for, if only the inhabitants were to send their invested property, it is certain that all the machinery of the money of the Mexicans would have to be employed on the goods sent from here–I mean from Manila–if they do not allow the Mexicans to purchase in that city [i.e., Manila]. And if less merchandise is sent from here [i.e., China, and consequently Manila] and there are more buyers there [i.e., in Mexico], the goods would be worth double. This is self-evident, and if, as your Graces have already begun to remedy this matter, the measure be rigorously carried still farther, that city [i.e., Manila] must prosper greatly. For, by not sending to Nueva España any other produce except that from that city [i.e., Manila] mainly purchased in this country [i.e., China], Manila would prosper as greatly as one could desire. If we consider the benefit and favor which his Majesty confers upon us in this matter, we would esteem it much more than we do now. But I believe that we shall regret it, when, perchance, we are deprived of it. Perhaps some one would say, in opposition to what I have said about coming to purchase here, that his Majesty would be defrauded of the customs and duties which the Sangleys now pay, and of their tribute. But there is a remedy for all this, for with the freight duties alone his Majesty would save much more; as also by buying ammunitions here and other articles which he needs for the conservation of that country [i.e., the islands] twice as cheaply and abundantly, and without depending on the Chinese to bring them at their leisure, who at times–and indeed every year–leave us without them, since we are forced to go to get them. As far as the tribute is concerned, I believe that his Majesty would be better served if there were no Sangleys there at all, than by receiving the tribute. And it might happen, through this way, if our Lord ordered it, that a door might be opened for the preaching of the gospel and for the conversion of the people, a thing desired so earnestly by his Majesty, and especially aimed at by him. After all, things require a beginning, and the road would be opened, although at present it seems shut; for, if we hope that the Portuguese attempt this, I do not know when they will do it, considering that they have not tried to do so, for so long as they have been settled here. Even the Sangleys say that the Portuguese began like ourselves. At first they went to and fro; then two sick men remained; the next year they built four houses; and thus they continued to increase. I know that there is no other difficulty for us to do likewise than that which the Portuguese offer. To return to the Portuguese opposition, it is something amazing, for not only are they vexed at our coming here, but also at our going to Camboja or to Sian. They assert that those districts are theirs, but I cannot see why they so designate them–for it is just the contrary–unless it be because we have allowed them, through our negligence, to seize our possessions near the strait of Malaca, and enter the line of demarcation falling to the crown of Castilla, as I would make them fully understand if an opportunity were presented. One can read in Historia de las Indias [111] [i.e., History of the Indias] in the one hundred and second chapter, and before and after it, that, at the request of the Portuguese, his Holiness drew the said line from three hundred and seventy leguas west of the islands of Caboverde, which were called the Espericas. The one hundred and eighty degrees of longitude falling to the Portuguese terminate and end as abovesaid, near the above-mentioned strait. All the rest belongs to us. Furthermore, since we are subjects of one king, how do we suffer them to forbid us all our trade? Why do they bar us from Maluco, Sian, Camboja, Cochinchina, China, and all the rest of this archipelago? What are we to do then, if they wish to seize everything? Surely this is a very unreasonable proceeding. I have dwelt on this matter in order to express my feelings. Not until our departure shall I write to your Grace about the fertility and nature of the country, and of its greatness. Then I shall endeavor to give a full account of the land, and to mark out this coast, for nothing is put down correctly.
This is the best coast [112] of all that have been discovered, and the most suitable for galleys, if God should ordain that they come hither. I have already discovered where the king keeps his treasure. The country is very rich, and the city of Canton well supplied, although there is nothing to be said in regard to its buildings, of which the whole city possesses few of any importance, according to the information received from a Theatin [113] Sangley with whom I found much pleasure in talking–though I was able to do so for only one afternoon. He was a man of intelligence and reason, and it is said that he is a scholar. He told me that in Paquien [i.e., Pekin], where the king resides, and in Lanquien [i.e., Nankin] the fathers of the Society enjoy the quiet possession of three houses. There are seven fathers, among whom is one called Father Riçio, [114] an associate of Father Rugero who went to Roma. He is an excellent mathematician and has corrected the Chinese calendar which contained many errors and false opinions, and their fantastic idea of the world, which they believed to be flat. He made them a globe and a sphere, and with this and the sound arguments and reasons which they give them, the fathers are considered as people descended from heaven. He says that in those regions the people would be very favorable to conversion, if there were ministers; and that there [i.e., in Pekin] the foreigners are not looked upon with wonder as they are here [i.e., in Canton]. He says that the people are much more sensible and reasonable, so much so that they call the people of this country barbarians. He adds that Lanquien lies in the latitude of Toledo, namely thirty and two-thirds degrees, and that from there to Paquien is a twenty-five days’ journey, so that the latter city must lie in more than fifty degrees of latitude. [115] The above-mentioned brother comes down annually to collect the stipend given them by the people here for their three houses. Now they are expecting a great friend of theirs who is said to be the second person nearest to the king. One can travel through all this land by water, and therefore it abounds in everything, for articles are conveyed over the rivers and there is no need of beasts of burden, which is its special greatness.
He who wishes to depict China without having seen the land, must draw a country full of rivers and towns, and without a palmo of ground left lying idle. I wish I had more time in which to describe some of the things of China which I have observed and inquired about with special care, and of which, if God please, I shall be the messenger. The affairs of Camboja are in a good condition, and we shall arrive there at a seasonable time, if it be our Lord’s will that we leave this place with good auspices. The king sent a ship to Manila at the end of August to ask for assistance. I do not know whether it has arrived or whether it returned to put in port, for it left very late. Bias Ruis sent fifty picos [116] from Camanguian. According to report, the king has apportioned and given him nine thousand vassals, and as many more to Belloso.
At present we ourselves are enduring the necessity of which Don Juan Çamudio will inform you. I entreat your Grace to help us, since it is of so great importance. I kiss many times the hand of my lady Doña Joana. May our Lord preserve your Grace for many years in the prosperity and tranquillity which we your servants desire. From the port of El Pinal, frozen with cold, the twenty-third of December, ninety-eight.
If my brother should come before I return, I beseech your Grace, since it is so natural in your Grace to do good to all–especially to those of that land–to show him the goodness which your Grace has always shown me.
FERNANDO DE LOS RIOS CORONEL
After Don Juan de Çamudio’s departure from El Pinal, where Don Luis Dasmariñas remained with his junk awaiting the assistance that he expected from Manila and which he had requested through Don Joan and Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, Don Luis thought that, since some time had passed, the answer was being delayed, while his people were suffering great want and cold there. Therefore he tried to put out to sea in the junk, and to make for Manila. But the weather did not permit this, nor was the vessel large enough to hold all of Don Luis’s men for the voyage. He stopped near the fort where the Portuguese of Macan again sent him many messages and requests to leave the coast at once, warning him that they would seize him and his companions, and would send them to India, where they would be severely punished. Don Luis always answered them that he had not come to harm or offend them, but that he was going to the kingdom of Camboja for the service of God and of his Majesty; that he had been shipwrecked and had suffered many hardships, the severest of which had been due to the Portuguese of Macan themselves, subjects of his Majesty; that he was expecting help from Manila in order that he might return thither; and that he begged and requested them to aid and protect him, and to free the two Castilians whom they had seized. Finally he declared that if, in spite of all this, they should attempt to do him any harm or injury, he would defend himself to the best of his ability; and he protested that any losses resulting therefrom would lie at their door. Thenceforward Don Luis Dasmariñas kept strict watch on his ship. He kept his weapons ready and the artillery loaded, and was on his guard day and night. And he was not mistaken, for the people of Macan resolved to attack him in order to seize him. To this end the chief captain himself came one day, with some fustas and other vessels, and with men armed with javelins, guns, and artillery, when they thought the Castilians would be off their guard, to attack Don Luis Dasmariñas. The latter, suspecting what was about to happen, awaited them arms in hand; and as he saw the Portuguese fleet attacking him, he began to play upon them with his muskets, arquebuses, and a few pieces of artillery, with such rapidity that he inflicted a very severe loss upon his enemy and upon the ship which carried the chief captain, killing one of his pages who stood behind him, and other persons. The chief captain retired with all the other vessels, and they made for the high sea, having been defeated by Don Luis, who did not attempt to follow them but remained on the watch. As the Portuguese did not dare attack him again they made for Macan, and Don Luis Dasmariñas put into the port of El Pinal, where he thought he would be in greater security. There Don Luis remained until Captain Francisco Rodrigues arrived with the ship from Manila, and joined him. They distributed their men between the two ships and made some purchases with what this last ship had brought from Manila, in the very city of Macan, for the Portuguese, for the sake of their own interests, gave and sold them goods, in spite of a certain apprehension of the law. They returned to Manila leaving a few men in El Pinal who had died of sickness, among whom was Fray Alonso Ximenez, the principal promoter of this enterprise. His associate, Fray Diego Aduarte, did not choose to return to Manila, but went to Macan and thence to Goa, in order to go to España. Don Luis reached Manila with both ships, and his expedition to Camboja and his conduct of the said enterprise remained in this state.
It has been already related that the galliot, one of the ships of Don Luis Dasmariñas’s fleet, in which Luis Ortiz and twenty-five Spaniards had sailed, after having put into Cagayan and refitted there, sailed again during fairly good weather to find the fleet. This ship although so inadequate to resist storms at sea, was permitted, through God’s mercy, to encounter those which it met without being wrecked. It made its way along the coast of Cochinchina and Champan, inside the shoals of Aynao, and reached the bar of Camboja. Expecting to find all or some of the ships of its convoy within the bar, it ascended the river as far as the city of Chordemuco. There they found Diego Belloso and Blas Ruys de Hernan Gonçalez, with some Castilians who had joined them, and other Portuguese who had come by way of Malaca, and with whose assistance many battles had been won in favor of King Prauncar, who had been restored to his kingdom, although some of his provinces had not been entirely pacified. It was learned there that neither Don Luis Dasmariñas nor any other of his fleet had reached Camboja. Those in the galliot said that Don Luis was coming in person with a large force of ships, men, arms, and some religious, to accomplish what he had always desired to do in that kingdom; that he would not be long in coming; and that their galliot and crew belonged to his fleet. Blas Ruis and his Castilian companions greatly rejoiced over so opportune news. The former thought that everything was turning out well, and that now, according to the present state of affairs, matters would be accomplished and settled as they wished. Diego Belloso and his party, although they did not show their regret, were not so pleased, for they much preferred the happy termination and reward of this expedition to be for the Portuguese and the government of India. They had had certain quarrels and disputes with Blas Ruis over this. But seeing that the affair had reached this state, they conformed to the times. Thereupon all joined together, Portuguese and Castilians, and informed Prauncar and his mandarins of the arrival of Alférez Luis Ortiz with his galliot and companions, saying that they were part of a large fleet which would shortly arrive, and that Don Luis Dasmariñas was coming in it in person, with religious and men to aid and serve the king, in conformity to what he himself had requested in his letter to Manila, several months before. The king seemed pleased at this, and so did some of his mandarins who liked the Spaniards, and recognized what benefits they had derived from them hitherto. These believed that the matter would turn out as it was represented to them. But the king’s stepmother, and other mandarins of her party, especially the Moro Malay Ocuña Lacasamana, were vexed at the arrival of the Spaniards, for they thought that the latter, being valiant men, numerous, and so courageous, as they already knew, would dominate everything, or at least would take the best; moreover they alone wished to deal with King Prauncar. Thus their aversion for Spanish affairs became known to be as great as the favor with which Prauncar, on the contrary, regarded them. The latter immediately assigned the Spaniards a position with their ship near the city, at the place which Blas Ruiz and Diego Belloso occupied.
Before Don Luis Dasmariñas left Manila with his fleet, Captain Joan de Mendoça Gamboa requested Governor Don Francisco Tello to allow him to go to the kingdom of Sian with a moderate-sized ship, in order to trade. For the greater security of his voyage and business, he asked the governor to give him letters to the king of Sian, in which the latter should be informed that he was sent as the governor’s ambassador and messenger to continue the peace, friendship, and commerce which Joan Tello de Aguirre had contracted with Sian the year before. Seeing that Don Luis Dasmariñas, who was on the way to Camboja, had left in Manila for another occasion some ammunition and other things of use to his fleet, Don Joan, in order better to facilitate the granting of his request, offered to take these stores on board his ship and sail round by way of Camboja, where he supposed that he would find Don Luis Dasmariñas, and deliver them to him. The governor thought the two proposals timely, and having furnished him with the necessary despatches, Don Joan de Mendoça left Manila with his ship, taking as pilot Joan Martinez de Chave, who had been Joan Tello’s pilot when the latter went to Sian. He took as companions some sailors and Indian natives. He had a quantity of siguei [117] and other goods to barter, and the ammunition and provisions which he was to convey to Don Luis. With him embarked Fray Joan Maldonado [118] and an associate, both religious of the Order of St. Dominic. The former was a grave and learned man and a very intimate friend of Don Luis Dasmariñas, to whom his order took great pleasure in sending him as a companion. They left Manila, without knowing of Don Luis’s shipwreck two months after the latter had set sail. Crossing over the shoals they shortly reached the bar of Camboja and ascended to the capital, where they found the galliot of the fleet and learned that its other ships had not arrived. The king received them cordially and lodged them with Diego Belloso, Blas Ruiz, Luis Ortiz, and their companions. They passed the time together, and would not let Joan de Mendoça leave Camboja with his ship until something was heard of Don Luis Dasmariñas. A few days later, they learned through Chinese ships, and by other means, that the latter had put into China with difficulty and in distress, and that he was there preparing to continue his voyage. Although this event caused them sorrow, they still hoped that in a short time Don Luis would be in Camboja with the two ships of his fleet.
At this same time, a mestizo, named Govea, son of a Portuguese and a Japanese woman, who lived in Japon, collected some mestizo companions, as well as Japanese and Portuguese, on a junk which he owned in the port of Nangasaqui, with the intention of coasting along China, Champan, and Camboja, to seek adventures and to barter, but mainly to make prizes of what they might meet at sea. With them embarked a Castilian who had lived in Nangasaqui after the wreck of the galleon “San Felipe,” while on its way to Nueva España in the year ninety-six. His name was Don Antonio Malaver, and he had been a soldier in Italia. He came to the Filipinas from Nueva España as captain and sargento-mayor of the troops brought that year by Doctor Antonio de Morga in the fleet from Nueva España to Manila. Don Antonio Malaver, who had no wish to return to the Filipinas, thinking that by that way he could go to India and thence to España, and that on the road there might fall to him some share of the illgotten gains of that voyage, embarked with Govea and his company. After they had run down the coast and heard some news of the entry of Spaniards into Camboja, Don Antonio persuaded Govea to enter the river of Camboja, where they would find Spaniards, and affairs in such a state that they might take some effective action in that kingdom, and thrive better than at sea. They went up as far as Chordemuco, joined the Castilians and Portuguese and were received into their company and list. As they all–and they were a considerable number of men–saw the delay of Don Luis Dasmariñas, they proclaimed as leaders Fray Joan Maldonado, Diego Belloso, and Blas Ruis. Then they began to treat with King Prauncar on their own account concerning their establishment and comfort, and to request lands and rice for their maintenance and other things which had been promised them, alleging that they did not derive the necessary usufruct and profit out of his concessions to Belloso and Blas Ruis. Although the king gave them good hopes for everything he brought nothing to a conclusion, being hindered in this by his stepmother and the mandarins of her party, who would have liked to see the Spaniards out of the kingdom; and in this they gained more animus every day by the non-arrival of Don Luis Dasmariñas. Consequently, the Spaniards spent the time in going to and fro between their quarters and the city to negotiate with the king, with whose answers and conversations they sometimes returned satisfied and at other times not so much so.
Ocuña Lacasamana and his Malays had their quarters near those of the Spaniards, and since they were Moros, so opposed in religion and pretension, the two parties had no affinity. Once a quarrel arose between Spaniards and Malays, and several men were severely wounded on both sides. Among them Alférez Luys Ortiz, commander of the galliot, had both legs run through and was in great danger. King Prauncar was angry at this, but did not dare to inflict any punishment or make any reparation for these injuries. While matters were at such a heat and the Malays were ill-disposed toward the Spaniards, one day while Fray Joan Maldonado, Diego Belloso, and Blas Ruyz were in the city, and Luys de Villafañe was in command of the quarters, on account of the wounds and illness of Luys Ortiz, another quarrel arose in the quarters with the Malays. Luys de Villafañe, taking advantage of this opportunity, determined, with a few Spaniards who followed him, to unite with Govea and his men, and attack the Malays, their quarters, and the goods that they possessed, and sack them. Incited by anger and still more by covetousness, they carried this out, and after having killed many Malays and taken a quantity of property from them, they retired and fortified themselves in their own quarters and in the Japanese ship. The king and his mandarins were very angry at this, and not less so were Fray Joan Maldonado, Belloso, and Blas Ruyz, who were in Chordemuco; but Ocuña Lacasamana was far the angriest, at seeing the injury and insult done him, and at the breaking of the peace so recently made in reference to former quarrels. Although Fray Joan Maldonado, Belloso, and Blas Ruiz went at once to the quarters to remedy the matter, they found it so complicated that not even King Prauncar, who tried to intervene, could compose it. The latter warned the Spaniards to look to their personal safety, for he saw their party fallen and in great danger, without his being able to help it. Fray Joan Maldonado and his companion, although facing the matter in company with Diego Belloso and Bias Ruis, yet took refuge in Joan de Mendoça’s ship for greater security, and some Spaniards did the same. Diego Belloso, Blas Ruiz, and the others relying on the king’s friendship, and their services in the country, remained on shore, although they took every precaution and kept the closest possible guard over their safety. [119]
The Malay Lacasamana, aided by his men and the mandarins of his party, and supported by the king’s step-mother, lost no more time, nor the present opportunity, but attacked the Castilians, Portuguese, and Japanese, at once, both by land and sea. Finding them separated–although some offered as much resistance as possible–he killed them all, including Diego Belloso and Blas Ruiz de Hernan Gonçales. Then he burned their quarters and vessels except that of Joan de Mendoça, who, fearing the danger, descended the river toward the sea and defended himself against some praus that had followed him. He took with him Fray Joan Maldonado, the latter’s associate, and some few Spaniards. On shore there remained alive only one Franciscan religious, five Manila Indians, and a Castilian named Joan Dias, whom the king, who grieved exceedingly for the deaths of the Spaniards, had hid carefully in the open country. Although the king advised the friar not to appear in public until the Malays were appeased, that religious, imagining that he could escape their fury, emerged with two Indians in order to escape from the kingdom. But they were found and killed like the others. Joan Dias and three Indians remained many days in concealment, and the king maintained them, until, after other events, they could appear. Thus the cause of the Spaniards in Camboja came to an end, and was so entirely defeated that the Moro Malay and his partisans remained complete masters. They managed the affairs of the kingdom with so little respect for King Prauncar, that finally they killed him also. Thereupon a fresh insurrection broke out, the provinces revolted, each man seized whatever he could, and there was more confusion and disturbance than before.
The Spanish garrison left in La Caldera, at the withdrawal of Don Joan Ronquillo’s camp from the river of Mindanao, passed into command of Captain Villagra at the death of Captain Joan Pacho in Jolo, and was suffering for lack of provisions; for neither the people of the river could give them to the Spaniards, nor would the Joloans furnish any on account of the war declared upon them. Therefore the garrison urgently requested Governor Don Francisco Tello either to aid their presidio with provisions, soldiers, and ammunition, or to allow them to retire to Manila–a thing of which they were most desirous–since there they gained no other special result than that of famine, and of incarceration in that fort, and of no place wherein to seek their sustenance. The governor, in view of their insistence in the matter; and having but little money in the royal exchequer, with which to provide for and maintain the said presidio–and for the same reason the punishment that was to be inflicted upon the Joloans for their outrages upon the Spaniards, and their insurrection was deferred–and thinking that the return to Mindanao matters would be a long question: he was inclined to excuse the difficulty and anxiety of maintaining the presidio of La Caldera. In order to do it with a reasonable excuse he consulted the Audiencia and other intelligent persons, and requested them to give him their opinion. But he first communicated his wishes to them and gave them some reasons with which he tried to persuade them to give him the answer that he desired. The Audiencia advised him not to remove or raise the garrison of La Caldera, but to reënforce and maintain it, and to attend to the affairs of Jolo and the river of Mindanao as soon as possible, even if what was necessary for those two places should be withdrawn from some other section. They said that this was the most urgent need, and the one which required the greatest attention in the islands, both in order to pacify those provinces and to keep them curbed; lest, seeing the Spaniards totally withdrawn, they should gain courage and boldly venture still farther, and come down to make captures among the Pintados and carry the war to the very doors of the Spaniards. [120] Notwithstanding this reply the governor resolved to raise and withdraw the garrison, and sent orders to Captain Villagra immediately to burn the fort which had been built in La Caldera, to withdraw with all his men and ships, and return to Manila. This was quickly done, for the captain and the soldiers of the garrison waited for nothing more than to dismantle the fort and leave. When the Joloans saw the Spaniards abandoning the country, they were persuaded that the latter would return to Mindanao no more, and that they had not sufficient forces to do so. Thereupon they gained fresh resolution and courage, and united with the people of Buhahayen on the river, and equipped a number of caracoas and other craft, in order to descend upon the coast of Pintados to plunder them and make captives. The people of Tampacan, who lost hope of receiving further help from the Spaniards, and of the latter’s return to the river, since they had also abandoned the fort of La Caldera and left the country, came to terms with and joined the people of Buhahayen, their neighbors, in order to avoid the war and injuries that they were suffering from the latter. Then all turned their arms against the Spaniards, promising themselves to make many incursions into their territory and gain much plunder. Accordingly they prepared their fleet, and appointed as leaders and commanders of it two of the experienced chiefs, of the river of Mindanao, called Sali and Silonga. They left the Mindanao River in the month of July of the year ninety-nine, in the season of the vendavals, with fifty caracoas, containing more than three thousand soldiers armed with arquebuses, campilans, carasas, other weapons with handles, and many culverins, and steered toward the islands of Oton and Panay, and neighboring islands. They passed Negros Island and went to the river of Panay, which they ascended for five leguas to the chief settlement, where the alcalde-mayor and some Spaniards were living. They sacked the settlement, burned the houses and churches, captured many native Christians–men, women, and children–upon whom they committed many murders, cruelties, and outrages. They pursued these in boats more than ten leguas up the river, and destroyed all the crops. For the alcalde-mayor, and those who could, fled inland among the mountains, and accordingly the enemy had a better opportunity to do what they pleased. After they had burned all the vessels in the river, they left the river of Panay with their boats laden with pillaged goods and captive Christians. They did the same in the other islands and towns which they passed. Then they returned to Mindanao, without any opposition being offered, with a quantity of gold and goods and more than eight hundred captives, besides the people whom they had killed. In Mindanao they divided the spoil, and agreed to get ready a larger fleet for the next year, and return to make war better prepared. [121]
This daring attack of the Mindanaos worked great injury to the islands of Pintados, both on account of their deeds there and also on account of the fear and terror with which they inspired the natives; because of the latter being in the power of the Spaniards, who kept them subject, tributary, and disarmed, and neither protected them from their enemies, nor left them the means to defend themselves, as they used to do when there were no Spaniards in the country. Therefore many towns of peaceful and subjected Indians revolted and withdrew to the tingues, [122] and refused to descend to their houses, magistrates, and encomenderos. As was reported daily, they all had a great desire to revolt and rebel, but they were appeased and reduced again to subjection by a few promises and presents from their encomenderos and religious who showed great pity and sadness over their injuries. Although in Manila people regretted these injuries, and still more those which were expected in the future from the enemy, they did nothing but regret them–since the governor was ill provided with ship and other necessities for the defense–and reckon them with the loss which they had suffered for having raised the camp on the river of Mindanao and dismantled the presidio of La Caldera.
As soon as the weather permitted, the Mindanaos and Joloans returned with a large fleet of more than seventy well-equipped ships and more than four thousand fighting men, led by the same Silonga and Sali, and other Mindanao and Jolo chiefs, to the same islands of Pintados, with the determination of taking and sacking the Spanish town of Arevalo, which is situated in Oton. Captain Joan Garcia de Sierra, alcalde-mayor of that province, having heard of this expedition and of the designs entertained by the enemy, took the most necessary precautions, and, gathering into the town all the Spaniards who lived there and in its neighborhood, shut himself up in it with all of them. Then, having repaired, as well as possible, a wooden fort there, he gathered there the women and their possessions. He and the Spaniards–about seventy men–armed with arquebuses, awaited the enemy. The latter, who intended to attack the river of Panay again, passed Negros Island and made for the town of Arevalo, where they anchored close to the native settlement. Then they landed one thousand five hundred men armed with arquebuses, campilans, and carasas, and, without stopping on the way marched against the Spanish town which was the object of their attack. The Spaniards, divided into troops, sallied forth and opened fire with their arquebuses upon the enemy with such vehemence that they forced them to retreat and take refuge on board their caracoas. So great was the enemy’s confusion that many Mindanaos were killed before they could embark. Captain Joan Garcia de Sierra, who was on horseback, pursued the enemy so closely to the water’s edge that the latter cut off the legs of his mount with their campilans and brought him to the ground where they killed him. The enemy embarked with a heavy loss of men, and halted at the island of Guimaraez, [123] in sight of Arevalo. There they counted their men, including the dead and the wounded, who were not a few, and among whom was one of the most noted chiefs and leaders. Then they sailed for Mindanao, making a great show of grief and sorrow, and sounding their bells and tifas. [124] They made no further delay at the Pintados, deriving little profit or gain from the expedition, but much injury, and loss of men and reputation, which was felt more deeply upon their arrival in Jolo and Mindanao. In order to remedy this disaster, it was proposed to renew their expedition against the Pintados at the first monsoon with more ships and men, and it was so decided.
When the affairs of Japon were discussed above, we spoke of the loss of the ship “San Felipe” in Hurando, in the province of Toca; of the martyrdom of the discalced Franciscan religious in Nangasaqui; and of the departure of the Spaniards and religious who had remained there, with the exception of Fray Geronymo de Jesus, who, changing his habit, concealed himself in the interior of the country. We related that Taicosama, after he had given an answer to the governor of Manila, through his ambassador, Don Luis Navarrete, excusing himself for what had happened, was induced, at the instigation of Faranda Quiemon and his supporters, to send a fleet against Manila; that he had supplied Faranda with rice and other provisions in order to despatch it; and that the latter had begun preparations, but not having managed to bring the matter to the point that he had promised, the enterprise was dragged on and left in that condition. What happened after these events is that Taicosama was seized with a severe sickness in Miaco and died, not without having first had time to dispose of the succession and government of his kingdom, and to see that the empire should be continued in his only son, who was ten years old at that time. For this purpose he fixed his choice on the greatest tono in Japon, called Yeyasudono, lord of Quanto–which are certain provinces in the north–who had children and grandchildren, and more influence and power in Japon than any other man in the kingdom. Taicosama summoned Yeyasudono to court, and told him that he wished to marry his son to the latter’s granddaughter, the daughter of his eldest son, so that he might succeed to the empire. The marriage was celebrated, and the government of Japon left, until his son was older, to Yeyasudono, associated with Guenifuin, Fungen, Ximonojo, and Xicoraju, his special favorites and counselors, [125] to whose hands the affairs of his government had passed for some years, in order that thus united they might continue to administer them after his death, until his son, whom he left named and accepted by the kingdom as his successor and supreme lord of Japon, was old enough to rule in person. After the death of Taicosama in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, [126] the five governors kept his son carefully watched in the fortress of Usaca, with the service and pomp due his person, while they remained at Miaco at the head of the government for some time. Consequently the pretensions of Faranda Quiemon to make an expedition against Manila ceased altogether, and nothing more was said about the matter. Since the affairs of Japon are never settled, but have always been in a disturbed condition, they could not last many days as Taico left them. For, with the new administration and the arrival at court, from other provinces of Japon, of tonos, lords, captains, and soldiers, whom the combaco in his lifetime had kept busy in the wars with Coray [i.e., Corea] and the king of China, in order to divert them from the affairs of his kingdom, the men began to become restless and corrupt. The result was that the four governors entertained suspicions of, and quarreled with, Yeyasudono, for they feared from his manner of governing and procedure that he was preparing, on account of his power, to seize the empire for himself, and to exclude and take no notice of Taico’s son, who had been married to his granddaughter. The flame burned still higher, for many tonos and lords of the kingdom felt the same way about the matter; and now, either because they desired the succession of Taico’s son, or because they liked to see matters in disorder so that each one might act for his own interest–which was the most likely motive, and not the affection for Taicosama, who, being a tyrant, had been feared rather than loved–they persuaded the governors to oppose Yeyasudono and check his designs. Under this excitement, the opposition became so lively, that they completely declared themselves, and Yeyasudono found it convenient to leave the kingdom of Miaco and go to his lands of Quanto, in order to insure his own safety and return to the capital with large forces with which to demand obedience. The governors, understanding his intentions, were not idle, but collected men and put two hundred thousand soldiers in the field. They were joined by most of the tonos and lords of Japon, [127] both Christian and pagan, while the minority remained among the partisans and followers of Yeyasudono. The latter came down as speedily as possible from Quanto to meet the governors and their army, in order to give them battle with one hundred thousand picked men of his own land. The two armies met, and the battle was fought with all their forces. [128] In the course of the struggle, there were various fortunes, which rendered the result doubtful. But, finally, after a number of men had deserted from the camp of the governors to that of Yeyasudono, it was perceived that the latter’s affairs were improving. Victory was declared in his favor, after the death of many soldiers and lords. Those who remained–for but few escaped–including the four governors, surrendered to Yeyasudono. After he had beheaded the majority of the tonos, and deprived others of their seigniories and provinces, which he granted again to men devoted to his party; and after his return to the capital, triumphant over his enemies, and master of the whole kingdom: he inflicted special punishment upon the governors, by having them crucified immediately, and their ears cut off, and then carried through the streets of the principal cities of Usaca, Sacay, Fugimen, and Miaco, in carts, until they died on the crosses in the midst of other tortures. Since these were the men through whose zeal and advice Taico had, a few years before, inflicted the same punishment upon the discalced friars whom he martyred, we may infer that God chose to punish them in this world also with the same rigor.
Thus Yeyasudono remained the supreme ruler of Japon as Taico had been, but failed to withdraw the son from the fortress of Usaca; on the contrary he set more guards over him. Then, changing his own name, as is usual among the seigniors of Japon, he styled himself Daifusama for the sake of greater dignity.
Fray Geronymo de Jesus, associate of the martyrs, who kept hidden in Japon on account of the tyrant Taicosama’s persecution, lived in disguise in the interior of the country among the Christians. Consequently, although he was carefully sought, he could not be found, until, after Taicosama’s death and Daifu’s seizure of the government, he came to Miaco. He found means to reveal himself to one of Dayfu’s servants, to whom he told many things about the Filipinas, the king of España, and the latter’s kingdoms and seigniories, especially those of Nueva España and Peru, of which the Filipinas were a dependency and with whom they had communication, and the importance to Daifu of gaining the friendship and commerce of the Spaniards. The servant found an opportunity to relate all these things to Daifu, who for some time had desired to have the trade and commerce which the Portuguese had established in Nangasaqui in his own kingdoms of Quanto, of which he was the natural lord, in order to give it more importance. Thinking that this could be accomplished through the means which Fray Geronymo had suggested, he had the latter summoned. Having asked him his name, Fray Geronymo told the king that after the martyrdom of his associates, he had remained in Japon, that he was one of the religious whom the governor of Manila had sent when Taicosama was alive, to treat of peace and friendship with the Spaniards, and who had died as was well known, after having made converts to Christianity and established several hospitals and houses at the capital and other cities of Japon, where they healed the sick and performed other works of piety, without asking any other reward or advantage than to serve God, to teach the souls of that kingdom the faith and path of salvation, and to serve their neighbors. In this work, and in works of charity, especially to the poor, as he and his fellow religious professed, they lived and maintained themselves, without seeking or holding any goods or property upon the earth, solely upon the alms which were given them therefor. After this, he told him who the king of España was, that he was a Christian, and that he possessed great kingdoms and territories in all parts of the world; and that Nueva España, Piru, Filipinas, and India, belonged to him; and that he governed and defended them all, attending above all else to the growth and conservation of the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, the true God, and Creator of the universe. The religious explained to the king, as well as he could, other things concerning the Christian religion, and said that if he wished friendship with his Majesty and the latter’s subjects of Manila, as well as with his viceroys of Nueva España and Piru he [i.e., Fray Geronymo] would be able to compass it, for it would be very useful and profitable to the king and to all his Japanese kingdoms and provinces. This last motive, namely, the profit and benefit to be derived from friendship and commerce with the Spaniards, was more to the taste of Daifusama than what he had heard concerning their religion. Although he did not reject the latter or say anything about it, yet at this interview and at others with Fray Geronymo–whom Daifu had given permission to appear in public in his religious habit, and to whom he furnished the necessary support–he treated only of friendship with the governor of Manila, of the Spaniards’ coming yearly with ships from Manila to trade at Quanto, where the Japanese had a port, and an established commerce with the Spaniards. Also his Japanese were to sail thence to Nueva España, where they were to enjoy the same amity and trade. As he understood the voyage to be long and Spanish ships necessary for it, Daifu proposed that the governor of Manila send him masters and workmen to build them. He also proposed that in the said kingdom and principal port of Quanto, which, as above-said, lies in the north of Japon, and is a mountainous country, abounding in silver mines, which were not worked because no one knew how, Fray Geronymo and whatever associates he might choose from among the Spaniards who came there, should establish their house and dwelling, just as the religious of the Society of Jesus had theirs with the Portuguese in Nangasaqui. Fray Geronymo, who desired by any means to restore the cause of his religious, and of the conversion of Japon through their labor, as they had begun to do when the martyrs were alive–for this aim alone moved him–did not doubt that he could once and many times facilitate Daifusama’s desires, and even assured him that they would certainly be realized through his help, and that there would be no difficulty whatever to prevent this. Thereupon Daifu appeared favorable and more inclined to the affairs of Manila than Taico, his predecessor, had been. He assured the religious that he would give the Spaniards a good reception in Japon, and that the ships, which should happen to put in there in distress or in any other way, would be equipped and despatched with all necessities; and that he would not allow any Japanese to go to plunder or commit any injury on the coasts of the Filipinas. In fact, because he learned that six ships of Japanese corsairs had sailed that year from the island of Zazuma [Satsuma] and other ports of the lower kingdoms, and had seized and plundered two Chinese merchantmen on the way to Manila, and had done other mischief on its coast, he immediately had them sought out in his kingdom. Having imprisoned more than four hundred men, he had them all crucified. Likewise he ordered that, in the future, the annual ships from Nangasaqui to Manila laden with flour and other goods should not be so numerous, but only enough to supply Manila, and that they should have the permission and sanction of its governor, so that they might not be the cause of loss or injury to that place.
Since Daifu pressed Fray Geronymo more and more every day for the fulfilment of what he had taken upon himself, the latter told him that he had already written and would write again about those matters to the governor and royal Audiencia of Manila. He requested Daifu to send a servant of his household with these letters and the message, in order that they might have more credit and authority. Daifu approved of this and despatched them through Captain Chiquiro, a pagan Japanese and a servant of his, who took a present of various weapons to the governor and the letters of Fray Geronymo. There was no special letter from Daifu, except that Fray Geronymo said that he wrote and petitioned in the name of Daifu. He explained the better condition of peace and friendship now existing between the Filipinas and Japon, and what Daifu promised and assured. He wrote that, in order to facilitate the above, Daifu had promised him that the Spaniards could go with their ships to trade at Quanto, and that the governor should send him masters and workmen to build ships for the voyage from Japon to Nueva España. There was also to be commerce and friendship with the viceroy of that country. He said that Daifu had already given leave for religious to go to Japon, to christianize and to found churches and monasteries, and had given him a good site for a monastery in Miaco, where he was, and that the same would be done in other parts and regions of Japon in which they might wish to settle. Fray Geronymo insidiously and cunningly added this last to Daifu’s promise in order that he might incite the religious of the Filipinas to push the matter more earnestly before the governor and Audiencia, that they might agree to this more easily, in order not to lose the great results that Fray Geronymo said were set afoot.
During the same administration of Don Francisco Tello, in the year one thousand six hundred, toward the end of the month of October, a ship came from the province of Camarines with news that two ships, a flagship and its almiranta, well armed and with foreign crews, had entered and anchored in one of its northern bays, twenty leguas from the channel and cape of Espiritu Sancto. Under pretense of being friends of the Spaniards they asked, and bartered with, the natives for rice and other provisions that they needed. Then they weighed anchor and went away, making for the channel through which they entered, after having left certain feigned letters for Governor Don Francisco Tello, in which they declared themselves friends, and that they were coming to Manila to trade by permission of his Majesty. From this, and from a negro who escaped from these ships by swimming to the island of Capul, and also through an Englishman, [129] seized by the natives while on shore, we learned that these ships were from Holanda, whence they had sailed in a convoy of three other armed vessels, with patents and documents from Count Mauricio de Nasao who called himself Prince of Orange, in order to make prizes in the Indias. [130] Having entered the South Sea through the strait of Magallanes, three of the five ships had been lost, and these two, the flagship and the almiranta coasted along Chile, where they captured two vessels. Then, having turned away from the coast of Lima, they put out to sea and pursued their voyage, without stopping anywhere, in the direction of the Filipinas, among which they entered with the intention of plundering whatever might come their way. Having learned that a galleon, named “Santo Tomas” was expected from Nueva España with the money derived from the merchandise of two years’ cargoes which had been sent there from Manila; that in a few days merchant ships would begin to arrive from China, by which they could fill their hands; and that there were no galleys or armed ships at that season which could do them any harm: they determined to go as far as the mouth of Manila Bay, and stay there, supplying themselves with the provisions and refreshments which might enter the city; and accordingly, they carried out this resolution. The flagship named “Mauricio,” with one hundred men and twenty-four pieces of bronze artillery with ladles [131] was under the command of Oliber de Nort [i.e., Oliver van Noordt] of Amstradam. This ship was one of those which the count of Leste had several years before at the taking of the city of Cadiz. [132] The almiranta named “Concordia,” with forty men and ten pieces of artillery, was under command of Captain Lamberto Viesman of Roterdam. When these ships were seen on the coast of Chile, Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco, who was governor in Piru, despatched a fleet of vessels well equipped with artillery and brave soldiers to follow and pursue them along the coast of Piru and Nueva España, as far as California. The fleet left Callao de Lima, under command of Don Joan de Velasco, but was unable to find the enemy, as they had left the coast, put out to sea, and steered for the Filipinas. Moreover the Piru fleet, having been overtaken by a storm on its way back from California, lost its flagship with all hands aboard and was never seen again.
Governor Don Francisco Tello, seeing that this corsair was making incursions among the islands, according to the information given him by certain captains and soldiers whom he had sent by land along the coasts of the island of Luzon, in order to prevent the enemy from landing men and from injuring the settlements, and from the information given by certain small single boats which had kept in sight of the enemy, discussed plans for meeting this necessity. This it appeared very difficult to do on that occasion, not only because the governor found himself without any kind of rowing vessels or ships with high freeboard, with which to put to sea, but also because he had few soldiers in the camp, for the majority of them were with Captain and Sargento-mayor Joan Xuarez Gallinato in the Pintados provinces, together with galleys, galliots, and other craft, for the purpose of defending the natives against the ships of the Mindanaos and Joloans, who were continually making plundering expeditions against them, and of preparing for the expedition which it was thought would be made from Jolo at the first monsoon, and which could no longer be deferred. When the governor saw himself hard pressed by this difficulty, and that the Dutch enemy could cause so much harm, take so many prizes, and then depart with them, leaving the country ruined, he summoned the Audiencia and communicated the state of affairs to them, requesting the auditors to assist him in person in any advisable course. They discussed what should be done, namely, to put the port of Cabit, which is inside the bay, into a state of defense, in order to prevent the enemy from seizing it, together with the magazines, artillery, and shipyard; then to endeavor to equip several ships with which to put to sea and offer some resistance to the enemy–even if no more could be done–so that he might not firmly establish himself in the land, and that he might be induced to leave the islands. For, if the enemy found everything so defenseless and if no resistance were offered him, he would remain there until he attained his designs. The execution of these measures was entrusted to Doctor Antonio de Morga. Licentiate Telles de Almaçan was ordered to remain in the city with the governor and president for its defense, and to supply thence the port of Cabit and Doctor Antonio de Morga with what was necessary for the latter’s commission. On the same day, the last of October of the year six hundred, Doctor Antonio de Morga left Manila with some soldiers and ammunition and went to the port of Cabit, which he put in a state of defense with one hundred and fifty men, both arquebusiers and musketeers, who kept continual watch day and night over the port, by means of sentinels and outposts at the necessary points. He collected at the settlement all the vessels in port, and stationed them as near as possible to the shipyards, where a galizabra was being built, and where lay a ship of Sebu with a small Portuguese patache, the latter of which had come from Malaca laden with merchandise. For the defense of these he placed and planted on shore twelve pieces of moderate-sized bronze cannon with ladles, besides two of greater range, which were placed on a point at the entrance of the port. These altogether commanded the port and the vessels in it. Farther on along the beach, a rampart was made with stakes and planks, filled in with earth, behind which, in case the enemy should enter, the soldiery could cover and defend themselves with their artillery. After the auditor had thus put the said port in a state of defense, he planned to complete the galizabra, although much work was still needed, to launch it, and fit it with sails, and at the same time to refit the Sebu ship. He attended to these works with so great haste that within thirty days he hoisted the yards on the galizabra and on the Sebu ship, and furnished each of the two with eleven pieces of artillery, both of large and moderate size, which had been sent from Manila, in addition to the artillery in the port.
The corsair reached the mouth of the bay, eight leguas from the port of Cabit, but did not dare to make a dash into the port, as he had planned, for he learned from some Sangleys who were going out to sea with their champans, that it was already defended. However, he was not informed that the Spaniards were arming to attack him, or that there was any preparation or forces at that season for that purpose. Accordingly he contented himself with remaining at the mouth of the bay, moving about with both ships and their boats, and going from one side to another on various days, in order to seize the vessels coming to the city with provisions, and not allowing one to escape him. At night he anchored under shelter of the land. All this took place four leguas from the mouth of the bay, and he went no farther from it, in order to be ready for any occasion that might present itself.
Doctor Antonio de Morga kept several very small and swift vessels within sight of the enemy, under shelter of the land, which informed him daily of the enemy’s position and doings. They reported that he had quietly stationed himself, and that every evening he placed his guard on deck with drums and flags, and firing of musketry. The corsair’s forces could be estimated from that and it could be seen that the larger and better contingent was aboard the flagship, which was a good and swift ship. The auditor also took the precaution not to let any champan or ship leave the bay, in order not to give the corsair an opportunity to learn what was going on. When affairs reached this point, he informed the governor of what had been done, and suggested that, if the latter thought it advisable, the Portuguese vessel might also be equipped, in order to sally out with the two ships–the galizabra and the “Sant Antonio” of Sebu–for he had laid an embargo on it, and had fitted it for that purpose. Ammunition and some provisions of rice and fish were providedfor the two ships, and it remained only to man them with sailors and soldiers who were to go out in them. Of such there was little supply; the sailors were hiding and feigning sickness, and one and all showed little desire to undertake an affair of more risk and peril than of personal profit. The captains and private soldiers of the city, who were receiving neither pay nor rations from the king, but who could go on the expedition, did not offer their services to the governor; and if anyone were ready to do so, he dissembled until knowing who was to be commander of the fleet. For, although some land captains might fill the place, the governor was not inclined to appoint any of them, nor were the others willing to go under their command. Each one claimed and boasted himself capable of being the leader, and none other of his neighbors was to have command. The governor was prevented from going out in person, and learned that all the people of the city were willing to go with Doctor Antonio de Morga if he had command of the fleet, and would not mind any dangers that might present themselves. When the governor learned the desire of those who were able to embark, and understood that there was no other means by which to realize the aim in view, and that each day’s delay was of very great detriment, he summoned the auditor to the city and set the matter before him. In order that the latter might not refuse, the governor issued an act and had the auditor immediately notified by the secretary of the government and ordered, on behalf of his Majesty, to embark as general and commander of the fleet and to follow and pursue the corsair, because, as matters stood, the suitable result could not be attained otherwise. The auditor, thinking that, if he failed to take up the matter, he would receive the blame of losing so pressing an occasion for the service of God and his Majesty, and for the welfare of the whole country; and, since war affairs both of sea and of land had been under his charge and management, that it might be reckoned ill against him if he turned his back at this juncture, when he had been sought for it and served especially with papers from the governor, appointing him to the charge: obeyed for the discharge of his conscience the orders set forth in the governor’s act, which together with his answer reads word for word as follows.
Edict of Governor Don Francisco Tello, and reply of Doctor Antonio de Morga
In the city of Manila, on the first of December, one thousand six hundred, Don Francisco Tello, knight of the Order of Santiago, governor and captain-general of these Filipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia resident therein, declared: That, whereas, because of the coming to these islands of two hostile English [sic] ships, the preparation of a fleet to attack them was immediately discussed with the resolution and advice of the royal Audiencia, and for this effect it was resolved that Antonio de Morga should go to the port of Cabit to attend to the fitting and despatch of the said war-vessels and the defense of that port, as appears, by the act and resolution made thereon, in the book of the government matters pertaining to this said Audiencia, on the last day of the month of October, of this present year, and to which we refer; and whereas, in execution of the said resolution, he has attended until now, to the defense of the said port, and the fitting and equipping of the said fleet, consisting of the vessel “San Diego,” [133] of Sebu, the galleon “San Bartolome,” which he caused to be finished in the shipyard and launched, an English [134] patache from the city of Malaca, a galliot which was fitted up, and other smaller craft; and whereas, the said fleet, because of his diligence and care, is in so good condition that it can shortly sail, and the said enemy is still near this city, on the coast of the island of Miraveles [i.e., Corregidor]; and whereas, many captains, knights, and chief men of this community have heard that the said auditor was to make the said expedition, they have offered to go with him to serve the king, our sovereign, in it at their own expense; and whereas, a great preparation of men and provisions has been made with this intent, which would fail and be of no effect did the said auditor not sail with the said fleet in pursuit of the said enemy, and would not have the result aimed at–a matter so greatly to the service of God our Lord, and the welfare of this country–and whereas, moreover, the said auditor is (as is a fact) experienced in matters of war, and has been general of his Majesty’s fleets by the latter’s own appointment at other times, and lieutenant of the captain-general in this kingdom for several years, in which he has fulfilled his duties well; and whereas he is highly esteemed and liked by the soldiers; and whereas he is the most suitable man, according to the condition of affairs; and for other just considerations that move the governor thereto, so that the said expedition may be effected and not fall through, or at least, so that it may not be delayed with loss and trouble: therefore he ordered–and he did so order–the said auditor, since he has fostered this affair, and has personally put it in its present good shape, and since all the men–and they are many–who receive no pay, have prepared in consideration of him, to prepare himself to go as general and commander of the said fleet in pursuit of the enemy, with all possible haste. For this the governor said that he would give him the necessary messages and instructions, for thus is it advantageous to the service of the king our sovereign. In the name of the latter, the governor orders him to do and accomplish the above. He [i.e., the governor] as president of the said royal Audiencia, grants him leave and absence for the above during the time that he shall occupy himself therein, from attendance on his duties in the said royal Audiencia. He gave him the commission in due legal form, and authority for the said absence. Thus he provided and ordered, and affixed his signature thereto.
DON FRANCISCO TELLO
Before me:
GASPAR DE AZEBO
In the city of Manila, on the first of December, of the year one thousand six hundred, I, the government notary, served the above act upon Doctor Antonio de Morga, auditor of the royal Audiencia. He declared that, from the first day of the month of November just expired, by commission of the royal Audiencia of these islands, he has busied himself in everything mentioned in the said act, and has done his utmost toward its execution; that the expedition is on the good footing and in the condition that is known; that if, for its good result and for what is expected from it, his person and property are suitable and fitting for the service of the king our sovereign, he is ready to employ everything in it and to do what has been ordered and commanded him by the said president; and that consequently he has no other wish or desire than for what might be to the service of God and of his Majesty. Thereupon may your Lordship order and provide what may be found most expedient, and as such he will fulfil it. He affixed his signature to this writ.
DOCTOR ANTONIO DE MORGA
GASPAR DE AZEBO
Doctor Antonio de Morga provided himself with all that was requisite for the expedition without asking or taking anything from the king’s exchequer. He aided several needy soldiers who came to offer their services, and many other persons of importance who had done the same, so that, within one week, there were already enough men for the expedition, and an abundance of provisions, ship’s stores, and arms; whereupon all embarked. With the volunteers and regulars whom the governor had in camp under Captain Augustin de Urdiales, and whom he gave to the auditor, there were men enough to man both ships each with about one hundred soldiers in addition to gunners, sailors, and common seamen, of the last mentioned of whom there was a smaller supply than was needed. As admiral of this fleet the governor appointed Captain Joan de Alcega, an old soldier, and one well acquainted with the islands; as captain of the paid soldiers who were to sail in the almiranta, Joan Tello y Aguirre; as sargento-mayor of the fleet, Don Pedro Tello, his kinsman; the necessary other offices and positions; and the nomination and title of general of the fleet to Doctor Antonio de Morga. He gave the latter closed and sealed instructions concerning what he was to do in the course of the voyage and expedition, with orders not to open them until he had put to sea, outside of the bay of Manila. The instructions read as follows.
* * * * *
Instructions given by the governor to Doctor Antonio de Morga
What Doctor Antonio de Morga, auditor of the royal Audiencia of these Filipinas Islands, and captain-general of the fleet which is about to pursue the English [sic] enemy, has to do, is as follows.
First, inasmuch as we have been informed that the English [sic] enemy, against whom this fleet has been prepared, lies in the bay of Maryuma, [135] it is ordered that, lest perchance the enemy hearing of our fleet should try to escape without receiving any injury, the fleet sail as quickly as possible in his pursuit, in order to engage and fight him until, through the grace of our Lord, he be taken or sunk.
Item: If, in fighting the said enemy both with artillery and in grappling–and this shall be attempted with all the diligence and care possible–whichever the weather may better and more conveniently permit, the latter should take to flight at sight of the fleet, he shall be pursued until the desired result is attained.
Item: If, at the time that the fleet sails to attack the said enemy he shall have left this coast and news is received that he has coasted to any other of these islands, the fleet shall follow and pursue him until he is taken or sunk. If the enemy has left these islands, the fleet shall pursue him as far as possible; but this is left to your own discretion so long as the object be attained.
Item: Inasmuch as the opinion was expressed in a council of war held on the second day of the present month and year, by the master-of-camp and the captains who were present, that, if there were no certain information of the course and direction taken by the enemy, the said fleet should follow the coast of Ilocos, and make for the strait of Sincapura, through which it is presumed that the enemy will pass in order to pursue his voyage: notwithstanding the said council of war, if the said general should not receive any information as to the course taken by the enemy, then he shall do what he thinks most expedient, as the one in charge of the affair, and as the enemy and the occasion allow, endeavoring to obtain the desired object, namely, the overtaking and destruction of the enemy.
Item: If the fleet should encounter any other hostile pirates or any others going about these islands or who shall have left them after doing them injury, whether they be English, Japanese, Terrenatans, Mindanaos, or others, it shall endeavor to chastise and injure them, so that should this occur a good result might also be obtained therefrom.
Item: If the enemy be captured, as is hoped through the grace of God our Lord, the survivors and ships shall be brought in by the fleet.
Item: Any spoil found in the said ships shall be divided as is customary, among the victors.
Item: Great care shall be exercised to keep the men of the fleet peaceable and well disciplined; concerning this, the course taken on similar occasions shall be followed.
Item: A good system in regard to the provisions and ammunition carried shall be observed, and the use of them all well moderated, especially should the fleet leave sight of these islands.
Item: If perchance, after having engaged the said enemy or pursued him, he should leave these islands, then, the object having been accomplished, you shall endeavor to return as speedily as possible to the islands. If the weather do not permit a return until the monsoon sets in, you shall endeavor to keep the fleet together and to supply and provide it with everything necessary, at the expense of his Majesty, so that you may pursue your voyage with the greatest speed and safety possible. Given in the city of Manila, the tenth of December of the year one thousand six hundred.
DON FRANCISCO TELLO
By order of the governor and captain-general:
GASPAR DE AZEBO
The auditor went to the port with all his men and put them aboard the two ships. As flagship he took the “Sant Antonio” of Sebu, on account of its having more room to accommodate the assistants [gente de cumplimiento] who embarked with him. He left the Portuguese patache because the governor had taken off the embargo, in order to allow the Portuguese to return with it to Malaca without loss of time. Then he equipped two caracoas for the service of the fleet with Indian crews and two Spaniards to direct them. After they had confessed and taken communion, they left the port of Cabit and set sail on the twelfth day of the month of December of the year one thousand six hundred, with Alonzo Gomez as chief pilot. They also took Father Diego de Santiago and a lay brother of the Society of Jesus, and Fray Francisco de Valdes of the Order of Augustine, aboard the flagship; and Fray Joan Gutierrez [136] and another associate of the same order aboard the almiranta, so that they might attend to whatever required their ministry.
At night of the same day both ships of this fleet anchored near the settlement and anchorage of the island of Miraveles at the mouth of the bay. Immediately at daybreak a barangai approached the ships from shore with the sentinels whom the auditor had hastily sent the day before to obtain some reliable news of the corsair’s position. They told him that, as soon as the fleet sailed from the port of Cabit, the enemy, who lay in the direction of the port Del Fraile [of the Friar], [137] had also weighed anchor, and having stowed their small boats, both ships had crossed to the other and sea side, and that they had seen him anchor after nightfall opposite the point of Valeitegui, [138] where he still was. Upon hearing this, the auditor thought that perhaps the corsair had been informed of the preparation of the fleet and of its departure, and had consequently weighed anchor from his position; and that, since he had stowed his small boats aboard the ships, he was about to put to sea to avoid the fleet. He immediately sent the same news to the admiral, and opened the instructions given him by the governor. Seeing that he was ordered thereby to seek the enemy with all diligence, pursue him, and endeavor to fight him, he thought best to shorten the work before him, and to lose no time and not allow the enemy to get farther away. With this object in view, the fleet spent the thirteenth of December, St. Lucy’s day, in making waist-cloths, arranging the artillery, getting ready the weapons, alloting men to their posts, and preparing themselves to fight on the next day, on which it was thought that they would fall in with the corsair. The auditor sent special instructions in writing to the admiral concerning what he was to do and observe on his part. These instructions specified chiefly that upon engaging with the enemy, both ships were to grapple and fight the corsair’s flagship–in which were carried all the forces–and other things which will be understood from the instructions given to the admiral. These were as follows.
[These instructions are given in VOL. XI of this series, pp. 145-148.]
At the same time the auditor notified the admiral that the fleet would weigh anchor from its anchorage shortly after midnight, and would go out of the bay to sea, crowding all sail possible, so that at dawn it might be off the point of Baleitigui to windward of the point where the enemy had anchored on Tuesday night, according to the sentinels’ report.
At the appointed hour both vessels–the flagship and the almiranta–weighed anchor from Miraveles, and, favored by a light wind, sailed the rest of the night toward Baleitigui. The two caracoas used as tenders could not follow because of a choppy sea, and a fresh northwester; they crossed within the bay, and under shelter of the land to the other side. At the first streak of light both vessels of the fleet found themselves off the point; and one legua to leeward, and seaward, they sighted the corsair’s two vessels riding at anchor. As soon as the latter recognized our ships and saw that they flung captain’s and admiral’s colors at the masthead, they weighed anchor and set sail from their anchorage, after having first reënforced the flagship with a boatload of men from their almiranta, which stood to sea, while the flagship hove to, and awaited our fleet, firing several pieces at long range. The flagship of our fleet being unable to answer the enemy with its artillery because the gun-ports were shut, and the vessel was tacking to starboard, determined to close with him. It grappled his flagship on the port side, sweeping and clearing the decks of the men on them. Then the colors with thirty soldiers and a few sailors were thrown aboard. They took possession of the forecastle and after-cabin and captured their colors at masthead and quarter, and the white, blue, and orange standard with the arms of Count Mauricio flung at the stern. The main- and mizzen-mast were stripped of all the rigging and sails, and a large boat which the enemy carried on the poop was captured. The enemy, who had retreated to the bows below the harpings, upon seeing two ships attacking him with so great resolution, sent to ask the auditor for terms of surrender. While an answer was being given him, Admiral Joan de Alcega, who, in accordance with the instructions given him the day previous by the auditor, ought to have grappled at the same time as the flagship, and lashed his vessel to the enemy, thinking that the victory was won, that the corsair’s almiranta was escaping, and that it would be well to capture it, left the flagship and followed astern of Lamberto Viezman, crowding all sail and chasing him until he overtook him. Oliber de Nort, seeing himself alone and with a better ship and artillery than the auditor’s, waited no longer for the answer to the terms for which he had asked at first, and renewed the fight with musketry and artillery. The combat between the two flagships was so obstinate and bitter on both sides that it lasted more than six hours, and many were killed on both sides. But the corsair had the worst of it all the time, for not more than fifteen of his men were left alive, and those badly maimed and wounded. [139] Finally the corsair’s ship caught fire, and the flames rose high by the mizzen-mast and in the stern. The auditor, in order not to endanger his own ship, found it necessary to recall his colors and men from the enemy’s ship, and to cast loose and separate from it. This he did, only to discover that his ship, from the pounding of the artillery during so long a combat, as it was but slightly strengthened, had an opening in the bows and was filling so rapidly that being unable to overcome the leak, it was foundering. The corsair seeing his opponent’s trouble and his inability to follow him, made haste with his few remaining men to extinguish the fire on board his ship. Having quenched it, he set his foresail, which was still left. Shattered in all parts, stripped of rigging, and without men he reached Borneo and Sunda, where he was seen so enfeebled and distressed that it seemed impossible for him to navigate, or to go farther without shipwreck. The Spanish flagship, which was fully occupied in trying to remedy the extremity to which it was reduced, could not be assisted, because it was alone and far from land, and consequently sank so rapidly that the men could neither disarm themselves, nor get hold of anything which might be of help to them. The auditor did not abandon the ship, although some soldiers, in order to escape therein, seized the boat at the stern, and asked him also to get into it. Thereupon they made off and went away, in order to prevent others from taking it away from them. When the ship sunk, the auditor swam constantly for four hours, with the quarter colors and the enemy’s standard which he took with him. He reached a very small desert island, two leguas away, called Fortuna, where a few of the ship’s men who had more endurance in the sea, also arrived in safety. Some perished and were drowned, for they had not even disarmed themselves, and whom this predicament had overtaken when exhausted by the long fight with the enemy. Those who met death on this occasion were fifty in all. The most important among them were Captains Don Francisco de Mendoça, Gregorio de Vargas, Francisco Rodriguez, and Gaspar de los Rios, [140] all of whom died fighting with the enemy. Among those drowned at sea were Captains Don Joan de Camudio, Augustin de Urdiales, Don Pedro Tello, Don Gabriel Maldonado, Don Cristoval de Heredia, Don Luis de Belver, Don Alonso Loçano, Domingo de Arrieta, Melchior de Figueroa, Chief-pilot Alonso Gomez, father Fray Diego de Santiago, and the brother who went with him. Admiral Joan de Alcega, having overtaken Lamberto Viezman slightly after midday, captured him with little resistance; and although he afterward saw the so battered ship of Oliber del Nort pass by and escaping at a short distance, he did not pursue him. On the contrary, without stopping longer, he returned with his almiranta to Miraveles, leaving the prize with some of his own men, whom he had put aboard it, to follow him. He neither looked for his flagship nor took any other step, imagining that if any mishap had occurred, he might be blamed for leaving the flagship alone with the corsair and pursuing Lambert Biezman without orders from the auditor, and contrary to the instructions given him in writing; and fearing lest if he were to rejoin the auditor after having left him, ill would befall himself. The auditor took the wounded and the men who had escaped from the islet of Fortun, at nightfall, in his ship’s boat which he found at that port, as well as the corsair’s boat and a caracoa which arrived there. And on the following day, he landed them in Luzon, at the bar of Anazibu, in the province of Balayan, [141] thirty leguas from Manila, where he supplied them with provisions as quickly as possible. Moreover he explored the coast and neighboring islands with swift boats, in search of his almiranta and the captured corsair. This prize was taken to Manila, with twenty-five men alive and the admiral, ten pieces of artillery, and a quantity of wine, oil, cloth, linen, weapons, and other goods which it carried. The admiral and the Dutchmen of his company were garroted by orders of the governor. [142] Thus ended the expedition. Thereby was averted the injury which it was thought that the corsair would inflict in these seas, had he been allowed to remain there with the aim that he cherished, although so much to the detriment of the Spaniards by the loss of their flagship, which would not have happened had the orders of the auditor been observed. Governor Don Francisco Tello presented an attestation of this event to the auditor, which is as follows.
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Attestation of Governor Don Francisco Tello of events in the expedition against the Dutch corsair
Don Francisco Tello, knight of the Order of Santiago, governor and captain-general in these Filipinas Islands, and president of the Audiencia and royal Chancillería resident therein, etc.: I certify to whomever may see this present, that last year, one thousand six hundred, a squadron of Dutch war-vessels under command of Oliber del Nort, after passing through the strait of Magallanes to the South Sea, reached these islands, in the month of October of the said year, with two armed ships. They entered among these islands, making prizes and committing depredations, and at length stationed themselves off the entrance of the bay of the city of Manila, with the design of lying in wait for the merchant ships from China, and for the galleon “Santo Tomas,” expected from Nueva España with the silver of two years belonging to the merchants of this kingdom. By a decision of the said royal Audiencia, on the thirty-first of October of the said year, Doctor Antonio de Morga, senior auditor of the said Audiencia, was commissioned and charged to go immediately to the port of Cabit, and place and hold it in a state of defense, and to prepare and equip a fleet to attack the corsair. In this matter the said auditor busied himself in person. Having, with great assiduity and industry, fortified and put the said port in a state of defense, he completed in the shipyard and then launched, a moderate-sized ship, armed and equipped another belonging to private persons then in the port, both of which he equipped with yards and rigging–all inside of forty days. In order that the expedition might be made more quickly, and with a supply of soldiers and the most necessary equipment, inasmuch as affairs were such that it could be done by no one else, on the first of December of the same year, I nominated and appointed the said auditor to sail as general of the fleet in pursuit of the enemy, and to fight him until destroying and driving him from these islands. The said auditor performed and accomplished this in the following manner. On the twelfth of the said month of December, he sailed with the two ships of his fleet from the port of Cabit; on the fourteenth of the same month, at dawn, he sighted the corsair outside of the bay of this city, off the promontory of Baleitigui, with his two ships–flagship and almiranta. He pursued the enemy until he came close to him; and both fleets having prepared for action, engaged one another. The said auditor in his flagship attacked the corsair’s flagship with great gallantry and resolution, and grappled it. The latter was a large and strong ship, carrying a quantity of artillery and many fighting men. The auditor immediately threw on board the enemy the infantry colors with thirty arquebusiers and a few volunteers and sailors, who captured the forecastle, after-cabin, and the colors of the vessel. At the end of the action, these men retreated to our ship on account of the violent fire which at the last began to rage aboard the enemy’s ship. Thereupon the action and fight continued on both sides, and lasted more than six hours, during which the artillery, musketry, and arquebuses were repeatedly discharged in all quarters. In another direction the enemy’s almiranta, commanded by Lamberto Viezman, was defeated and captured, with the crew, artillery and other things aboard it. The two flagships having cast loose and separated on account of the fire which had broken out, and the quantity of water that poured in our bows, the enemy took to flight with only the foremast standing, with nearly all his men killed, and having lost his boat, the standard and the colors at his masthead and quarter. Stripped of his yards, sails, and rigging, and the ship leaking in many places, the enemy ran before the wind. It has been heard from various sources that he passed Borneo with only fifteen or sixteen men alive, and most of them maimed and wounded, and that a few days later, he was entirely wrecked not far from the Sunda. [143] The said auditor and his companions suffered great hardship and danger; for besides several men of note who died fighting, the ship which was leaking at the bows as abovesaid, because of being weak and not built for a war vessel, and as they were unable to stop or overcome the leak, foundered that same day, and part of the men on board were drowned on account of being wearied with fighting and not even yet having disarmed. When the ship sunk, the said auditor, who would never leave or abandon it, took to the water with the rest of the men, and escaped by swimming, with some of the enemy’s colors about him, to an uninhabited islet, called Fortun, two leguas from the place where the fight had taken place. The next day he took away the people from that place in several small boats which he found, and landed them in safety on this island. In all the above, the said auditor acted with great diligence and valor, exposing himself to all the risks of the battle and afterward of the sea. He did not receive any reward for his services, nor any salary, expenses, or any other recompense. On the contrary, he contributed and spent his own property to provide all the necessary equipment for the said expedition, and also assisted some volunteers who went with him. Of the booty taken from the corsair’s almiranta, which was brought to this city, he refused to take nor did he take anything; on the contrary, the share which should have fallen to him, he ceded and passed over to the king, our sovereign, and to his royal exchequer. Thus our aim and object, namely, the destroying and defeating of the said corsair, has been accomplished, so much to the service of God and of his Majesty, and to the welfare of this kingdom, as is more minutely set forth by acts, depositions, and other inquiries concerning this expedition. At the request of the said Doctor Antonio de Morga, I gave him the present, with my signature attached, and sealed with the seal of my arms. Given in Manila, August twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and one.
DON FRANCISCO TELLO
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In the same year of one thousand six hundred, two merchantships left Manila for Nueva España: the flagship the “Sancta Margarita,” with Juan Martinez de Guillestigui as general, who had arrived the year before in the same capacity; and the “San Geronimo,” under Don Fernando de Castro. On their way, both ships met with storms in the latitude of thirty-eight degrees and at six hundred leguas from the Filipinas, and suffered great hardship. At the end of nine months at sea, after many of the men had died and much of the merchandise had been thrown overboard and lost, the “San Geronimo” put back to the Filipinas, off the islands of Catenduanes, outside of the channel of Espiritu Santo, and there was wrecked, although the crew were saved. The flagship “Sancta Margarita,” after the death of the general and most of the crew, ported at the Ladrones Islands and anchored at Zarpana. There natives who went to the ships, seeing it so abandoned and battered, boarded and took possession of it, and of its goods and property. The few men whom they found alive, they took away to their settlements, where they killed some and apportioned others to various villages, where they maintained them and gave them better treatment. The Indians wore the gold chains and other things of the ship around their necks, and then hung them to the trees and in their houses, like people who had no knowledge of their value. [144]
In the month of May of the year six hundred and one, the galleon “Santo Tomas” arrived at the Filipinas from Nueva España with passengers, soldiers, and the return proceeds of the merchandise which had been delayed in Mexico. Its general was Licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado, who had been appointed auditor of Manila. A small patache had sailed in company with the galleon from the port of Acapulco, but being unable to sail as rapidly as the “Santo Tomas,” after a few days’ voyage, it dropped behind. When they arrived off the Ladrones Islands, some natives went out, as usual, to meet the ship in their boats, and brought with them five Spaniards of the crew of the ship “Sancta Margarita,” which had been lost there the year before. The loss of that vessel was learned from those men; also that as many as twenty-six Spaniards were living in the towns of those islands; and that if the ship would wait, the natives would bring them.
The religious and men with the general tried to persuade him, since the weather was calm, to wait in that place, in order to take these men from those islands, where they had lingered for a year. Certain more courageous persons even offered to go ashore to get them either in the galleon’s boat or in the vessels of the Ladrones themselves. But the general would not allow this, believing that time would be lost, and his expedition exposed to peril. Without leave from the general, Fray Juan Pobre, a lay-brother, who was in charge of the discalced religious of St. Francis, who were coming on that occasion to the Filipinas, jumped into one of the Ladrones’ vessels, and was taken by the Indians to the island of Guan, where he remained with the Spaniards whom he found. The galleon “Santo Tomas,” without further delay, pursued its voyage, to the great grief and regret of the Spaniards on shore, who saw themselves left among those barbarians, where some of them died later of illness and other hardships. The galleon reached the Filipinas, making for the cape of Espiritu Santo and the harbor of Capul, at the conjunction of the moon and change of the weather. The land was so covered with thick fogs, that the ship was upon it before it was seen, nor did the pilots and sailors know the country or place where they were. They ran toward the Catenduanes, and entered a bay, called Catamban, [145] twenty leguas from the channel, where they found themselves embayed and with so much wind and sea astern of them, that the galleon ran upon some rocks near the land and came very near being wrecked that night with all aboard. At daybreak, the general went ashore with the small boat and had the ship made fast to some rocks. As the weather did not improve, and the ship was hourly in greater danger of being wrecked, and the cables with which it was made fast had given way, he determined to disembark the cargo there, and as quickly as possible, by means of the boat. They went to work immediately and took off the people, the silver, and the greater part of the goods and property, until, with native boats, the Spaniards and Indians of that province carried everything to Manila over a distance of eighty leguas, partly by sea and partly by land. They left the ship–a new and handsome one–wrecked there, without being able to derive any profit whatever from it.
The daring and audacity of the Mindanaos and Joloans in making incursions with their fleets into the islands of Pintados had reached such a state that it was now expected that they would come as far as Manila, plundering and devastating. In order to check them, at the beginning of the year six hundred and two, Governor Don Francisco Tello, deriving strength from weakness, determined that the expedition against Jolo should be made at once, without more delay, in order to punish and pacify it, with the forces and men whom Captain and Sargento-mayor Joan Xuarez Gallinato held in Sebu and in the Pintados, together with more men, ships, and provisions, which were sent him, accompanied by the necessary documents and instructions for him to enter the island, chastise its king and inhabitants, and pacify and reduce it to the obedience of his Majesty. By this means, until there should be an opportunity to settle the affairs of Mindanao, which is quite near Jolo, the audacity of the enemy would be checked; and by bringing the war into his own country, he would not come out to commit depredations. Captain Gallinato set out on this expedition with two hundred Spanish soldiers, ships, artillery, enough provisions for four months–the time which it was thought the expedition would last–and with Indians as rowers for the ships and for other services that might arise. When he arrived at Jolo, at the bar of the river of this island, which is two leguas from the principal town and dwellings of the king, he landed his men, artillery, and the necessary provisions and left his ships under a sufficient guard. The islanders were all in the town and dwellings of the king, which are situated on a very high hill above some cliffs, and have two roads of approach through paths and roads so narrow that they can be reached only in single file. They had fortified the whole place, intrenched it with palms and other woods, and a number of culverins. They had also collected provisions and water for their sustenance, besides a supply of arquebuses and other weapons. They had neither women nor children with them, for they had taken them out of the island. They had requested aid from the people of Mindanao, Borney, and Terrenate, and were awaiting the same, since they had been informed of the fleet which was being prepared against them in the Pintados. Gallinato determined to pitch his camp near the town, before this aid should arrive, and to attack the fort. After he had quartered himself at a distance of one-half legua, in a plain facing the ascent, he sent interpreters with messages to the king and chiefs of the island, calling on them to surrender, and telling them that good terms would be given them. While waiting for an answer, he fortified his quarters in that spot, intrenching himself wherever necessary. He mounted the artillery in the best position for use, and kept his men ready for any emergency. A false and deceptive answer was returned, making excuses for the excesses that had been committed, and for not complying just then with what had been asked of them, and making loud promises to do so later. All this was with the object of detaining the captain in that place, which is very unhealthy, until the rains should set in, his provisions run short, and the arrival of the expected aid. After this answer had been received the Joloans, thinking that the Spaniards had become more careless on account of it, swarmed down quickly from the said fort in a large body of probably somewhat over one thousand; and armed with arquebuses and other weapons with handles, campilans, and caraças, attacked and assaulted the quarters and camp of the Spaniards. This could not be done so secretly as not to be seen by the Spaniards, and allow them opportunity to prepare to receive the Joloans before their arrival. This the Spaniards did, and having permitted the natives to come all together in a body to the very inside of the quarters and trenches, as soon as the Joloans had discharged their arquebuses, the Spaniards opened fire upon them, first with their artillery, and then with their arquebuses, killing many, and forcing the rest to retire in flight to the fort. The Spaniards pursued them, wounding and killing to the middle of the hill. But seeing that farther on the paths were so narrow and rough, they retreated before the heavy artillery fire from the heights, and the large stones hurled down upon them, and returned to their quarters. Upon many other days, efforts were made to reach the fort, but without any result. Thereupon Gallinato, in consideration of the war being prolonged beyond what had been expected, built two forts, one where he kept his ships in order to defend them and the port; and the other one-half legua farther on in a suitable place where they could take refuge and communicate with the camp. The forts were built of wood and fascines, and fortified with the artillery from the ships. The Spaniards shut themselves up in these forts, whence from time to time they sallied, making incursions as far as the enemy’s fort. The latter always remained shut up in their fort without ever choosing to come down or to yield; for he was convinced that the Spaniards could not remain long in the island. When Gallinato saw that the rains were fast setting in, that his men were becoming ill, and that his provisions were failing, without his having accomplished the desired task, and that it could not be accomplished with his remaining resources; and that the enemy from Mindanao with other allies of theirs were boasting that they were gathering a large fleet in order to drive the Spaniards from Jolo: he sent news of all that had occurred to the governor of Manila, with a plan of the island and fort and a relation of the difficulties which the enterprise presented. He sent this in a swift vessel, by Captain and Sargento-mayor Pedro Cotelo de Morales, toward the end of May of the year six hundred and two, in order to obtain instructions as to his procedure, and the necessary reënforcements of men and provisions. The captain was charged to return quickly with the answer.
When the Moro Ocuña Lacasamana and his followers killed Diego Belloso, Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonçales, and the Castilians and Portuguese with them in the kingdom of Camboja, we said that Joan de Mendoça Gamboa with father Fray Joan Malclonado, and his associate, Don Antonio Malaver, Luys de Villafañe, and other Spaniards who escaped by embarking with him in his vessel, descended the river with his vessel toward the sea, defending themselves against some Cambodian and Malayan praus which pursued them until they crossed the bar. Joan de Mendoça pursued his voyage along the coast to Sian, where his main business lay. Having reached the bar he ascended the river to the city of Odia, the court of the king, and the latter received the letter and message of Governor Don Francisco Tello, although with less pomp and courtesy than Joan de Mendoça wished.
Then he bartered his merchandise, and was so stingy in the regular custom of making some presents and gifts to the king and his favorites that he even bargained closely over the presents offered. The king was even inclined to seize the artillery of his ship, for which he had a great longing. Joan de Mendoça, fearing this, sunk it in the river with buoys, so that he could recover it at his departure, and for appearances left in the ship only one iron gun and some culverins. There was a Portuguese of the Order of St. Dominic in Odia, who had been residing in that court for the last two years, administering to the Portuguese who carried on trade in that region. Among these Portuguese were some whom the king had brought from Camboja and Pigu, when at war with both kingdoms. These and other Portuguese had had some quarrels with Siamese in the city, and had killed one of the king’s servants. The king, being little inclined to clemency, had fried some of the delinquents and had forbidden the other Portuguese and the religious to leave the city or kingdom, although they had urgently asked leave and permission to do so. On seeing themselves deprived of liberty, less well treated than before, and threatened daily, they conspired with Fray Joan Maldonado to be smuggled aboard his vessel at its departure, and taken out of the kingdom. The religious took the matter upon himself. After Joan de Mendoça had concluded his business, although not as he had desired, since the king gave him no answer for the governor, putting it off, and his merchandise had not yielded much profit, he determined, at the advice of Fray Joan Maldonado, to recover his artillery some night, and to descend the river as rapidly as possible. On that same night the Portuguese religious and his companions, about twelve in number, were to leave the city secretly and wait eight leguas down the river in an appointed place, where they would be taken aboard. This plan was carried out, but when the king heard that Don Joan de Mendoça had taken his ship and departed without his leave and dismissal, and that he was carrying away the friar and the Portuguese who had been kept at his court, he was so angered that he sent forty praus with artillery and many soldiers in pursuit of him with orders to capture and bring them back to court or to kill them. Although Joan de Mendoça made all possible haste to descend the river, the ship, being without oars and its sails not always to be depended upon, and the distance to cover more than seventy leguas, he was overtaken by the Siamese in the river. When they drew near, Joan de Mendoça assumed the defensive, and gave them so much trouble with his artillery and musketry, that they did not dare to board him. Nevertheless, they approached him several times, and managing to break through, tossed artificial fire aboard, which caused the Spaniards much trouble, for the combat lasted more than one week, day and night. Finally, when near the bar, in order that the ship might not escape them, all the praus surviving the previous engagements attacked with one accord and made the last effort in their power. Although the Siamese could not carry out their intentions, and suffered the more killed and wounded, the Spaniards did not escape without severe losses; for the pilot, Joan Martinez de Chave, the associate of Fray Joan Maldonado, and eight other Spaniards died in the conflict. Fray Joan Maldonado was badly wounded by a ball from a culverin, which shattered his arm, and Captain Joan de Mendoça also received dangerous wounds. Thereupon the Siamese reascended the river, and the ship put to sea badly misused. As the weather was not favorable for crossing by way of the shoals to Manila or Malaca, which lay nearer to them, they steered for Cochinchina, where they put in and joined a Portuguese vessel lying there, for which they waited until it should sail to Malaca, in order to sail in its company. There Fray Joan Maldonado and Captain Joan de Mendoça grew worse of their wounds, and both died. Fray Joan Maldonado left a letter, written a few days before his death, for his superior and the Order of St. Dominic, in which he related his journeys, hardships and the cause of his death; and informed them of the nature and condition of the affairs of Camboja (whither he had been sent), of the slight foundation and motives for them troubling themselves with that enterprise, and the slight gain which could be hoped from it. He charged them upon their consciences not again to become instruments of a return to Camboja. The ship went to Malaca with its cargo, where everything was sold there by the probate judge. Some of the Spaniards still living returned to Manila sick, poor, and needy, from the hardships which they had undergone.
The affairs of Maluco continued to assume a worse appearance, because the ruler of Terrenate was openly waging war against his neighbor of Tidore and against the Portuguese who were with the latter. He had allowed some ships which had come to Terrenate from the islands of Holanda and Zelanda by way of India to trade with him, and through them had sent a message to Inglaterra and to the prince of Orange, concerning peace, trade, and commerce with the English and the Dutch. To this he had received a favorable answer, and he expected shortly a large fleet from Inglaterra and the islands, with whose help he expected to accomplish great things against Tidore and the Filipinas. Meanwhile, he kept some Flemings and Englishmen in Terrenate who had remained as pledges, and a factor engaged in purchasing cloves. These people had brought many fine weapons for this trade, so that the island of Terrenate was exceedingly well supplied with them. The king of Tidore and the chief captain wrote yearly to the governor of the Filipinas, informing him of what was going on, so that it might be remedied in time, and aid sent to them. Once, Cachilcota, [146] brother of the king of Tidore, a brave soldier and one of the most famous of all Maluco, came to Manila for that purpose. They always received men, provisions, and some ammunition; but what they most desired was that an expedition should be made opportunely against Terrenate, before the English and Dutch came with the expected fleet. This could not be done without an order from his Majesty, and great preparation and equipment for such an enterprise. The same message was always sent from Tidore. At last, during this administration of Don Francisco Tello, Captain Marcos Dias de Febra returned with this request, and brought letters to the governor and to the Audiencia from the king [of Tidore], and from the chief captain, Rui Gonçales de Sequeira, in which were detailed contemporaneous events, and the necessity of at least sending succor to Tidore. The king wrote specially about this to the king [of España] and to Doctor Antonio de Morga, with the latter of whom he used to correspond, the following letter, which was written in Portuguese and signed in his own language.
To Doctor Morga, in the Filipinas Islands, from the king of Tidore.
I greatly rejoiced in receiving a letter from your Grace written on the eighth of November last, because by it I particularly understand your great sincerity in remembering me and my affairs; for this, may God reward your Grace with long life and prosperity for the service of the king, my sovereign. For I understood that he keeps your Grace in these islands with the hope of their increase, and I am aware that your being there will serve as a remedy for this fortress and island of Tidore. I have written to the governor and to the Audiencia in Manila, concerning the succor for which I beg, for I have asked it so often, on account of the great necessity of it; for through its means the injury may be checked; otherwise it may later cost much to the king our sovereign. I beg your Grace to favor me in this, or at least in what may be necessary for the future, for thus it will render a great service to God and to the king, my sovereign. May God preserve your Grace with life for many years. From this island of Tidore, today, March eight, one thousand six hundred and one.
THE KING OF TIDORE
The bearer, namely, Marcos Dias, will give your Grace a flagon and a little flask of Moorish brass workmanship. I send them in order that your Grace may remember this your friend. [147]
Marcos Dias returned to Tidore at the first monsoon, in the beginning of the year six hundred and two, bearing an answer to his message, and taking the reënforcements that had been asked, of provisions, ammunition, and a few soldiers. He was satisfied therewith, until a fitting opportunity should offer for making the desired expedition from Manila.
Of the government of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and president of the Filipinas, and of what happened during his administration, until his death in June of the year six hundred and six, after his return to Manila from Maluco, where he had completed the conquest of the islands subject to the king of Terrenate.
CHAPTER SEVENTH
In the month of May of six hundred and two, four ships came to Manila from Nueva España, with a new governor and president of the Audiencia, named Don Pedro de Acuña, knight of the Order of St. John, comendador of Salamanca, and lately governor of Cartagena in Tierra Firme. He was received into the government to the great satisfaction of the whole country, on account of the need there of one who would be as skilled in matters of war as watchful and careful in the government. Don Francisco Tello, his predecessor, awaiting his residencia which was to be taken, had to remain in Manila until the following year, six hundred and three, and in the month of April he died of an acute illness. The new governor, upon seeing things in so great need of stability, and so limited resources in the royal treasury for the purpose, found that his lot was not so good as he had imagined when he had been appointed; since the state of affairs obliged him to risk a part of his reputation without his being able to remedy matters as quickly as was to be desired. He took heart as much as possible, however, and without sparing himself any personal labor in whatever presented itself, he began with what was to be done in Manila and its environs. He began to construct galleys and other vessels in the shipyard, for there was great need of these, in order to defend the sea, which was full of enemies and pirates from other islands, especially from Mindanao. He discussed going immediately in person to visit the provinces of Pintados, in order to supply more quickly the needs of that region, which was causing the greatest anxiety. But he had to postpone that several months to arrange for the despatch of Japon and Jolo matters, and for the ships which were to make the voyage to Nueva España, all of which came at once and had to be seen to.
Chiquiro, the Japanese, having arrived in Manila, delivered his message and present to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, who had been in the government but a few days. The matter and its determination, together with the reply, were immediately considered. It required the greatest amount of thought to decide how this was to be made, in the most fitting manner possible. For, although friendship with Daifusama was held to be a good thing and of great profit, and a necessity to obtain and conclude, even should certain difficulties have to be overcome; and although the sailing to Quanto and its commerce were not of much account to the Spaniards; nevertheless those things would be fulfilled by sending a ship there with some goods for exchange. But the rest, namely, the trade and friendship with Nueva España, and the sending of masters and workmen to build ships in Japon for that navigation, which Daifu insisted upon, and which Fray Geronymo had assured him would be done, was a serious matter and impossible to be carried out, as it was very harmful and prejudicial to the Filipinas. For their greatest security from Japon had ever been the Japanese lack of ships and their ignorance of navigation. As often as the latter had intended to attack Manila, they had been prevented by this obstacle. Now to send the Japanese workmen and masters to make Spanish ships for them and show them how such vessels were made, would be to give them the weapons that they needed for their own [i.e., the Filipinas’] destruction, while their navigation to Nueva España, and making long voyages, would cause very great troubles. [148] Each matter singly was of great importance and consideration, and such that the governor could not decide them, and they could not be decided in Manila, without informing his Majesty and the latter’s viceroy of Nueva España, who was so much concerned, thereof. In order to take measures in the matter, and not to delay the Japanese from returning with his reply, a moderate present of Spanish articles was sent to Daifu, in the same ship which had come, in return for what it had brought. These Fray Geronymo was to give Daifu in person. The former was written to tell Daifu with what pleasure the governor received the good-will that he manifested to him, and the peace and friendship with the Spaniards, and all the other things that he was doing for them; and that he, the governor, would keep it and observe it in so far as he was concerned, and that very year he would send a Spanish ship to trade at Quanto according to Daifu’s desire, and that he would despatch it quickly. As to the navigation which the latter wished to undertake to Nueva España and his desire to have masters sent him for that purpose, to build ships for that voyage, that was a matter which–although the governor would do his best to effect, and to please him in everything–was not within his control, without first informing his Majesty and the latter’s viceroy in Nueva España thereof; for he, the governor, had no power or authority outside of the affairs of his government of the Filipinas. He said that he would write and would treat of it immediately, and hoped that it would be properly settled there. Until the reply came from España, which would necessarily have to be delayed three years, because that country was so far, he begged Daifu to be patient and suffer it, since it was not in his control, and nothing else could be done. The governor wrote Fray Geronymo to humor Daifu in everything, with the best words he could use to please him, but not to embarrass himself thenceforward by promising him and expediting such things for him. With this despatch, Chiquiro sailed for Japon with his ship, but was so unfortunate on the voyage that he was wrecked off the head of Hermosa Island, and neither the vessel nor its crew escaped. News thereof was not received in Manila or in Japon until many days afterward.
Upon the arrival of the letters from Fray Geronymo de Jesus, and the news of the changed conditions which he wrote existed in Japon, and the permission which he said that Daifu had given him to make Christians and build churches, not only the discalced religious of St. Francis but those of the other orders of St. Dominic and St. Augustine, set about going to Japon without loss of time; and, in order to be taken, each one made use of the Japanese ships and captains which were then at Manila, having come with flour, and which were about to return. In particular, the Order of St. Dominic sent to the kingdom of Zazuma four religious, under Fray Francisco de Morales, [149] Prior of Manila, in a ship about to go to that island and province. They said that they had been summoned by its king, the only one who had not yet rendered homage to Daifusama. The Order of St. Augustine sent two religious to the kingdom of Firando in a ship which had come from that port, under Fray Diego de Guebara, [150] Prior of Manila, because they had heard that they would be well received by the king of that province. The Order of St. Francis, in the ships about to sail to Nangasaqui, sent Fray Augustin Rodrigues, [151] who had been in Japon before, in company with the martyrs, and a lay-brother, with orders to go to Miaco, to become associates of Fray Geronymo de Jesus. Although some difficulties presented themselves to the governor in regard to the departure of these religious from Manila, and their going to Japon so hastily, yet on account of the great pressure which they brought to bear upon him, these were not sufficient to cause him to refuse them the permission which they requested. The religious reached the provinces to which they were going and were received there, although more coolly than they had expected, and with fewer conveniences than they needed for their support, and less inclination than they desired for the matters of the conversion, in which they had imagined that they were to have great and immediate results, for very few of the Japanese became Christians. In fact, the kings and tonos of those provinces kept them in order, by means of them, to open intercourse and commerce in their lands with the Spaniards–which they desired for their own interests rather than for the religion, to which they were not inclined.
The governor, Don Pedro de Acuña, in fulfilment of his letter, namely, that he would send a ship to Quanto, prepared and then sent out a medium-sized ship, named “Santiago el Menor” [i.e., St. James the Less], with a captain and the necessary seamen and officers, and some goods consisting of red wood, [152] deerskins, raw silk [153] and other things. This ship set out with orders to go to Quanto, where it would find discalced Franciscan religious and there to sell its goods and return with the exchange–and with the permission of Daifusama–to Manila. Thus Japanese matters were provided for, as far as seemed necessary, according to the state of affairs.
Daifusama, sovereign of Japon, who was awaiting Chiquiro, his servant, whom he had sent to Manila with the letters from Fray Geronymo de Jesus, pressed the latter so closely concerning the things which he desired and about which he had treated with him, that Fray Geronymo, seeing that Chiquiro was slow in returning, and that few arguments were of avail with Daifu, in order to satisfy him the better, requested permission of him to go to Manila in person, there to communicate and conclude matters with the governor by word of mouth, and bring a reply to him. He said that he would leave at the court Fray Augustin Rodriguez and another companion, who had lately come to him, as hostages for his return. The king granted the permission and gave him provision, so that Fray Geronymo came quickly to Manila, where he learned of the message which Chiquiro had taken. Then he began to treat with Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, about his business, saying that Chiquiro had not yet arrived in Xapon, which gave rise to the suspicion that he had been wrecked. The ship sent by the governor being unable to double the head of Xapon in order to pass to the north side, put into the port of Firando, where the religious of St. Augustine had had a station for a short time, and anchored there. Thence the captain advised the court of Miaco that he had been unable to reach Quanto. He sent also the letters for the religious and what was to be given to Daifu. The religious, Fray Geronymo’s associates, gave Daifu the presents which were for him, and told him that the governor was sending that ship at his disposition and command, but that the weather had not allowed it to reach Quanto. Daifusama received the presents, although he did not believe what they told him, but that they were compliments to please him. He ordered the ship to get its trading done immediately, and to return with some things which he gave them for the governor, and thenceforward to go to Quanto as promised him. Thereupon it returned to Manila.
Fray Geronymo de Jesus reached the Filipinas so quickly, as has been said, that he had opportunity to treat with Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, about the matters under his charge, from whom he received the promise that ships would continue to be sent to Quanto to please Daifusama. Taking with him a good present, given him by the governor, consisting of a very rich and large Venetian mirror, glass, clothes from Castilla, honey, several tibores, [154] and other things which it was known would please Daifu, he returned immediately to Japon. He was well received there by Daifu, to whom he communicated his message, and that his servant Chiquiro had been well sent off by the new governor, and that nothing less than shipwreck was possible, since he had not appeared in so long a time. He gave Daifu what he had brought, which pleased the latter greatly.
During the first days of the governor’s administration he found in the shipyard of Cabit two large ships which were being finished to make their voyage that year to Nueva España. One of them, belonging to Don Luys Dasmariñas, by an agreement which the latter had made with the governor’s predecessor, Don Francisco Tello, was to go with a cargo of merchandise. The other, called the “Espiritu Santo,” built by Joan Tello de Aguirre and other residents of Manila, was to make the voyage with the merchandise of that year credited to the builders, but was to pass into possession of his Majesty on its arrival in Nueva España, according to an agreement and contract made with the same governor, Don Francisco Tello. Don Pedro de Acuña made so great haste in despatching both ships that, with the cargo which they were to carry, he sent them out of port at the beginning of July of the aforesaid year six hundred and two, with Don Lope de Ulloa in the “Espiritu Santo” as general, and Don Pedro Flores in charge of the “Jesus Maria.” Both ships went on their way, and in thirty-eight degrees met such storms that they were many times on the point of being wrecked, and threw overboard a quantity of their merchandise. The ship “Jesus Maria” put back into Manila with difficulty after having been more than forty days in the island of the Ladrones, whence it was unable to depart. During this time they had opportunity to pick up all the surviving Spaniards from among those left by the ship “Santa Margarita,” among them, Fray Joan Pobre, who had jumped into one of the boats of the natives from the galleon “Santo Tomas,” when it passed that way the year before. Five other Spaniards were in other islands of the same Ladrones, but although every effort was made to bring them, they could not come. The natives brought Fray Joan Pobre and the others to the ship in their own boats, with great friendship and good will. After they had been entertained on board the ship, which they entered without fear, and after iron and other presents had been given to them, they returned without the Spaniards, weeping and showing great sorrow. The ship “Espiritu Santo,” with the same difficulty, put into Japon, as it could do nothing else, with its mainmast gone, and entered a port of Firando, twenty leguas from a station of the religious of St. Augustine, who had gone there the same year from Manila, and where also the ship bound for Quanto had entered. The harbor could be sounded [i.e., it formed a good anchorage], but to enter and leave it were very difficult, because its channel had many turns, with rocks and high mountains on both sides. However, as the Japanese natives with their funeas towed and guided the ship so that it might enter, it had less difficulty. When it was inside, a Japanese guard was placed on the ship, and those who went ashore were not allowed to return to the ship. The supplies furnished them did not suffice for all their necessities, and the price was not suitable. On this account, and because a large number of soldiers had assembled quickly at the port from the whole district, and had asked the general for the sails of the ship, which he had always declined to give them, he feared that they wished to seize the ship and its merchandise, as was done in Hurando, with the ship “San Felipe,” in the year ninety-six. He acted with caution, and kept much closer watch thenceforward, without leaving his ship or allowing his men to leave it alone, or any of the merchandise to be unloaded. At the same time he sent his brother, Don Alonso de Ulloa, and Don Antonio Maldonado to Miaco with a reasonable present for Daifusama, that he might have provision given them and permission to go out again from that harbor. [155] These men made the journey by land. Meanwhile, those on the ship were greatly troubled by the Japanese who were in the port, and by their captains, who were not satisfied with the presents which were given them to make them well disposed, but forcibly seized whatever they saw, giving out that everything was theirs and that it would soon be in their power. Fray Diego de Guebara, the Augustinian superior in Firando, came to the ship and told the general that he had put into a bad harbor of infidels and wicked people, who would take his ship and rob it, and that he should endeavor with all his might to get it out of there and take it to Firando where he [the father] was living. Meanwhile he told him to be on the watch and guard to the best of his ability. As the father was returning to his house with some pieces of silk, given him on the ship for his new church and monastery at Firando, the Japanese took it away from him and did not leave him a thing, saying that it was all theirs, and he went away without it. About a dozen and a half of the Spaniards of the ship were ashore, where they were kept in confinement and not allowed to go on board again, and although the general warned them that he had determined to leave the port as soon as possible, and that they should make every effort to come to the ship, they could not all do so, but only four or five of them. Without waiting any longer he drove the Japanese guard from the ship, bent the foresail and spritsail, loaded the artillery, and, with weapons in hand, one morning set the ship in readiness to weigh anchor. The Japanese went to the channel at the mouth of the harbor with many funeas and arquebusiers, stretched a thick rattan cable which they had woven, and moored it on both banks in order that the ship might not be able to sail out. The general sent a small boat with six arquebusiers to find out what they were doing, but at their approach, a number of the Japanese funeas attacked them with the purpose of capturing them. However, by defending themselves with their arquebuses they returned to the ship and reported to the general that the Japanese were closing the exit from the harbor with a cable. Taking this to be a bad sign, the ship immediately set sail against the cable to break it, and a negro, to whom the general promised his freedom, offered to be let down over the bow with a large machete in order to cut the cable when the ship should reach it.
With the artillery and the arquebuses he cleared the channel of the funeas there, and when he came to the cable, with the impetus of the vessel and the strenuous efforts of the negro with the machete, it broke, and the ship passed through. It still remained for it to go through the many turns which the channel made before coming out to the sea and it seemed impossible for a ship which was sailing fast to go through them, but God permitted it to pass out through them as though it had had a breeze for each turn. But the Japanese, who had assembled in great numbers on the hills and rocks within range of where the ship was passing, did not fail to annoy the ship with many volleys, with which they killed one Spaniard on the ship and wounded others. The ship did the same, and with their artillery they killed several of the Japanese. The Japanese failed to obstruct the ship’s passage, and accordingly were left without it. The general, finding himself on the sea and free from the past danger, and seeing that it was beginning to blow a little from the north, thought it best to venture on his voyage to Manila rather than to seek another harbor in Japon. Having raised a jury-mast [156] in place of the main-mast, and with the wind freshening daily from the north, he crossed to Luzón in twelve days, via the cape of Bojeador, and reached the mouth of the bay of Manila, where he found the ship “Jesus Maria,” which was also putting in in distress through the Capul Channel; and so the two ships together, as they had gone together out of the port of Cabit five months before, made harbor there again in distress after having suffered many damages and losses to the exchequer.
Don Alonso de Ulloa and Don Francisco Maldonado, while this was going on in the harbor where they had left the ship “Espiritu Santo,” reached Miaco and delivered their message and present to Daifusama. The latter, upon being informed who they were, that their ship had entered Japon, and that they were from Manila, received them cordially, and quickly gave them warrants and chapas [i.e., safe-conducts], in order that the tonos and governors of the provinces where the ship had entered should allow it and its crew to depart freely. They were to be allowed to refit, and to be given what they needed; and whatever had been taken from them, whether much or little, was to be returned.
While this matter was being attended to, news reached Miaco of the departure of the ship from the harbor, and the skirmish with the Japanese over it, and of this they complained anew to Diafu. He showed that he was troubled at the departure of the ship and the discourtesy to it, and at the outrages committed by the Japanese. He gave new chapas for restitution of all the goods to be made; and sent a catan from his own hand with which justice should be performed upon those who had offended in this matter, [157] and ordered that the Spaniards who remained in the port should be set free, and that their goods be returned to them. With this warrant the Spaniards left that port and recovered what had been taken from them. The ambassadors and the others returned to Manila in the first vessels which left, taking with them eight chapas of the same tenor from Daifusama, in order that in the future ships coming from Manila to any port whatever of J apon, might be received courteously and well treated, without having any harm done them. These, upon their arrival in Manila, they handed over to the governor, who gives them to the ships sailing to Nueva España, to provide for any incidents on the voyage.
At the same time that Governor Don Pedro de Acuña entered upon his administration, the captain and sargento-mayor, Pedro Cotelo de