constrained to remove our machines to repair the injury they had sustained. We again brought forward our machines to the walls, and at length succeeded in making several breaches. While employed in this manner, four of their principal chiefs and priests addressed us from the top of the ramparts, saying, since we wanted gold they had brought us some, and then threw over seven crowns of fine gold, with many gold trinkets, some of which were cast in the shape of various birds, shells, and the like; immediately after which they assailed us with repeated vollies of darts, arrows, and stones. By the time that it was dark, we had made two considerable breaches; but as a heavy rain came on, we drew off for the night, keeping a vigilant guard round our post, and having our cavalry on the alert in the plain, ready saddled and bridled. During the whole night, the enemy kept continually sounding their warlike instruments, making horrid yells, and threatening us with destruction next day, which they said was promised by their gods. We brought forward our machines again at day-break to enlarge the breaches we had made on the preceding day; but the enemy defended themselves with great obstinacy, wounding five of our people, and myself among the rest by the thrust of a lance, which had gone through me, had it not been for the strength of my quilted cotton armour. Towards evening it came on again to rain hard, and we were called off from the attack; but as the enemy ceased to shout and make their usual noises, I suspected they were about leaving the town, and perceived also that their lances were mostly rested against the walls and parapets, except about two hundred which still appeared in the hands of a part of the enemy. On this, I and one of my comrades crept in at a small breach in the wall, and were immediately attacked by above two hundred of these lancemen, who would soon have dispatched us, if some of our Indian allies had not noticed our perilous situation, and called the rest of our soldiers to our aid, who crowded in at the breach and soon enabled us to put the enemy to flight. These were only the rear guard of the garrison, all the rest of the inhabitants, men, women, and children, having evacuated the town by the opposite gate. We immediately pursued, and made many prisoners.

Leaving this place, we marched for Cinacatan, and halted for the night at the place where _Chiapa de los Espanoles_ is now built; from whence our captain dismissed six of our prisoners, with a message to their countrymen, offering to restore all the rest of the prisoners, if they would submit. They immediately complied with this, and submitted themselves as subjects to the Spanish monarchy. In this neighbourhood dwelt a nation called the Guehuistlans[2], who possessed three fortified towns, and were in rebellion against us. Leaving our baggage and wounded men in Cinacatan, we proceeded to reduce these people to submission. They had barricaded all the approaches to their towns by means of felled trees, which were cleared away by the aid of our Indian allies, and we got up to one of their fortresses, which threatened to give us infinite trouble, as it was full of warriors, well armed both for offence and defence. But they all fled when we mounted to the assault, leaving the place to us without resistance. By means of two prisoners who were taken by our allies, offers of peace and good treatment were sent to them, on condition of submission; with which they complied, bringing with them some trifling presents of gold and _quetzal_ feathers.

Having thus effected our business in this place, by reducing all the surrounding tribes to submission, we proceeded, according to the orders of Cortes, to establish a colony, though some who had already plantations and Indians in Coatzacualco objected to this place as unfit for cavalry, and that our force was too small for keeping so populous a district under subjection, especially as the natives had many strong fortresses in the fastnesses of their mountains. Even our captain, Luis Marin, and the royal notary Diego de Godoy, were adverse to the plan. Alonzo de Grado, also, a very troublesome fellow, was possessed of a patent from Cortes, by which he was entitled to an _encomienda_ in the province of Chiapa, when reduced to obedience; and in virtue of this, he demanded that all the gold which had been received from the Indians of Chiapa, and also, that which had been found in the temples, amounting to about 1500 crowns, should be delivered up to him. This was refused by Marin, who alleged that it ought to be applied for replacing the horses which were killed during the expedition. These disputes ran so high, that our captain ordered both Godoy and De Grado into irons, intending to send them to Mexico. Godoy obtained his liberty by concessions; and in return for this lenity entered into cabals with De Grado for misrepresenting the conduct of Marin to Cortes. On this occasion I was solicited to write to Cortes in exculpation of De Grado, as they said that Cortes would believe my statements. I wrote accordingly a true state of the case, but in no respect charging Marin with any thing amiss. De Grado was sent off to Mexico, under an oath to appear before Cortes in eighty days, as the distance he had to travel exceeded 190 leagues. On his arrival, Cortes was so much displeased by his conduct, that he ordered De Grado to take 3000 crowns and retire to Cuba, that he might give no farther trouble in his government; but De Grado made such ample apologies, that he was restored to favour. As it was finally resolved to establish a colony in this place, and as I had an order to that effect from Cortes, our captain, who was likewise my particular friend, appointed me to the command of the _encomienda_ at Cinacatan, which I enjoyed for eight years. As soon as possible after my appointment, I procured a reverend father to preach to the Indians, whom I was anxious to convert to our holy faith. He accordingly erected an altar and crucifix, and preached with so much success, that fifteen of the Indians offered themselves for baptism on the first day of his mission; which gave me infinite satisfaction, as I felt the warmest interest in the welfare of these people, whom I looked upon as my own children.

When all things were properly settled at this place, we resolved to chastise the people of Cimatan who had slain two of the party with which I had been deputed to them, as formerly mentioned near the beginning of this section. In our way to that place, we had to march through a district named Tapelola, which was so very rugged that our horses were unable to proceed until the roads were cleared for them, which was immediately done on application to the caciques. We continued our march by the districts of Silo, Suchiapa, and Coyumelapa, to those of Tecomayatacal and Ateapan; the chief town of which was extensive, closely built, and very populous. This place belonged to my _encomienda_. Near this town there was a large and deep river which it was necessary for us to pass, where we were opposed by the people of the vicinity with so much vigour that we had six soldiers wounded and three of our horses killed; but we put them to flight, and they withdrew into the woods and mountains, after setting fire to their town. We remained here five days, taking care of our wounded men; and as we had taken many of the women of this district, some of them were sent out to invite the natives to return and submit, with which they complied. Godoy was averse from the lenity shewn on this occasion, and insisted that these people ought to be punished for their revolt, or at least made to pay for the horses which they had slain. I happened to be of a different opinion; and as I spoke freely, Godoy became enraged and used very angry words, which I retorted. At length we proceeded to blows and drew our swords; and if we had not been parted one or other of us must have been killed, we were both so much enraged. Even as it was, several cuts were given and received on both sides, before we were separated. Marin was a good man and of a mild disposition, so that he restored every thing to these deluded people and left them in peace.

We continued our march through the other districts of Cimatlan and Talatiopan, where we were attacked by a numerous body of archers, by whom above twenty of our soldiers were wounded and two horses killed; but we very soon defeated them. These people were the most powerful archers I had yet seen, as they were able to drive their arrows through two suits of well quilted cotton armour; and their country is mostly composed of a marsh which quakes under foot. It was in vain therefore to think of pursuing the natives in such an impracticable country; and as they treated all our offers of peace with contempt, we judged it best to return to our colony of Coatzacualco; which we did through the districts of Guimango, Nacaxa, Xuica, Teotitlan, Copilco, and some others which I do not remember the names of, to Ulapa, and thence across the rivers Agaqualulco and Tonala to Coatzacualco, where the slain horses were paid for at the rate of a penny the pound.

[1] Though without any warrant for this purpose, we believe that the numbers of these allies ought to have been reckoned by thousands instead of hundreds.–E.

[2] Diaz is often variable in his orthography of Indian names; calling this people in different places, Gueguestitlans, Guehuistlans, and Quiahuistlans.–E.

SECTION XVIII.

_Negotiations of Cortes at the Court of Spain, in respect to the Conquest and Government of Mexico_.

In the year 1521, the holy father Adrian de Lobayana, succeeded to the papacy, he being then governor of Castille and resident in the city of Vittoria, where our agents waited upon him to kiss the foot of his holiness. About the same time a great nobleman, named M. de la Soa, arrived from Germany, who was chamberlain to our emperor, and was sent by him to congratulate the new pope on his election. When this nobleman was informed of the heroic deeds of the conquerors of Mexico, and the great things they had performed for the extension of the holy faith, by the conversion and baptism of such myriads of Indians, he became interested in our behalf, and made application to his holiness to expedite the business of our agents. This was readily acceded to, as besides the allegations of our agents, the pope had received other complaints against the bishop of Burgos from persons of quality and honour. Our chief agents on this occasion were Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Ordas, Francisco Nunez cousin to our general, and his father Martin Cortes; who were countenanced by many powerful noblemen, and chiefly by the Duke of Bejar. Thus supported, they brought forward their charges against the bishop to good purpose. These were, that Velasquez had bribed the bishop by the gift of a considerable district in Cuba, the natives of which were made to work in the gold mines for his emolument, to the manifest injury of the royal revenue. That when, in 1517, 110 of us had sailed at our own expence under the command of Hernandez de Cordova for the discovery of New Spain, the bishop had falsely informed his majesty that it was done by Velasquez. That Velasquez had transmitted 20,000 crowns in gold, which had been procured by his nephew Juan de Grijalva on our second voyage, all of which was given to the bishop, and no part of it to his majesty to whom it belonged. That when Cortes sent home a large contribution in gold to his majesty, the bishop had suppressed our letters, substituting others, and ascribed the present to Velasquez, retaining half of the treasure to his own use; and, when Puertocarrera applied to him for permission to wait upon his majesty, the bishop had thrown him into prison, where he died. That the bishop had forbidden the officers of the _Casa de contratation_ of Seville to give any assistance to Cortes, by which the public service had suffered manifest injury. That he had appointed very unfit persons to the military command in New Spain, as was particularly the case with regard to Christoval de Tapia, to whom he had given a commission as governor of New Spain, in order to bring about a marriage between his niece and Tapia. That he had given authenticity to the false accounts transmitted by the agents of Velasquez, suppressing the true relations which came from Cortes. There were many other charges against the bishop which he could not gainsay, as they were all substantiated by good evidence.

All these things being made clear to his holiness, he was pleased to order, that the bishop should have no longer any authority in regard to the affairs of New Spain, of which the government should be conferred on Cortes, and that Velasquez should be remunerated for all the expences he had incurred on account of the expedition, which he could duly substantiate. His holiness sent also to New Spain, a great number of indulgences for the hospitals and churches, and recommended to Cortes and the other conquerors to pay unremitting attention to the conversion of the Indians, and was pleased to send us his holy bulls of absolution. His majesty graciously confirmed all these orders of the pope, ordering Velasquez to be deprived of the government of Cuba, on account of having sent the expedition under Narvaez, in defiance of peremptory orders to the contrary from the royal audience of St Domingo, and the Jeronymite brethren. The bishop was so much affected by his disgrace on this occasion, that he fell dangerously ill.

About this time, Panfilo de Narvaez and Christoval de Tapia arrived in Spain, together with the pilot Umbria and Cardenas, who by the instigation of the bishop of Burgos, preferred many severe accusations against Cortes to his majesty, in which they were gladly joined by the agents of Velasquez. They alleged, that Velasquez had fitted out three several expeditions for New Spain at vast expence, the last of which he had confided to Cortes, who broke his engagements and converted the armament to his own advantage. That when Velasquez sent Narvaez as governor of New Spain, with his majesties commission, Cortes made war upon him, defeated him and made him a prisoner. That when the bishop of Burgos sent Tapia to take the command of New Spain in the name of his majesty, Cortes refused obedience, and compelled him to re-embark. They also accused Cortes of having embezzled a great quantity of gold which he had obtained for his majesty; of taking a fifth of all the plunder to his own use; of having tortured Guatimotzin; of defrauding the soldiers of their shares; of making the natives of Mexico construct for his use magnificent palaces and castles as large as villages; of having poisoned Francisco de Garay, in order to get possession of his ships and troops, and many other charges of a similar nature. By command of his majesty, a court of inquiry was appointed from the privy council, to hear and determine upon these allegations, before which the following answers were given in. That Cordova was the real discoverer of New Spain, which had been done by him and his companions at their own cost. That although Velasquez had sent Juan de Grijalva on an expedition to New Spain, it was only for the purpose of trade, and not of colonization. That the principal charges had been expended by the different captains, and not by Velasquez, who had received the chief part of 20,000 crowns which these captains had collected. That Velasquez gave Indians in Cuba to the bishop of Burgos to collect gold for him, which ought to have belonged to his majesty. That although it was true Velasquez had sent Cortes to New Spain, his orders were only to barter; and the establishment he had made was entirely owing to the representations of his companions for the service of God and his majesty, and in no respect due to the instructions of Velasquez. That it was well known to all, that Cortes had reported the whole of his proceedings to his majesty, to whom he and his companions sent all the gold they could procure, waiting his majesties ultimate orders in the utmost humility; whereas the bishop of Burgos suppressed his letters, and appropriated the gold to his own use, concealing our meritorious services from his majesty, preventing our agents from gaining access to the emperor, and even throwing one of them into prison, where he died; and that he prevented the royal officers from supplying us with such things as we needed, by which our enterprize had been much retarded. That all these things had been done by the bishop from corrupt motives, that he might give the government of Mexico to Velasquez or Tapia, in order that one of them might marry his _niece_ Donna Petronilla de Fonseca, being anxious to make his _son-in-law_ governor of that splendid kingdom. As for the expedition of Narvaez, our agents contended that Velasquez ought to suffer death for having sent it in direct disobedience of his majesties orders as communicated by the royal audience; and that he had behaved with high disrespect to his majesty, in making his application to the bishop of Burgos on this occasion. In support of all these accusations they offered to bring substantial proofs, and prayed the court to award punishment for these multiplied offences.

In reply to the accusations of Narvaez against Cortes, they represented, that Narvaez sent word to Montezuma on his arrival in Mexico, that he came to rescue him, by which he occasioned a dangerous war. That when Cortes desired to see his commission, and represented the necessity of an amicable junction of their forces for the good of the service, Narvaez would give no answer, but immediately declared war against Cortes and his companions, by which they were forced to defend themselves, and that Narvaez had even presumed to seize his majesties oydor, for which Cortes deemed it requisite to bring him to punishment. That when Cortes went to wait on Narvaez, that he might see his commission and remonstrate with him on his proceedings, Narvaez had attempted to make him prisoner by surprise, of which proof could be made by witnesses. As to the failure of Garay, and the ridiculous charge of having poisoned him; it was well known that the expedition under Garay had failed through his own misconduct and ignorance of the country; after which he had gladly accepted the friendly offers of Cortes, who had given him an hospitable reception in Mexico, where an alliance was agreed upon between their families, and Garay was to have been assisted in establishing a colony on the river Palmas; and finally, it was established beyond all doubt, by the oaths of the physicians who attended him, that Garay had died of a pleurisy. In regard to the charge of retaining his majesties fifth, it was proved that Cortes had fairly expended it in the public service, together with 6000 crowns of his own property. That the fifth which he had retained for himself, was according to compact with the soldiers; and as to the shares belonging to the soldiers, it was well known that very little gold was found in Mexico on its capture, as almost all the wealth of the place had fallen into the hands of our allies of Tlascala and Tezcuco. That the torture given to Guatimotzin had been done by his majesties officers, contrary to the inclination of Cortes, in order to force a discovery of where the treasures of Montezuma had been concealed. As for the buildings, though certainly sumptuous, they were intended for the use of his majesty and his successors, and that the work had been carried on by the Indians, under the order of Guatimotzin, as was always done in building houses for the great in that country. As to Alonzo de Avila having taken the commission from Narvaez by force; it appeared there was no commission among his papers, which consisted entirely of receipts for the purchase of horses and the like; and farther, that these papers had been taken without any order from Cortes, who never saw any of them. As for Tapia, it was urged, that if he had come to Mexico and produced his majesties orders, they should have been received and obeyed by Cortes with the utmost humility: But that his incapacity was so notorious to every one then in New Spain, that it was the universal advice and desire of all that Cortes should retain the command. As to the pilot Umbria, whose feet had been cut off, this had been done in the due course of justice, for having run away with his ship. That Cardenas had consented along with all the rest to give up his share of the gold, that the whole might be sent to his majesty; and that Cortes had given him 300 crowns from his own pocket, which was more than he deserved, being a person of no consideration and no soldier.

The court having duly weighed all the charges and answers, the whole proceedings were reported to his majesty, together with their opinion and sentence, which were entirely in favour of Cortes, whose merit and valour, and that of all the veteran conquerors of Mexico, were highly praised. Velasquez was enjoined silence in respect to his complaints against Cortes, and was told that he might seek for the remuneration of his expences by a legal process. Cortes was declared governor-general of New Spain, pursuant to the orders of the pope, and the court approved of the arrangements which he had made in the country, authorizing him to distribute and appoint the districts or _repartimientos_ in the way he thought proper. Narvaez was referred for redress to France, where Avila was still a prisoner. The pilots Umbria and Cardenas obtained royal grants of property in New Spain, to the extent of a thousand crowns in annual rent. And it was ordained that all the veterans of Cortes should have immediate and ample gratifications in lands and Indians, with such precedency in rank as their valour and services had deserved. This sentence was confirmed by the emperor at Valladolid, who was then on his road to Flanders; and he gave orders likewise for the banishment of all relapsed converts in New Spain, and that no _Scholars_[1] should be admitted into that country for a certain term of years. His majesty, and his brother the king of Hungary, were graciously pleaded to write letters to Cortes, and to us the conquerors, thanking us for the good service we had performed.

This affair being decided in our favour, the necessary documents were entrusted to two relations of Cortes, Roderigo de Paz and Francisco de las Casas, who carried them in the first place to St Jago in the island of Cuba, where Velasquez resided. On the sentence being made known to him, and proclaimed by sound of trumpet, he fell ill from vexation, and died soon afterwards poor and miserable. Francisco de Montejo had the government of Yucutan and Cozumel from his majesty, with the title of Don. Diego de Ordas was ennobled, getting for his coat of arms the volcano of Guaxocingo, and was confirmed in all his possessions in New Spain. He went back to Spain two years afterwards to solicit permission to conquer the province of Maranion, in which enterprize he lost his life and all his property. On the arrival of Las Casas and De Paz in Mexico with the appointment of Cortes to the government, there were great rejoicings everywhere. Las Casas was made a captain, and got the _encomienda_ of a good district called Anquitlan; and De Paz was appointed major-domo and secretary to Cortes, getting likewise valuable possessions. Cortes liberally rewarded the captain of the vessel which brought out this pleasing information, and provided handsomely for all who came out to New Spain from his native country of Medellin. All the proceedings of our agents in Spain were regularly conveyed to us the conquerors; but it seemed to me that they agented solely for Cortes and themselves, as we who had raised Cortes to his greatness, were continually encountering dangers and hardships, without any reward. May God protect us, and inspire our great emperor to cause his just intentions towards us to be carried into effect. To us, the ancient, wise, and brave conquerors of Mexico, it appeared that Cortes ought to have duly considered his true friends, who had supported him from the first through all his difficulties and dangers, and ought to have rewarded us according to our respective merits, and his majesties orders, by giving us good and profitable situations, instead of leaving us poor and miserable. By his majesties orders, and by his duty, Cortes was bound to have given to us and our children all the good offices in the kingdom of New Spain; but be thought only of himself and his favourites. In our opinion, who were the conquerors, the whole country ought to have been divided into five equal parts, allotting one to the crown, another for the holy church, and the remaining three parts to Cortes and the rest of us, who were the true original conquerors, giving each a share in perpetuity in proportion to our rank and merits, considering that we had not only served his majesty in gratuity, but without his knowledge, and, almost against his will. This arrangement would have placed us at our ease; instead of which, many of us are wandering about, almost without a morsel to eat, and God only knows what may become of our children.

To the veedor Pedro Alonzo Chirinos, Gonzalo Salazar the factor, Rodrigo Albornos the contador, and many others who came now from Spain, and to the dependents of great men, who flattered him and told him fine tales, Cortes refused nothing; but he treated us the true conquerors like vassals, forgetting us entirely in the distribution of property, yet never failing to call upon us when he wanted our assistance, as if we had been fit only for expeditions and battles. I do not blame him for being generous, as there was enough for all; but he ought in the first place to have considered those who had served his majesty in the conquest of this noble kingdom, and to whose blood and valour he was indebted for his own elevation. Long afterwards, when Luis Ponce de Leon came out to supersede Cortes, we the veteran conquerors represented to our general that he ought to give us that property which he had been ordered by his majesty to resign. He expressed his sorrow for having so long neglected us, and promised even with an oath, that he would provide for us all, if he returned to his government, thinking to satisfy us with smooth words and empty promises.

[1] This probably alludes to _lawyers_, as on a former occasion, Diaz mentions a request from the Spaniards that none of that fraternity might be sent over to New Spain, probably to avoid the introduction of litigious law suits.–E.

SECTION XIX.

_Of an Expedition against the Zapotecas, and various other Occurrences_.

Intelligence was brought to Mexico that the Zapotecas were in rebellion, on which Rodrigo Rangel, whom I have several times mentioned already, solicited Cortes to be appointed to the command of an expedition for their reduction, that he too might have an opportunity of acquiring fame, proposing likewise to take Pedro de Ircio along with him as his lieutenant and adviser. Cortes knew well that Rangel was very unfit for any service of danger or difficulty, being a miserably diseased object, the effect of his sins, and put him off therefore by various excuses; but as he was a very slanderous fellow, whom he wished to get rid of, he at length agreed to his proposal, and at the same time wrote for ten or twelve veterans, then residing in Coatzacualco, of whom I was one, desiring us to accompany Rangel on this expedition. The country of the Zapotecas is composed of high and rugged mountains, always enveloped in clouds and mists, with such narrow and bad roads as to be unfit for cavalry, so steep that they must be climbed up like ladders, each successive soldier of the file having his head at the heels of the man immediately before him. The natives of these mountains are light and active, and have a way of whistling and shouting, so as to make the hills resound again, insomuch that it is hardly possible to know on which side they are coming to attack. Against such enemies in so strong a country, and with such a leader, it was impossible for us to effect any thing. We advanced, however, under heavy rain, to a scattered village, part of the houses being situated on a rocky ridge, and the rest in a valley, and well it was for us that the Indians made no stand, as poor Rangel whined and moaned the whole way, complaining of pains in his limbs, and the severity of the weather. It was at last agreed, as he grew every day worse and worse, that we could be of no use here, and were exposing ourselves needlessly to danger, to abandon this fruitless expedition, and return to our homes. Pedro de Ircio was among the first who advised this, and soon set the example, by retiring to his own town of Villa Rica; but Rangel chose rather to go along with us to Coatzacualco, to our great dissatisfaction, as he expected benefit from that warm climate to relieve him of his pains.

We were hardly returned to Coatzacualco, when Rangel took it into his head to go upon an expedition against the Indians of Cimatan and Tatupan, who continued in rebellion, confiding in the impracticability of their country, among large rivers and trembling marshes; being also very formidable warriors, who used very long bows of great strength. We were all very averse from this, but as Rangel produced his commission from Cortes, we were under the necessity to obey, and accordingly set out on the expedition, with about 100 horse and foot. We soon arrived at a pass among lakes and marshes, where the Indians had thrown up a strong circular entrenchment of large trees and pallisades, having loop-holes to shoot through, and where they gave us a very warm reception with a flight of darts and arrows, by which they killed seven horses, and wounded Rangel and eight of our men. We had often told him what stout warriors these Indians were, and he now declared that in future the old conquerors should command him, and not he us, for he would not have been now in such jeopardy if he had listened to our advice. When our wounded men and horses were dressed, he requested me to go forward to reconnoitre, on which I took two comrades, and a fierce dog belonging to Rangel, desiring the infantry to follow close behind, but that Rangel and the cavalry might keep at a good distance in the rear. In this order we pursued our march for Cimatan, and soon fell in with another post, fortified like the former, and as strongly defended, whence the Indians assailed us with a shower of arrows, which killed the dog, and wounded us all three. On this occasion I received a wound in my leg, and had seven arrows sticking in my cotton armour. I immediately called to some of our Indian auxiliaries, who were a little way behind, to desire all the infantry to come up immediately, but that all the cavalry must remain behind, as otherwise they would certainly lose their horses. We soon drove the Indians from their entrenchments; but they took refuge among the marshes, where we could not pursue them without running the risk of sinking at every step.

Having passed the night at an Indian village, we proceeded forwards next day, when we were opposed by a body of Indians posted in a marsh on the border of an open plain. In spite of every thing we could say, Rangel made a charge upon them with his cavalry, and was the first to tumble head foremost into the marsh, where the Indians closed in upon him, in hope of taking him alive for sacrifice. By great exertions we rescued him from their hands, half drowned and badly wounded. The country being very populous, we very soon found a village which the natives had abandoned, where we went for the purpose of refreshment, and to dress our wounded men: But had hardly been there a quarter of an hour, when the enemy attacked us with such violence, that we had much ado to repel them, after they had killed one of our men and two horses. Poor Rangel complained grievously of his wounds and bruises, and was so infested by mosquitoes and other vermin, which abound greatly in that country, that he could not rest either day or night. He, and some of the soldiers who had belonged to Garay that accompanied him, grew very sick of their expedition, in which nothing had been got except three hard fought battles, in which eleven horses and two soldiers had been slain, and many others wounded, on which account they were very desirous to get home again; yet Rangel was averse from having it appear that a retreat was his choice, and got, therefore, a council of those who were of his own opinion to propose that measure. At this time, I and about twenty more had gone out to try if we could make any prisoners, and had taken five among some gardens and plantations near the village. On my return, Rangel called me aside, and informed me that his council had determined on a retreat, and desired me to persuade the rest of the detachment to come into that opinion. “How, Sir,” said I, “can you think of a retreat? What will Cortes and the world say of you, when they hear of your retreating in two successive expeditions, without having done any thing? You cannot surely return without disgrace, till you have reached the head town of these Indians. I will go forward on foot with the infantry to reconnoitre: Give my horse to another soldier, and you may follow in the rear with the cavalry.” “You give good advice, said Rangel, and we will march on.” This was done accordingly, to the great regret of many of our companions, and we advanced in good order to Cimatan, the principal town of the district, where we were saluted as usual by a shower of arrows. We entered the town, however, which was abandoned by the enemy, yet took several prisoners, whom I dismissed, with an invitation to the chiefs to come in and make peace with us; but they never returned. Rangel was very angry at me on this account, and swore that he would make me procure Indians for him, in place of those whom I had liberated. To pacify him, I went among the neighbouring marshes with thirty soldiers, where we picked up several stragglers, whom we brought to him. But he dismissed these likewise, in hopes to induce the rest to submit, yet all to no purpose. Thus ended the two famous expeditions against the Zapotecans and Cimatanese, and such was all the fame acquired by Rangel in the wars of New Spain. Two years afterwards, we effected the conquest of both these countries, the natives of which were converted to our holy religion, by the grace of God, and through the exertions of Father Olmedo, now grown weak and infirm, to the great regret of all who knew him, as he was an excellent minister of the gospel.

Cortes had now collected 80,000 crowns in gold, and had caused a superb golden culverin to be made as a present for the emperor, on which the following motto was engraved:

_Esta ave nacio sin par: Yo en servir os sin segundo; Y vos sin iqual en el Mundo_[1].

This sumptuous present was sent over to Spain under the care of Diego de Soto. I am uncertain whether Juan de Ribera, who had been secretary to Cortes went over at the same time with Soto; but I know that he carried over a sum of money for the generals father, which he appropriated to his own use; and, unmindful of the many obligations he had received, he reported much evil of Cortes, combining with the bishop of Burgos and others to injure him. I always thought him a bad man, from what I had observed of him when engaged in gaming, and many other circumstances: But, as he was of a fluent speech, and had been secretary to Cortes, he did him much harm, and would have injured him much more, if it had not been for the interest of the Duke of Bejar, who protected Cortes, who was then engaged in a treaty of marriage with the dukes niece, Donna Juana de Zuniga[2]. By this interest, and combined with the magnificent present brought over by Soto, the affairs of Cortes at the court of Spain took a favourable turn. The golden Phoenix with its motto, gave great offence to many, who thought it presumptuous in Cortes to insinuate that he had no equal in his services: But his friends justly defended him, observing that no one had so far extended the fame and power of his majesty, or had brought so many thousand souls under the dominion of the holy catholic church as he had done. Neither did they forget the merits of us his associates, truly declaring that we were entitled to honours and emoluments, which we had as justly earned as the original nobles of Castille, whose estates and honours were now enjoyed by their descendents. The culverin went no farther than Seville, as his majesty was graciously pleased to give it to Don Francisco de los Cobos, commendator-major of Leon, who melted it down. Its value was 20,000 ducats. Martin Cortes, our generals father, brought a suit against Ribera for the money of which he had defrauded him; and while that was pending, Ribera died suddenly while at dinner, and without confession. May God pardon his sins! _Amen_.

Cortes continued to rebuild and embellish the city of Mexico, which was again as well peopled by natives as ever it had been before the conquest. All of these were exempted from paying tribute to his majesty, till their houses were built, and till the causeways, bridges, public edifices, and aqueducts, were all restored. In that quarter of the city appropriated to the Spaniards, churches and hospitals were erected under the superintendence of Father Olmedo, as vicar and superior; who likewise established an hospital for the natives, to whom he paid particular attention. In compliance with our petition, formerly mentioned, the general of the Franciscans sent over twelve of his order, under the vicarage of Father Martin de Valentia. Among these came Father Torribio de Motolinea, which name, signifying _poor brother_, he acquired from the Mexicans, because all that he received in charity he gave away in the same manner, going always barefooted in a tattered habit, preaching to the natives, and often in want of food. When Cortes learnt that these reverend fathers were arrived at Villa Rica, he ordered the road to Mexico to be repaired, and to have houses built at proper intervals for their accommodation; commanding the inhabitants of all the towns in the way to meet them with the utmost reverence, ringing their bells, bearing crucifixes and lighted wax-candles, and that all the Spaniards should kneel down and kiss their hands. On their approach to Mexico, Cortes went out to meet them, and dismounting from his horse, kneeled down to kiss the hands of the vicar. The natives were astonished to see so much honour conferred on these reverend fathers in tattered garments and bare feet, and considering them as gods, they all followed the example of the general, and have ever since behaved to them with the utmost reverence.

About this time, Cortes informed his majesty of his proceedings with regard to the conversion of the natives, and rebuilding the city of Mexico; and also of the conduct of De Oli, whom he had sent to reduce the province of Higueras, but who had deserted and joined the party of Velasquez, on which account he had resolved to send a force to reduce him to obedience. He complained also of the proceedings of Velasquez, to the great injury of his majesties service, and of the partiality which had been shewn by the bishop of Burgos. At this time likewise, he remitted 30,000 crowns in gold to the royal treasury, lamenting the injurious effects of the proceedings of Velasquez and the bishop, which had prevented him from making a much larger contribution. He complained also against the contador, Rodrigo de Albornos, who had aspersed him from private pique, because he had refused to give him in marriage the daughter of the prince of Tezcuco; and that he understood Albornos corresponded in cyphers with the bishop of Burgos. Cortes had not yet learnt that the bishop was removed from the management of the affairs of the Indies. By the same ship, Albornos sent home accusations against Cortes; charging him with the levy of exorbitant contributions in gold for his own use; fortifying castles to defend himself, and marrying his private soldiers to the daughters of the native lords: insinuating that Cortes was endeavouring to set himself up as an independent king, and that it was highly necessary to send out an able officer with a great force to supersede him. The bishop of Burgos laid these letters before the whole junto of the enemies of Cortes, who immediately produced this new accusation to the emperor, complaining of the partial favour which had been shewn him on former occasions. Deceived by these misrepresentations, which were enforced by Narvaez, his majesty issued an order to the admiral of Hispaniola, to go with six hundred soldiers to arrest Cortes, and to make him answer with his head if found guilty; as also to punish all of us who had been concerned in attacking Narvaez. As an encouragement, this officer was promised the admiralty of New Spain, the right to which was then under litigation. Either from want of money, or because he was afraid of committing himself against so able and successful a commander, the admiral delayed his expedition so long, that the friends and agents of Cortes had time to make a full explanation of all the circumstances to the Duke of Bejar, who immediately represented a true statement of the case to the emperor, and offered to pledge his own life in security for the loyalty of Cortes. Being on due consideration quite satisfied of the justice of our cause, his majesty determined to send out a person of high quality and good character to hold a supreme court of justice in New Spain. The person chosen for this purpose was Luis Ponce de Leon, cousin to Don Martin, Count of Cordova; whom his majesty entrusted to inquire into the conduct of Cortes, with full power to inflict capital punishment if guilty. But it was two years and a half before this gentleman arrived in New Spain.

I now go beyond the date of my narrative to inform my readers of a circumstance which happened during the viceroyalty of that illustrious nobleman, Don Antonio de Mendoza, worthy of eternal memory and heavenly glory for his wise and just government. Albornos wrote malignant and slanderous letters against him, as he had before done of Cortes, which letters were all sent back from Spain to Don Antonio. When he had read all the gross abuse which they contained, he sent for Albornos, to whom he shewed his own letters; saying mildly, in his usual slow manner, “When you are pleased to make me the subject of your letters to his majesty, remember always in future to tell the truth.”

[1] Like the solitary Phoenix, I, without a peer, serve you, who have no equal in the world.

[2] In Clavigero, at the close of Vol. I. this lady is named Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arrellano y Zuniga, daughter of Don Carlos Ramiro de Arellano, Count of Auguiller, by Donna Jeroma de Zuniga, a daughter of the Count of Benares, eldest son of Don Alvaro de Zuniga, duke of Bejar. After two male descents from this marriage, the Marquisate of the Valley of Oaxaca, and the great estates of Cortes in New Spain, fell, by various collateral female descents, to the Neapolitan family of Pignatelli, duke of Montelione and Terranova, marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, Grandee of Spain, and prince of the Roman empire.–E.

SECTION XX.

_Narrative of the Expedition of Cortes to Higueras_.

I have formerly mentioned the revolt of De Oli. Cortes was much distressed on receiving this intelligence, and immediately sent off his relation, Francisco de las Casas, with five ships and a hundred well appointed soldiers, among whom were some of the veteran conquerors of Mexico, with orders to reduce De Oli. Las Casas soon arrived at the bay of Triumpho de la Cruz, where De Oli had established his head-quarters; and though Las Casas hoisted a signal of peace, De Oli determined on resistance, and sent a number of soldiers in two armed vessels to oppose Las Casas, who ordered out his boats armed with swivels and musquetry to attack those belonging to De Oli. In this affair Las Casas was successful, as he sunk one of the vessels belonging to De Oli, killed four of his soldiers, and wounded a great number. On this misfortune, and because a considerable number of his soldiers were on a detached service in the inland country, for the purpose of reducing a party of Spaniards under Gil Gonzalez de Avila, who was employed in making conquests on the river Pechin, De Oli thought it advisable to propose terms of peace to Las Casas, in hopes that his detachment might return to his assistance. Las Casas unfortunately agreed to treat, and remained at sea; partly for the purpose of finding some better place of disembarkation, and partly induced by letters from the friends of Cortes who were along with De Oli. That same night a heavy storm arose, by which the vessels of Las Casas were driven on shore and utterly lost, and above thirty of the soldiers perished. All the rest were made prisoners two days afterwards, having been all that time on shore without food, and almost perished with cold, as it was the season of almost incessant rain. De Oli obliged all his prisoners to swear fidelity to him against Cortes, and then released them all except Las Casas.

The party which he sent against De Avila returned about this time, having been successful in their errand. Avila had gone with a party to reduce the country about the _Golfe Dolce_, and had founded a settlement to which he gave the name of _St Gil de buena vista_; and the troops sent against him, after killing his nephew and eight of his soldiers, made himself and all the rest prisoners. De Oli was now much elated by his success, in having made two captains belonging to Cortes prisoners, and sent off a full account of his exploits to his friend Velasquez. He afterwards marched up the country to a place called Naco in a very populous district, which is all now laid waste. While here, he sent off various detachments in different directions, among which one was commanded by Briones, who had first instigated him to revolt; bat Briones now revolted from him in his turn, and marched off with all his men for New Spain. He was a seditious fellow, who had on some former occasion had the lower part of his ears cut off, which he used to say had been done for refusing to surrender in some fortress or other. He was afterwards hanged at Guatimala for mutiny.

De Oli was personally brave but imprudent, and permitted Las Casas and Avila to be at large, disdaining to be under any apprehensions from them; but they concerted a plan with some of the soldiers for putting him to death. Las Casas one day asked him, as if half in jest, for liberty to return to Cortes; but De Oli said he was too happy to have the company of so brave a man, and could not part with him. “Then” said Las Casas, “I advise you to take care of me, for I shall kill you one of these days”. De Oli considered this as a joke, but measures were actually concerted for the purpose; and one night after supper, when the servants and pages had withdrawn to their own apartment, Las Casas, Avila, Juan de Mercado, and some other soldiers attached to Cortes, suddenly drew out their penknives and fell upon De Oli. Las Casas seized him by the beard, and made a cut at his throat, and the rest gave him several wounds; but being strong and active, he escaped from their hands, calling loudly to his people for assistance, but they were all too busy at their suppers to hear him. He then fled and concealed himself among some bushes, calling out for assistance, and many of his people turned out for that purpose; but Las Casas called upon them to rally on the side of the king and his general Cortes, which after some hesitation they consented to. De Oli was made prisoner by the two captains, who shortly afterwards sentenced him to be beheaded, which was carried into execution in the town of Naco. He was a brave man, but of no foresight, and thus paid with his life for following evil counsels. He had received many favours from Cortes, having valuable estates, and the commission of _Maestre de Campo_. His lady, Donna Philippa de Aranja, was a Portuguese, by whom he had one daughter. Las Casas and Avila now joined their troops together, and acted in concert as captains under Cortes. Las Casas colonized Truzilo in New Estremadura. Avila sent orders to his lieutenant in Buena Vista to remain in charge of that establishment, promising to send him a reinforcement as soon as possible, for which purpose he meant to go to Mexico.

Some months after the departure of Las Casas, Cortes became afraid of some disaster, and repented that he had not gone himself on the expedition, and now resolved to go himself, that he might examine the state of the country and the mines it was said to contain. He left a good garrison in Mexico, and appointed Alonzo de Estrada and Albornos, the treasurer and contador, to carry on the government in his absence, with strict injunctions to pay every attention to the interest of his majesty, and recommended to Motolinca and Olmedo to labour incessantly in converting the natives. On purpose to deprive the Mexicans of chiefs during his absence, he took along with him Guatimotzin the late king of Mexico, the prince of Tacuba, an Indian now named Velasquez, who had been a captain under Guatimotzin, and several other caciques of consequence. We had along with us Fra Juan de las Varillas, and several other good theologians to preach to the Indians, as also the captains Sandoval and Marin and many other cavaliers. On this occasion, Cortes, was attended by a splendid personal suit; such as a steward, paymaster, keeper of the plate, a major-domo, two stewards of the household, a butler, confectioner, physician, surgeon a number of pages, among whom was Francisco de Montejo, who was afterwards captain in Yutucan, two armour-bearers, eight grooms, two falconers, five musicians, a stage-dancer, a juggler and puppet-master, a master of the horse, and three Spanish muleteers. A great service of gold and silver plate accompanied the march, and a large drove of swine for the use of the table. Three thousand Mexican warriors attended their own chiefs, and a numerous train of domestic servants.

When about to set out, the factor Salazar and veedor Chirinos, remonstrated with Cortes on the danger of leaving the seat of government; but finding him determined, they asked permission to accompany him to Coatzacualco, which he agreed to. Cortes was received in all the places on his way with much pomp and many rejoicings; and above fifty soldiers and straggling travellers newly arrived from Spain, joined us on the road. During the march to Coatzacualco, Cortes divided his troops into two detachments, for the convenience of quarters and provisions. While on the march, a marriage took place at the town of Ojeda near Orizava, between our linguist Donna Marina and Juan Xaramillo. As soon as the advance of Cortes to Guazpaltepec in the district of Sandoval was known at Coatzacualco, all the Spaniards of that settlement went above thirty leagues to meet him; in so much respect and awe was he held by us all. In proceeding beyond Guazpaltepec fortune began to frown upon us, as in passing a large river three of our canoes overset, by which some plate and other valuables were lost, and nothing could be recovered as the river swarmed with alligators. At Coatzacualco three hundred canoes were prepared for crossing the river, fastened two and two together to prevent oversetting, and we were here received under triumphal arches, with various festivities, such as mock skirmishes between Christian’s and Moors, fireworks, and the like. Cortes remained six days at Coatzacualco, where the factor and veedor prevailed on Cortes to give them a commission to assume the government of Mexico in case they should judge that the present deputies failed in their duty. This measure occasioned much trouble afterwards in Mexico, as I shall explain hereafter; but these two associates took their leaves at this place, with much pretended tenderness and affection for the general, even affecting to sob and cry at parting.

From Coatzacualco, Cortes sent orders to Simon de Cucena, one of his major-domos, to freight two light vessels at Villa Rica with biscuit made of maize flour, as there was then no wheat in Mexico, wine, oil, vinegar, pork, iron, and other necessaries, and to proceed with them along the coast till he had farther directions. Cortes now gave orders for all the settlers of Coatzacualco who were fit for duty, to join the expedition. This was a severe disappointment to us, as our colony was composed of most of the respectable hildagos, the veteran conquerors, who expected to have been allowed to enjoy our hard earned houses and lands in peace, instead of which we were obliged to undertake an arduous expedition of five hundred leagues, which took us up above two years and a half of infinite fatigues. We had nothing for it but compliance, so that we armed ourselves and mounted our horses; being in all above 250 veterans, 130 of whom were cavalry, besides many soldiers newly arrived from Old Spain. I was immediately dispatched at the head of 30 Spaniards and 3000 Mexicans, to reduce the district of Cimatan, which was then in rebellion. My orders were, if I found the natives submissive, I was merely to quarter my troops on the natives, and do them no farther injury. But, if refractory, they were to be summoned three times in presence of a royal notary and proper witnesses, after which, if they still persisted in rebellion, I was to make war on them and compel them to submit. The people received me in a peaceable manner, for which reason I marched on with my detachment to rejoin Cortes at Iquinapa. In consequence of the veterans being withdrawn from Coatzacualco, these people revolted again in a few months after. After I left him, the general proceeded with the rest of his troops to Tonala, crossing the river Aquacualco, and another river seven leagues from an arm of the sea, by a bridge a quarter of a league in length, which was constructed by the natives under the direction of two Spanish settlers of Coatzacualco. The army then proceeded to the large river Mazapa, called by seamen _Rio de dos bocas_, or Two-mouth river, which flows past Chiapa. Crossing this by means of double canoes, they proceeded through several villages to Iquinapa, where my detachment rejoined the army. Crossing another river and an arm of the sea, on wooden bridges, we came to a large town named Copilco, where the province of Chontalpa begins; a populous district, full of plantations of cacoa, which we found perfectly peaceable. From thence we marched by Nicaxuxica and Zagutan, passing another river, in which the general lost some part of his baggage. We found Zagutan in peace, yet the inhabitants fled during the night; on which Cortes ordered parties out into the woods to make prisoners. Seven chiefs and some others were taken, but they all escaped from us again in the night, and left us without guides. At this place fifty canoes arrived at our quarters from Tabasco, loaded with provisions, and some also from Teapan, a place in my encomienda.

From Zagutan, we continued our march to Tepetitan, crossing a large river called Chilapa, where we were detained four days making barks. I here proposed sending five of our Indian guides to a town of the same name, which I understood was on the banks of this river, in order to desire the inhabitants to send their canoes to our assistance; which was accordingly done, and they sent us six large canoes and some provisions: Yet with all the aid we could procure, it took us four days to pass this river. From thence we went to Tepetitan, which was depopulated and burnt in consequence of a civil war. For three days of our march from the river Chilapa, our horses were almost constantly up to their bellies in the marshy grounds, and when we reached a place called Iztapa, it was found abandoned by the inhabitants; but several chiefs and others were brought in, who were treated kindly, and made the general some trifling presents of gold. As this place abounded in corn and grass, we halted three days to refresh the men and horses, and it was considered by Cortes as a good situation for a colony, being surrounded by a number of towns, which might serve as dependencies. Cortes received information from some travelling merchants at this place concerning the country he had to pass through, produced to them a map painted on cloth, representing the road to _Huy-Acala_, which signifies _great_ Acala, there being another place of the same name. According to them, the way was much intersected by rivers, as, to reach a place named Tamaztepec, three days journey from Iztapa, there were three rivers and an arm of the sea to cross. In consequence of this intelligence, the general sent orders to the chiefs to provide canoes and construct bridges at the proper places, but neither of these things were done. Instead of three days, our march occupied us for a whole week; but the natives succeeded in getting quit of us, and we set out with only provisions of roasted maize and roots for three days, so that we were reduced to great straits, having nothing to eat but a wild plant called _quexquexque_, which inflamed our mouths. We were obliged to construct bridges of timber, at which every one had to labour from the general downwards; which detained us for three days. When we had crossed the last inlet, we were obliged to open a way through the woods with infinite labour, and after toiling in this manner for two days we were almost in despair. The trees were so thick that we could not see the sun; and on climbing to the top of one of the trees, we could not discover any thing but a continuation of the same impervious forest. Two of our guides had fled, and the only one who remained was utterly ignorant of the country. The resources of Cortes were quite inexhaustible, as he guided our way by a mariners compass, assisted by his Indian map, according to which the town of _Huy-acala_ of which we were in search, lay to the east; but even he acknowledged that he knew not what might become of us, if we were one day longer of finding it out.

We who were of the advanced guard fortunately at this time fell in with the remains of some trees which had been formerly cut, and a small lane or path, which seemed to lead towards a town or village. The pilot Lopez and I returned to the main body with intelligence of this happy discovery, which revived the spirits of our whole army. We accordingly made all possible haste in that direction, and soon came to a river, on the opposite side of which we found a village named Tamaztepec, where, though abandoned by the inhabitants, we found plenty of provisions for ourselves and horses. Parties were immediately sent out in search of the natives, who soon brought back many chiefs and priests who were well treated, and both supplied us plentifully with provisions, and pointed out our road to Izguantepec, which was three days journey, or sixteen leagues from the town where we now were. During our journey to this place, our stage-dancer and three of the new come Spaniards died of fatigue, and many of the Mexicans had been left behind to perish. We discovered likewise that some of the Mexican chiefs who accompanied us, had seized some of the natives of the places through which we passed, and had eaten them to appease their hunger. Cortes very severely reprimanded all who had been concerned in this barbarous deed, and one of our friars preached a holy sermon on the occasion; after which, as an example to deter our allies from this practice in future, the general caused one against whom this crime had been most clearly proved, to be burnt. All had been equally guilty, but one example was deemed sufficient on the present occasion. Our poor musicians felt severely the want of the feasts they had been used to in Spain, and their harmony was now stopt, except one fellow; but the soldiers used to curse him, saying they wanted maize not music. It may be asked, how we did not lay our hands on the herd of swine belonging to Cortes in our present state of starvation? But these were out of sight, and the steward alleged they had been devoured by the alligators on passing one of the rivers: In reality, they were artfully kept four days march behind the army. During our route, we used to carve crosses on the bark of trees, with inscriptions bearing, that Cortes and his army had passed this way at such and such a time.

The Indians of Tamaztepec sent a message to Izguantepec, our next station, to inform the inhabitants, and that they might not be alarmed at our approach: They also deputed twenty of their number to attend us to that place as guides. After our arrival at Izguantepec, Cortes was curious to know the course of a large river which flowed past that place, and was informed that it discharged itself into the sea near two towns named Guegatasta and Xicolanga; from which he judged that this might be a convenient way in which to send for information concerning his ships under Cuenca whom he had ordered to wait his orders on that part of the coast. He accordingly sent off two Spaniards on that errand, to one of whom, Francisco de Medina, he gave an order to act as joint commander along with Simon Cuenca. Medina was a man of dilligence and abilities, and well acquainted with the country; but the commission he carried proved most unfortunate in its consequences. He found the ships waiting at Xicolanga, and on presenting his authority as joint captain, a dispute arose between him and Cuenca as to which of them should have the chief command. Each was supported by a party, and had recourse to arms, in which all the Spaniards were slain except eight. The neighbouring Indians fell upon the survivors, and put them all to death; after which they plundered the ships and then destroyed them. It was two years and a half after this, before we knew what had become of the ships.

We now learnt that the town of Huy-acala was three days march distant from our present quarters, and that the way lay across some deep rivers and trembling marshes. Two soldiers were sent on by Cortes to examine the route, who reported on their return that the rivers were passable by means of timber bridges, but as for the marshes, which were more material to know, they were beyond the rivers and had not been examined. Cortes sent me in the next place, along with one Gonzalo de Mexia and some Indian guides, with orders to go forward to Huy-acala to procure provisions, with which we were to meet him on the road. But our guides deserted us the first night, on account of the two nations being at war, and we were forced to rely entirely on ourselves for the remainder of the journey. On our arrival at the first town belonging to the district of Huy-acala, which has the supreme command over twenty other towns, the inhabitants seemed very jealous of us at first, but were soon reconciled. This district is much intersected by rivers, lakes, and marshes, and some of the dependent towns are situated in islands, the general communication being by means of canoes. We invited the chiefs to accompany us back to Cortes; but they declined this, because their nation was at war with the people of Izguantepec. It would appear that at our arrival they had no idea of the force of our army under Cortes; but, having received more accurate intelligence concerning it next day, they treated us with much deference, and promised that they would provide every accommodation for our army on its arrival. While still conversing, two other Spaniards came up to me with letters from Cortes, in which he ordered me to meet him within three days with all the provisions I could possibly collect; as the Indians of Izguantepec had all deserted him, and he was now on his march for Huy-acala entirely destitute of necessaries. These Spaniards also informed me, that four soldiers who had been detached farther up the river had not returned, and were supposed to have been murdered, which we learnt afterwards was the case. In pursuing his march, Cortes had been four days occupied in constructing a bridge over the great river, during which time the army suffered excessive famine, as they had come from their last quarters without provisions, owing to the desertion of the natives. Some of the old soldiers cut down certain trees resembling palms, by which means they procured nuts which they roasted and eat; but this proved a miserable recourse for so great a number. On the night that the bridge was completed, I arrived with 130 loads of provisions, consisting of corn, honey, fruit, salt, and fowls. It was then dark, and Cortes had mentioned his expectation of my arrival with provisions, in consequence of which, the soldiers waited for me and seized every thing I had, not leaving any thing for Cortes and the other officers. It was all in vain that the major-domo cried out, “this is for the general;” for the soldiers said the general and his officers had been eating their hogs, while they were starving, and neither threats nor entreaties could prevail on them to leave him a single load of corn. Cortes lost all patience, and swore he would punish those who had seized the provisions and spoken about the hogs; but he soon saw that it was better to be quiet. He then blamed me; but I told him he ought to have placed a guard to receive the provisions, as hunger knows no law. Seeing there was no remedy, Cortes, who was accompanied by Sandoval, addressed me as follows: “My dear friend, I am sure you must have something in reserve for yourself and your friend Sandoval, pray take us along with you that we may partake.” Sandoval also assured me that he had not a single handful of maize. “Well,” said I, “gentlemen, come to me when the soldiers are asleep, and you shall partake of what I had provided for myself and my companions.” They both thanked and embraced me, and so we escaped famine for this bout, as I had with me twelve loads of maize, twenty fowls, three jars of honey, and some fruit and salt. Cortes made inquiry as to how the reverend fathers had fared; but they were well off, as every soldier gave them a share of what they had procured. Such are the hardships of military expeditions in unexplored countries. Feared as he was by the soldiers, our general was pillaged of his provisions, and in danger of starving, and both he and captain Sandoval were indebted to me for their rations.

On continuing our march from the river for about a league, we came to the trembling marshes, where our horses had all been nearly destroyed; but the distance across did not exceed half a bowshot, between the firm ground on either side, and we got them through by main force. When we were all safe over, and had given thanks to God for our safety, Cortes sent on to Huy-acala for a fresh supply of provisions, and took care not to have these plundered like the former; and on the ensuing day, our whole army arrived early at Huy-acala, where the chiefs had made ample preparation for our reception. Having used every proper means to conciliate the chiefs of this nation, Cortes inquired from them as to the country we had still to march through, and whether they had heard of any ships being on the coast, or of any Europeans being settled in the country. He was informed, that at the distance of eight days journey, there were many men having beards like ourselves, who had horses and three ships. They also gave the general a map of the route, and offered every assistance in their power; but when asked to clear the road, they represented that some of their dependent districts had revolted, and requested our assistance to reduce them to obedience. This duty was committed to Diego de Mazariegos, a relation of the treasurer de Estrada, as a compliment to him, and Cortes desired me in private to accompany him as his counsellor, being experienced in the affairs of this country. I do not mention this circumstance, which is known to the whole army, by way of boast, but as my duty of historian requires it of me, and indeed his majesty was informed of it, in the letters which were written to him by Cortes. About eighty of us went on this occasion along with Mazariegos, and had the good fortune to find the district in the best disposition. The chiefs returned with us to Cortes, and brought a most abundant supply of provisions along with them. In about four days, however, all the chiefs deserted us, and we were left with only three guides to pursue our march, as well as we could. After crossing two rivers, we came to another town in the district of Huy-acala, which was abandoned by the inhabitants, but in which we took up our quarters.

In this place, Guatimotzin, the last king of the Mexicans, closed his unhappy career. It appeared that a plot had been concerted by this unfortunate monarch with many of the Mexican nobles who accompanied him, to endeavour to cut off the Spaniards; after which they proposed to make the best of their way back to Mexico, where, collecting all the forces of the natives, they hoped to be able to overpower the Spanish garrison. This conspiracy was revealed to Cortes by two Mexican nobles who had commanded under Guatimotzin during the siege, and who had been baptized by the names of Tapia and Velasquez. On receiving this intelligence, Cortes immediately took the judicial informations of these two and of several others who were concerned in the plot; from which it was learnt, that the Mexicans, observing that we marched in a careless manner, that discontent prevailed among our troops, many of whom were sick, that ten of our Spanish soldiers had died of hunger, and several had returned towards Mexico, and considering also the uncertainty of the fate of the expedition and the miseries they endured from scarcity of provisions, they had come to the resolution of falling upon us at the passage of some river or marsh, being encouraged by their numbers, which exceeded 3000 well armed men, and thinking it preferable to die at once than to encounter the perpetual miseries they now endured by accompanying us in this wilderness. Guatimotzin acknowledged that he had heard of this proposal, which he never approved of, declaring that he did not believe it would ever have been attempted, and anxiously denied that the whole of the Mexican force had concurred in the plot. His cousin, the prince of Tacuba, declared that all which had ever passed on the subject, between him and Guatimotzin, was, that they had often expressed their opinion, that it would be better to lose their lives at once like brave men, than to suffer in the manner they did by hunger and fatigue, and to witness the intolerable distresses of their friends and subjects who accompanied them. On those scanty proofs, Cortes sentenced Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba to be immediately hanged; and when the preparations were made for the execution, they were led forth to the place attended by the reverend fathers, who did their utmost to console them in their last moments. Before his execution, Guatimotzin addressed Cortes to the following effect: “_Malintzin_! I now see that your false words and flattering promises have ended in my death. It had been better to have fallen by my own hands, than to have trusted myself to your power. You take away my life unjustly, and may God demand of you my innocent blood.” The prince of Tacuba only said, that he was happy to die along with his beloved sovereign. Thus did these two great men end their lives, and, for Indians, most piously and like good Christians. I lamented them both sincerely, having seen them in their greatness. They always treated me kindly on this march, giving me Indians to procure grass for my horse, and doing me many services. To me and all of us, their sentence appeared cruel and unjust, and their deaths most undeserved.

After this, we continued our march with much circumspection, being apprehensive of a mutiny among the Mexican troops in revenge for the execution of their chiefs; but these poor creatures were so exhausted by famine, sickness, and fatigue, that they did not seem even to have bestowed a thought on the matter. At night we came to a deserted village; but on searching we found eight priests, whom we brought to Cortes. He desired them to recal the inhabitants, which they readily promised, requesting him not to injure their idols in a temple close to some buildings in which Cortes was quartered, which he agreed to, yet expostulated with them on the absurdity of worshipping compositions of clay and wood. They seemed as if it would have been easy to induce them to embrace the doctrines of our holy faith; and soon brought us twenty loads of fowls and maize. On being examined by Cortes about the bearded men with horses, they said that these people dwelt at a place called _Nito_, at the distance of seven suns, or days journey from their village, and offered to guide us to that place. At this time Cortes was exceedingly sad and ill-humoured, being fretted by the difficulties and misfortunes of his march, and his conscience upbraided him for the cruelty he had committed upon the unfortunate king of Mexico. He was so distracted by these reflections, that he could not sleep, and used to walk about at night, as a relief for his anxious thoughts. Going in the dark to walk in a large apartment which contained some of the Indian idols, he missed his way and fell from a height of twelve feet, by which he received a severe contused wound in his head. He endeavoured to conceal this circumstance from general knowledge, and got his wounds cured as well as he could, keeping his sufferings to himself.

After leaving this place, we came in two days to a district inhabited by a nation called the _Mazotecas_, where we found a newly built town, fortified by two circular enclosures of pallisades, one of which was like a barbican, having loop-holes to shoot through, and was strengthened by ditches. Another part of the town was inaccessible, being on the summit of a perpendicular rock, on the top of which the natives had collected great quantities of stones for their defence. And a third quarter of the town was defended by an impassable morass. Yet after all these defensive preparations, we were astonished to find the town entirely abandoned, though every house was full of the different kinds of provisions which the country afforded, besides which it had a magazine stocked with arms of all sorts. While we were expressing our astonishment at these circumstances, fifteen Indians came out of the morass in the most submissive manner, and told us that they had been forced to the construction of this fortress as their last resort, in an unsuccessful war with a neighbouring nation, called the _Lazandones_ as far as I can now remember. They brought back the inhabitants, whom we treated with kindness, and from whom we received farther information, respecting, the Spanish settlement, to which two of the natives of this place undertook to shew us the way. From this place we entered upon vast open plains, in which not a tree was to be seen, and in which innumerable herds of deer were feeding, which were so tame as almost to come up to us. Our horsemen, therefore, easily took as many as they pleased, and we found that the Indians never disturbed them, considering them as a kind of divinities, and had even been commanded by their idols, or priests rather in their name, neither to kill or frighten these animals. The heat of the weather was now so excessive that Palacios Rubios, a relation of Cortes, lost his horse by pursuing the deer. We continued our march along this open campaign country, passing several villages where the destructive ravages of war were distinctly perceivable. On one occasion we met some Indians on their return from hunting, who had along with them a huge _lion_[1] just killed, and several _iguanas_[2], a species of small serpent very good to eat. These people shewed us the way to their town, to which we had to wade up to our middles through a lake of fresh water by which it was surrounded. This lake was quite full of fish, resembling shads, but enormously large, with prickles on their backs; and having procured some nets, we took above a thousand of them, which gave us a plentiful supply. On inquiry, five of the natives of this place engaged to guide us to the settlement of our countrymen; and they were glad to get so easily rid of us, as they were apprehensive we had come to put them all to death.

Leaving this place, we proceeded to a town named _Tayasal_, situated on an island in a river, the white temples, towers, and houses, of which place, glistened from a distance. As the road now became very narrow, we thought proper to halt here for the night, having in the first place detached some soldiers to the river to look out for a passage. They were so fortunate as to take two canoes, containing ten men and two women, who were conveying a cargo of maize and salt. Being brought to Cortes, they informed him that they belonged to a town about four leagues farther on. Our general detained one of the canoes and some of the people, and sent two Spaniards along with the rest in the other canoe, to desire the cacique of that town to send him canoes to enable us to cross the river. Next morning, we all marched down to the river, where we found the cacique waiting for us, who invited the general to his place of residence. Cortes accordingly embarked with an escort of thirty crossbows, and was presented on his arrival at the town with a few toys of gold very much alloyed, and a small number of mantles. They informed him that they knew of Spaniards being at three different places, which were Nito, Buena Vista, and Naco, the last being ten days journey inland from Nito, and where the greater number of the Spaniards resided, Nito being on the coast. On hearing this, Cortes observed to us that De Oli had probably divided his forces, as we knew nothing as yet respecting Gil Gonzalo de Avila, or Las Casas.

Our whole army now crossed the river, and halted about two leagues from it, waiting the return of Cortes. At this place, three Spanish soldiers, two Indians, and a Negro deserted; preferring to take their chance among the unknown natives of the country, to a continuance of the fatigues and dangers they had experienced. This day likewise, I had a stroke of the sun, which occasioned a burning fever or calenture. At this period the weather changed, and for three days and nights it rained incessantly; yet we had to continue our march, lest our provisions might fail. After two days march we came to a ridge of rocky hills, which we named the _Sierra de los Pedernales_, the stones of which were as sharp as knives. Several soldiers were sent a league on each side of this bad pass in search of a better road, but to no purpose, so that we were forced to proceed. Our horses fell at every step, and the farther we advanced it grew the worse, insomuch that we lost eight horses, and all the rest were so lamed that they could not keep up with us. After getting over this shocking pass, we advanced towards a town called _Taica_, where we expected to procure provisions in abundance; but to our great mortification were unexpectedly stopped by a prodigious torrent, so swelled by the late heavy rains that it was quite impassable, and made such a noise in tumbling over its rocky bed that it might have been heard at the distance of two leagues. We had to stop here for three complete days to construct a bridge between the precipitous banks of this river; in consequence of which delay the people of Taica had abandoned their town, removing all their provisions out of our reach. We were all miserably disappointed at this event, finding that hunger was to be our portion after all our fatigues. After sending out his servants in every direction, Cortes was only able to procure about a bushel of maize. He then called together the colonists of Coatzacualco, and earnestly solicited us to use our utmost endeavours to procure supplies. Pedro de Ircio requested to have the command on this occasion, to which Cortes assented: But as I knew Ircio to be a better prater than marcher, I whispered to Cortes and Sandoval to prevent him from going, as he was a duck-legged fellow, who could not get through the miry ground, and would only interrupt us in our search. Cortes accordingly ordered him to remain, and five of us set out with two Indian guides across rivers and marshes, and came at length to some Indian houses where we found provisions in abundance. We here made some prisoners, and with their fruit, fowls, and corn, we celebrated the feast of the Resurrection to our great contentment. That same night we were joined by a thousand Mexicans, who had been sent after us, whom we loaded with all the corn we could procure, and twenty fowls for Cortes and Sandoval, after which there still remained some corn in the town, which we remained to guard. We advanced next day to some other villages, where we found corn in abundance, and wrote a billet to Cortes desiring him to send all the Indians he could spare to carry it to the army. Thirty soldiers and about five hundred Indians arrived in a short time, and we amply provided for the wants of the army during the five days it remained at Taica. I may observe here, that the bridges which we constructed on this march continued good for many years; and the Spaniards, when they travelled this way, used to say, “These are the bridges of Cortes.”

After resting five days at Taica, we continued our march for two days to a place called Tania, through a country everywhere intersected by marshes, rivers, and rivulets, all the towns being abandoned and the provisions carried away; and, to add to our misfortunes, our guides made their escape during the night, being entrusted, as I suppose, to some of the newly arrived Spaniards, who used to sleep on their posts. We were thus left in a difficult country, and did not know which way to go; besides which heavy rains fell without ceasing. Cortes was very much out of humour, and observed among his officers, that he wished some others besides the Coatzacualco settlers would bestir themselves in search of guides. Pedro de Ircio, a man of quality named Marmolejo, and Burgales, who was afterwards regidor of Mexico, offered their services, and taking each of them six soldiers, were out three days in search of Indians, but all returned without success, having met with nothing but rivers, marshes, and obstructions. Cortes was quite in despair, and desired Sandoval to ask me as a favour to undertake the business. Though ill, I could not refuse when applied to in this manner; wherefore, taking two friends along with me who could endure fatigue, we set out following the course of a stream, and soon found a way to some houses, by observing marks of boughs having been cut. Following these marks, we came in sight of a village surrounded by fields of corn; but we remained concealed till we thought the people were asleep, and taking the inhabitants by surprise, we secured three men, two very handsome Indian girls, and an old woman, with a few fowls and a small quantity of maize. On bringing our prize to head-quarters, Sandoval was quite overjoyed. “Now,” said he to Pedro de Ircio in the presence of Cortes, “was not Castillo in the right, when he refused to take hobbling people along with him, who tell old stories of the adventures of the Conde de Urena and his son Don Pedro Giron?” All who were present laughed heartily at this sally, as Ircio used to pester us with these stories continually, and Sandoval knew that Ircio and I were not on friendly terms. Cortes paid me many compliments on this occasion, and thanked me for my good service. But what is praise more than emptiness, and what does it profit me that Cortes said he relied on me, next to God, for procuring guides? We learnt from the prisoners that it was necessary to descend the river for two days march, when we would come to a town of two hundred houses, called _Oculiztli_; which he did accordingly, passing some large buildings where the travelling Indian merchants used to stop on their journeys. At the close of the second day we came to Oculiztli, where we got plenty of provisions, and in one of the temples we found an old red cap and a sandal, which had been placed there as offerings to the idols. Some of our soldiers brought two old men and four women to Cortes, who told him that the Spanish settlement was on the seaside two days journey from this place, with no intervening towns. Cortes therefore gave orders to Sandoval to set out immediately with six soldiers for the coast, to ascertain what number of men De Oli had with him, as he meant to fall upon him by surprise, being quite ignorant of the revolution which had happened in this quarter.

Sandoval set out accordingly with three guides, and on reaching the sea shore, he soon perceived a canoe; and concealing himself where he expected it might anchor for the night, was fortunate enough to get possession of the canoe; which belonged to some Indian merchants who were carrying salt to _Golfo dolce_. Sandoval embarked in this canoe with a part of his men, sending the rest along the shore, and made for the great river. During the voyage, he fell in with four Spaniards belonging to the settlement, who were searching for fruit near the mouth of the river, being in great distress from sickness and the hostilities of the Indians. Two of these men were up in a tree, when they saw Sandoval to their great astonishment, and soon joined him. They informed him of the great distress of the settlement, and of all the events which had occurred, and how they had hanged the officer whom Avila had left in the command, and a turbulent priest, for opposing their determination to return to Cuba, and had elected one Antonio Niote in his stead. Sandoval resolved to carry these people to Cortes, whom he wished to inform as soon as possible of the news, and sent a soldier named Alonzo Ortiz, who soon reached us with the agreeable intelligence, for which Cortes gave him an excellent horse, and all of us gave him something in proportion to our abilities. Sandoval arrived soon afterwards, and Cortes issued immediate orders to march to the coast, which was about six leagues distant. Cortes pushed forwards with his attendants, and crossed the river by means of the two canoes, swimming the horses. The Spanish settlement was about two leagues from the place where Cortes landed, and the colonists were astonished on seeing the Europeans coming towards them, and still more so when they found it was the renowned conqueror of Mexico. Cortes received their congratulations very graciously, and desired them to bring all the canoes they could collect, and the boats belonging to their ships to assist his army in crossing. He likewise ordered them to provide bread for the army; but of this only fifty pounds weight could be got, as they lived almost entirely on _sapotes_ and other vegetables, and fish.

We had an arm of the sea to cross, and had therefore to wait for low water, but Cortes had found the passage so dangerous that he sent us word not to follow till farther orders. The care of passing this dangerous place was entrusted to Sandoval, who took as effectual measures as possible, but it took us four days to get over, partly wading and partly swimming. One soldier and his horse went to the bottom, and was never seen more, and two other horses were lost. A person named Saavedra, presuming on his relationship to Cortes, refused obedience to the orders of Sandoval, and endeavoured to force his passage, even laying his hand on his poinard, and using disrespectful expressions to Sandoval; who seized him instantly and threw him into the water, where he was nearly drowned. Our sufferings at this time were excessive, as during all these four days we had literally nothing to eat, except by gathering a few nuts and some wild fruits, and on getting across our condition was not improved. We found this colony to contain forty men and six women, all yellow and sickly, and utterly destitute of provisions; so that we were under the necessity of setting out immediately in search of food both for ourselves and them. For this purpose, about eighty of us marched, under the command of Luis Marin, to a town about eight leagues distant, where we found abundance of maize and vegetables, and great quantities of cacao; and as this place was in the direct road for Naco, to which Cortes intended to go, he immediately sent Sandoval and the greatest part of the troops to join us, on receiving the agreeable intelligence of our good fortune. We sent a plentiful supply of maize to the miserable colonist who had been so long in a starving condition, of which they eat to such excess that seven of them died. About this time likewise a vessel arrived with seven horses, forty hogs, eight pipes of salted meat, a considerable quantity of biscuit, and fifteen adventurers from Cuba. Cortes immediately purchased all the provisions, which he distributed among the colonists, who eat the salted meat so voraciously that it occasioned diarrhoeas, by which, in a very few days, fourteen of them were carried off.

As Cortes wished to examine this great river, he caused one of the brigantines belonging to Avila which had been stranded to be fitted out; and embarking with thirty soldiers and eight mariners belonging to the vessel lately arrived, having likewise a boat and four double canoes, he proceeded up the river to a spacious lake with good anchorage. This lake was navigable for six leagues, all the adjacent country being subject to be inundated; but on endeavouring to proceed higher, the current became stronger, and he came to certain shallows, which prevented the vessels from proceeding any farther. Cortes now landed with his soldiers, and advanced into the country by a narrow road which led to several villages of the natives. In the first of these he procured some guides, and in the second he found abundance of corn, and many domesticated birds, among which were pheasants, pigeons, and partridges, which last are often domesticated by the Indians of America. In prosecuting his route, he approached a large town called _Cinacan Tencintle_, in the midst of fine plantations of cacao, where he heard the sound of music and merry-making, the inhabitants being engaged in a drunken feast. Cortes waited a favourable opportunity, concealed in a wood close by the town, when suddenly rushing out, he made prisoners of ten men and fifteen women. The rest of the inhabitants attacked him with their darts and arrows, but our people closed with them and killed eight of their chiefs, on which the rest submitted, sending four old men, two of whom were priests, with a trifling present of gold, and to petition for the liberation of the prisoners, which he accordingly engaged to give up on receiving a good supply of provisions, which they promised to deliver at the ships. A misunderstanding took place afterwards between Cortes and these Indians, as he wished to retain three of their women to make bread, and hostilities were renewed, in which Cortes was himself wounded in the face, twelve of his soldiers wounded, and one of his boats destroyed. He then returned after an absence of twenty-six days, during which he had suffered excessive torment from the mosquitoes. He wrote to Sandoval, giving him an account of all that had occurred in his expedition to Cinacan, which is seventy leagues from Guatimala, and ordered him to proceed to Naco; as he proposed to remain himself on purpose to establish a colony at _Puerto de Cavallos_[3], for which he desired Sandoval to send back ten of the Coatzacualco veterans, without whose assistance nothing could be done properly. Taking with him all the Spaniards who remained at St Gil de Buena Vista, Cortes embarked in two ships, and arrived in eight days sail at Puerto de Cavallos, which had a good harbour, and seemed every way well calculated for a colony, which he established there under the command of Diego de Godoy, naming the town Natividad. Expecting by this time that Sandoval might have arrived at Naco, which is not far distant from Puerto Cavallos, Cortes sent a letter for him to that place, requiring a reinforcement of ten of the veteran soldiers of Coatzacualco, as he intended to proceed for the bay of Honduras; but this letter reached us in our last-mentioned quarters as we had not yet reached Naco. Leaving Cortes for the present, I shall only say that he was so tormented by the mosquitoes, which prevented him from procuring rest either by night or day, that he had almost lost his life or his senses.

On receiving this last letter from the general, Sandoval pressed on for Naco, but was obliged to halt at a place called _Cuyocan_, in order to collect the stragglers who had gone in quest of provisions. We were also impeded by a river, and the natives on every side were hostile. Our line of march was now extremely long, by the great number of invalids, especially of the Mexicans, who were unable to keep up with the main body; on which account Sandoval left me at this place, with the command of eight men at the ferry, to protect and bring up the stragglers. One night the natives attacked my post, setting fire to the house in which we were lodged, and endeavoured to carry away our canoe; but, with the assistance of some of our Mexicans who had come up, we beat them off; and, having collected all the invalids who had loitered behind, we crossed the river next day, and set but to rejoin Sandoval. A Genoese, who had been sometime ill, sunk at length through weakness, occasioned by poverty of diet, and died on the road, and I was obliged to leave his body behind. When I made my report to Sandoval, he was ill pleased at me for not having brought on the dead body; but I told him we had already two invalids on every horse, and one of my companions said rather haughtily, that we had enough of difficulty to bring on ourselves, without carrying dead men. Sandoval immediately ordered me and that soldier, whose name was Villanueva, to go back and bury the Genoese, which we did accordingly, and placed a cross over his grave. We found a purse in his pocket, containing some dice, and a memorandum of his family and effects in Teneriffe. God rest his soul! _Amen_. In about two days we arrived at Naco, passing a town named _Quinistlan_, and a place where mines have been since discovered. We found Naco to be a very good town, but it was abandoned by its inhabitants, yet we procured plenty of provisions and salt, of which we were in very great