enemy. He objected to John’s succession on the ground that he was the illegitimate son of Lovat’s daughter, with whom his father, Kenneth, at first did “so irregularly and unlawfully cohabit,” and John’s youth encouraging him, it is said, [MS. History by the Earl of Cromartie.] Hector proposed an arrangement to Duncan, whom he considered the only legitimate obstacle to his own succession, by which he would transfer his rights as elder brother in Hector’s favour, in return for which he should receive a considerable portion of the estates for himself and his successors. Duncan declined to enter into the proposed agreement, principally on the ground that the Pope, in 1491, the year in which John’s father died, had legitimised Kenneth a Bhlair’s marriage with Agnes of Lovat, and thereby restored the children of that union to the rights of succession. Finding Duncan unfavourable to his project, Hector declared John illegitimate, and held possession of the estates for himself; and the whole clan, with whom he was a great favourite, submitted to his rule. [Though we have given this account on the authority of the MS. histories of the family, it is now generally believed that Duncan was dead at this period, and that his son Allan, who would have succeeded, failing John of Killin’s legitimacy, was a minor when his father died.]
It can hardly be supposed that Lord Lovat would be a disinterested spectator of these proceedings, and in the interest of his sister’s children he procured a precept of clare constat from James Stewart, Duke of Ross, [After the forfeiture of the ancient Earls of Ross, the district furnished new titles under the old names, to members of the Royal family. James Stewart, second son of King James the Third, was created in 1487 Duke of Ross, Marquis of Ormond, Earl of Ardmanach, and Lord of Brechin and Navar. The Duke did not long hold the territorial Dukedom of Ross. On the 13th of May 1503, having obtained the rich Abbey of Dunfermline, he resigned the Dukedom of Ross into the hands of the King. The Duke reserved for his life the hill of Dingwall beside that town for the style of Duke, the hill of Ormond (above Avoch) for the style of Marquis, the Redcastle of Ardmanach for the style of Earl, and the Castle of Brechin, with the gardens, &c., for the name of Brechin and Navar. The Duke of Ross died in 1504. It was said of him by Ariosto, as translated by Hoole – “The title of the Duke of Ross he bears, No chief like him in dauntless mind compares.” The next creation of the title of the Duke of Ross was in favour of Alexander Stewart, the posthumous son of King James the Fourth. The Duke was born on the 30th April 1514, and died on the 18th December 1515. In the reign of Mary Queen of Scots, John, Earl of Sutherland, acquired from Mary, the Queen Dowager, a certain right in the Earldom of Ross, which might ultimately have joined in one family both Sutherland and Ross. Lord Darnley, on the prospect of his marriage with Queen Mary, was created Earl of Ross, a title by which he is little known, as it was only given to him a short time before he obtained the higher titles of Duke of Albany and King of Scotland. – Fraser’s Earls of Cromartie.] and Archbishop of St Andrews, in favour of his grandson, John, as heir to the estates. The document is “daited the last of Apryle 1500 and seasin thereon 16 Mey 1500 be Sir John Barchaw and William Monro of Foulls, as Baillie to the Duk.” [MS. History by the Earl of Cromartie.] This precept included the Barony of Kintail, as well as the lands held by Mackenzie off the earldom of Ross, for, the charter chest being in the possession of Hector Roy, Lovat was not aware that Kintail was held direct from the Crown; but notwithstanding all these precautions and legal instruments, Hector kept possession and treated the entire estates as his own.
Sir William Munro of Fowlis, the Duke’s Lieutenant for the forfeited earldom of Ross, was dissatisfied with Hector’s conduct, and resolved to punish him. Munro was in the habit of doing things with a high hand, and on this occasion, during Hector’s absence from home, he, accompanied by his Sheriff, Alexander Vass, went to Kinellan, where Hector usually resided, held a court at the place, and as a mulct or fine took away the couples of one of Hector’s barns as a token of his power. When Hector discovered what had taken place in his absence, he became furious, and sent a messenger to Fowlis telling him that if he were a man of courage and a “good fellow” he would come and take away the couples of the other barn when their owner was at home.
Munro, greatly offended at this message, determined to accept the bold challenge conveyed in it, and promptly collected his vassals, including the Dingwalls and the MacCullochs, who were then his dependants, to the number of nine hundred, and with this force started for Kinellan, where he arrived much sooner than Hector, who hurriedly collected all the men he could in the neighbourhood, anticipated. Hector had no time to advise his Kintail men nor those at a distance from Kinellan, and was consequently unable to bring together more than one hundred and forty men. With this small force he wisely deemed it imprudent to venture on a regular battle, but decided upon a stratagem which if it proved successful, as he anticipated, would give him an advantage that would more than counterbalance the enemy’s superiority of numbers. Having supplied his small but resolute band with provisions for twenty-four hours, Hector led them secretly, during the night, to the top of Knock-farrel, a place so situated that Munro must needs pass near its north or south side in his march to and from Kinellan. Early next morning Fowlis marched past on his way to Kinellan, quite ignorant of Hector’s position, and expecting him to have remained at home to implement the purport of his message. Sir William was allowed to pass unmolested, and imagining that Hector had fled, he proceeded to demolish the barn at Kinellan, ordered its couples to be carried away. Broke all the utensils about the place, and drove out all the cattle, as trophies of his visit. In the evening he returned, as Hector had conjectured, carrying the plunderin front of his party, accompanied by a strong guard, while he placed the rest of his picked men in the rear, fearing that Hector might pursue him, little thinking that he was already between him and his destination.
On his way to Kinellan, Munro bad marched through Strathpeffer round the north side of Knock-farrel, but for some cause he returned by the south side where the highway touched the shoulder of the hill on which Hector’s men were posted. He had no fear of attack from that quarter, and his men feeling themselves quite safe, marched loosely and out of order. Hector seeing his opportunity, allowed them to pass until the rear was within musket shot of him. He then ordered his men to charge, which they did with such furious impetuosity, that most of the enemy were cut to pieces before they were properly aware from whence they were attacked, or could make any effectual attempt to resist the dashing onset of Hector’s followers. The groans of the dying in the gloaming, the uncertainty as well as the unexpectedness of the attack, frightened them so much that they fled in confusion, in spite of every attempt on the part of Fowlis, who was in front in charge of the spoil and its guard, to stop them. Those from the rear flying in disorder soon confused the men in front, and the result was a complete rout. Hector’s men followed, killing every one they met for it was ordered that no quarter should be given, the number being so large that they might again turn round, attack and defeat the victors. In this retreat almost all the men of the clan Dingwall and MacCullochs capable of bearing arms were killed, and so many of the Munroes were slain that for a long time after “there could not be ane secure friendship made up twixt them and the Mackenzies, till by frequent allyance and mutuall beneffets at last thes animosities are setled and in ordor to a reconciliation, Hector, sone to this William of Foulls, wes maried to John Mackenzie’s sister Catherine.”
At this conflict, besides that it was notable for its neat contrivance, the inequality of the forces engaged, and the number of the slain, there are two minor incidents worth noting. One is that the pursuit was so hot that the Munroes not only fled in a crowd, but there were so many of them killed at a place on the edge of the hill where a descent fell from each shoulder of it to a well; and most of Hector’s men being armed with battle-axes and two-edged swords, they had cut off so many heads in that small space, that, tumbling down the slope to the well, nineteen heads were counted in it and to this day the well is called “Tobar nan Ceann” or the Fountain of the Heads. The other incident is that Suarachan, better known as “Donnchadh Mor na Tuaighe,” or Big Duncan of the Axe, previously referred to as one of the heroes of the battle of Park, pursued one of the enemy into the Church of Dingwall, to which he had fled for shelter. As he was entering in at the door, Suarachan caught him by the arm, when the man exclaimed, “My sanctuary saves me!” “Aye,” returned Suarachan, “but what a man puts in the sanctuary against his will he can take it out again; and so, pushing him back from the door, he killed him with one stroke of his broadsword. [MS. History by the Earl or Cromartie.]
Sir William Munro returned that night to Fowlis, where happened to be, passing the evening, a harper of the name of MacRa, who, observing Sir William pensive and dispirited, advised him to be more cheerful and submit patiently to the fortunes of war, since his defeat was not his own fault, nor from want of personal courage and bravery, but arose from the timorousness of his followers, who were unacquainted with such severe service. This led Sir William to take more particular notice of the harper than he had hitherto done, and he asked him his name. On hearing it, Munro replied, “You surely must have been fortunate, as your name imports, and I am sure that you have been more so than I have been this day; but it’s fit to take your advice, MacRath.” This was a play on the minstrel’s name – MacRath literally meaning “Son of Fortune” – and the harper being, like most of his kind, smart and sagacious, made the following impromptu answer –
Eachainn le sheachd fichead fear,
Agus thusa le d’ochd clad,
Se Mac Rath a mharbh na daoine
Air bathaois Cnoc faireal,
Which may be rendered in English as follows:
Although MacRath doth “fortunate” import, It’s he deserves that name whose brave effort Eight hundred men did put to flight
With his seven score at Knockfarrel. [Ardintoul MS.]
In 1499, George, Earl of Huntly, then the King’s Lieutenant, granted warrant to Duncan Mackintosh of Mackintosh, John Grant of Freuchie, and other leaders, with three thousand men, to pass against the Clan Mackenzie, “the King’s rebels,” for the slaughter of Harold of Chisholm, dwelling in Strathglass, “and for divers other heirschips, slaughters, spuilzies, committed on the King’s poor lieges and tenants in the Lordship of Ardmeanoch,” [Kilravock Papers, p. 170.] but Hector Roy and his followers gave a good account of them, and soon defeated and dispersed them. He seems to have held undisturbed possession until the year 1507, when John and his brother Roderick were on a visit in the Aird, at the house of their uncle, Lord Lovat, when a fire broke out at the castle. According to the Earl of Cromartie, when the house took fire, no one was found bold enough to approach the burning pile but John, who rushed boldly through the flames and carried away the Lovat charter chest “a weight even then thought too much for the strongest man, and that cheist, yett extant, is a load sufficient for two. His uncle, bothe obleiged by the actione, and glad to sie such strength and boldnes in the young man, desyred (him) to do as much for himself as he haid done for him, and to discover his (own) charter cheist from his uncle, and that he should have all the concurrance which he (Lovat) could give to that effect.” Anderson’s “History of the Family of Fraser” ascribes this bold act to Roderick, for which he was “considered amply recompensed by the gift of a bonnet and a pair of shoes.” It matters little which is the correct version, but it is not unlikely that Lovat’s valuable charter chest was saved by one or other of them, and it is by no means improbable that his Lordship’s suggestion that they should procure their own charter chest and his offer to aid them in doing so was made and determined to be acted upon on this occasion.
John, who had proved himself most prudent, even in his youth, was satisfied that his uncle Hector, a man of undoubted valour and wisdom, in possession of the estates, and highly popular with the clan, could not be expelled without great difficulty and extreme danger to himself. Any such attempt would produce feuds and slaughter among his people, with the certain result of making himself personally unpopular with the clan, and his uncle more popular than ever. He therefore decided upon a more prudent course resolving to strike only at Hector’s person, judging that, if his uncle failed, his claims and the personal respect of his followers would fall with him. To carry out his resolution, he contrived a scheme which proved completely successful. Having secured an interview with Hector, who then resided at Wester Fairburn, he pleaded that since he had taken his estates from him, and left him in such reduced circumstances, it was not in accordance with his feelings and his ambition for fame to remain any longer in his native country, where he had neither position nor opportunities of distinguishing himself. He therefore begged that his uncle should give him a galley or birlinn, and as many of the ablest and most determined youths in the country as should voluntarily follow him in his adventures for fame and fortune in a foreign land. With these he should pass to Ireland, then engaged in war, and “there purchase a glorious death or a more plentiful fortune than he was likely to get at home.” The idea pleased Hector exceedingly, and he not only gave him his own galley, then lying at Torridon, but furnished him with all the necessary provisions for the voyage, at the same time assuring him that, if he prosecuted his intentions, he should annually transmit him a sufficient portion to keep up his position, until his own personal prowess and fortune should place him above any such necessity whereas, if he otherwise resolved or attempted to molest him in what he called his rights, he would bring sudden and certain ruin upon himself.
Thirty brave and resolute young men joined the supposed adventurer, after having informed them that he would have none except those who would do so of their own free will, from their affection for him, and determination to support him in any emergency; for he well judged that only such were suitable companions in the desperate aims which he had laid out for himself to accomplish. These he dispatched to the galley then at Torridon, one of the most secluded glens on the West Coast, and distant from any populated place; while he himself remained with his uncle, professedly to arrange the necessary details of his journey, and the transmission of his portion, but really to notice “his method and manner of converse.” John soon took farewell of Hector, and departed with every appearance of simplicity. His uncle sent a retinue to convoy him with becoming respect, but principally to assure himself of his departure, and to guard against surprise or design on John’s part. Accompanied by these, he soon arrived at Torridon, where he found his thirty fellow adventurers and the galley awaiting him. They at once set sail, and with a fair wind made for the Isles, in the direction of, and as if intending to make for, Ireland. The retinue sent by Hector Roy returned home, and informed their master that they saw John and his companions started before a fair wind, with sails set, in the direction of Ireland when Hector exclaimed, referring to Anne of Lovat, “We may now sleep without fear of Anne’s children.”
John, sailing down Loch Torridon, and judging that Hector’s men had returned home, made for a sheltered and isolated creek, landed in a wood, and dispersed his men with instructions to go by the most private and unfrequented paths in the direction of Alit Corrienarnich, in the braes of Torridon, where he would meet them. This done, they followed Hector’s men, being quite close up to them by the time they reached Fairburn. John halted at some little distance from Hector’s house until about midnight, when, calling his men together, he feelingly addressed them thus: “Now, my good friends, I perceive that you are indeed affectionate to me, and resolute men, who have freely forsaken your country and relations to share in my not very promising fortune but my design in seeking only such as would voluntarily go along with me was that I might be certain of your affection and resolution, and since you are they whom I ought only to rely upon in my present circumstances and danger, I shall now tell you that I was never so faint-hearted as to quit my inheritance without attempting what is possible for any man in my capacity. In order to this I feigned this design for Ireland for three reasons; first, to put my uncle in security, whom I have found ever hitherto very circumspect and well guarded; next, to find out a select, faithful number to whom I might trust and thirdly, that in case I fail, and that my uncle shall prevail over my endeavours, that I might have this boat and these provisions as a safe retreat, both for myself and you, whom I should be loath to expose to so great a danger without some probability in the attempt, and some security in the disappointment. I am resolved this night to fall on my uncle for he being gone, there is none of his children who dare hope to repose themselves to his place. The countrymen who now, for fear, depend on him and disown me, will, no doubt, on the same motives, promoved with my just title, own me against all other injurious pretenders. One thing I must require of you, and it is that albeit those on whom we are to fall are all related both to you and to me, yet since on their destruction depends the preservation of our lives, and the restitution of my estate, you must all promise not to give quarter to my uncle or to any of his company.”
To this inhuman resolution they all agreed, disregarding the natural ties of blood and other obligations, and, marching as quietly as possible, they arrived at Hector’s house, surrounded it, and set fire to it – guarding it all round so that not a soul could escape. The house was soon in flames, and the inmates, Hector and his household, were crying out for mercy. Their pitiful cries made an impression on those outside, for many of them had relatives within, and in spite of their previous resolution to give no quarter, some of them called out to their nearest friends to come out and surrender, on assurance of their lives being spared. John seeing so many of his followers moved to this merciful conduct, and being unable to resist them, exclaimed, “My uncle is as near in blood to me as any in the house are to you, and therefore I will be as kind to him as you are to them.” He then called upon Hector to surrender and come forth from the burning pile, assuring him of his life. This he did; but Donald Dubh MacGillechriost Mhic Gillereach, a Kenlochewe man, made for the door with his two-edged sword drawn, whereupon Hector seeing him called out to John that he would rather be burned where he was than face Donald Dubh. John called the latter away, and Hector rushed out into his nephew’s arms and embraced him. That same night John and Hector, without “Dysman,” saving God and such commons as were then present, agreed and condescended that Hector should have the estate till John was twenty-one years of age, and that John should live on his own purchases till then, Hector was to set the whole estate immediately, as tutor to John, which next day he went about. “I cannot forget what passed betwixt him and the foresaid Donald at the set of Kenlochewe, who was one of the first that sought land from him, which when he sought, Hector says to him: ‘I wonder, Donald, how you can ask land this day, that was so forward to kill me the last day.’ Donald answered that ‘if he had such a leader this day as he had that night he should show him no better quarters, for Kenneth’s death (meaning Kenneth Aack) struck nearer my heart than any prejudice you can do me in denying me land this day.’ Hector said, ‘Well Donald, I doubt ye not if you had such coildghys (coldhaltas – fosterage) to me as you had to that man but you would act the like for me. Therefore you shall have your choice of all the land in the country.’ Hector having set the whole estate as tutor, all things seemed fair, only that Allan and his faction in Kintail, who previously urged John to possess himself of Ellandonnan Castle, were not satisfied with the arrangement, as John was still kept out of the stronghold, ‘which Hector would not grant, not being condescended on (and as he alleged) lest John should fail on his part but the factions – the commons – within that country could not be satisfied herewith, being, as it was said, moved hereto by an accident that fell out a year or two before.'” [Ancient MS.] This “accident” is described further on, and refers to Hector’s alleged attempt to get Allan assassinated at Invershiel.
Donald Dubh was Kenneth Og’s foster-brother, and Imagining that Hector was accessory in an underhand way to Kenneth’s captivity in Edinburgh Castle, and consequently to his death in the Torwood, he conceived an inveterate hatred for him, and determined to kill him in revenge the first opportunity that presented itself. Hector, knowing that his resolution proceeded from fidelity and affection to his foster-brother and master, not only forgave him, but ultimately took an opportunity of rewarding him and, as we have seen, afterwards gave him his choice of all the lands in Kenlochewe.
John immediately sent word of what had taken place to his uncle of Lovat, and next day marched for Kintail, where all the people there, as well as in the other parts of his property, recognised him as their chief. The Castle of Ellandonnan was delivered up to him, with the charter chest and other evidences of his extensive possessions.
It has been maintained by the family of Gairloch that there is no truth in the charge against their ancestor, Hector Roy, which we have just given mainly on the authority of the Earl of Cromartie. The writer of the Ardintoul MS. of the Mackenzies, [Dr George Mackenzie gives substantially the same account,] however corroborates his lordship, and says that John was but young when his father died; and Hector, his younger uncle (Duncan, Hector’s eldest brother, who should be tutor being dead, and Allan, Duncan’s son, not being able to oppose or grapple with Hector), meddled with the estate. It is reported that Hector wished Allan out of the way, whom he thought only to stand in his way from being laird, since he was resolved not to own my Lord Lovat’s daughter’s children, being all bastards and gotten in adultery. The reason why they entertained such thoughts of him was partly this: Hector going to Ellandonnan (where he placed Malcolm Mac Eancharrich constable) called such of the country people to him as he judged fit, under pretence of setting and settling the country, but asked not for, nor yet called his nephew Allan, who lived at Invershiel, within a few miles of Ellandonnan, but went away. Allan, suspecting this to have proceeded from unkindness, sends to one of his familiar friends to know the result of the meeting, or if there was any spoken concerning him. The man, perhaps, not being willing to be an ill instrument twixt so near relations, sends Allan the following Irish (Gaelic) lines:
Inversheala na struth bras,
Tar as, ‘s fear foul ga d’ fheitheamh, Nineag, ga caol a cas,
Tha leannan aice gun thios,
A tighinn ga’m fhaire a shios,
Tha i, gun fhios, fo mo chrios
Tha ‘n sar lann ghuilbneach ghlas, – Bhehion urchair dha le fios.
Allan put his own construction on them, and thought a friend warned him to have a care of himself, there being some designs on him from a near relation; and so that very night, in the beginning thereof, he removed himself and family and anything he valued within the house to an bill above the town, where he might see and bear anything that might befall the house; and that same night about cock crow he saw bis house and biggings in flames, and found them consumed to ashes on the morrow. The perpetrators could not be found; yet it was generally thought to be Hector his uncle’s contrivance.”
The writer then describes the legitimation of Agnes Fraser’s children by the Pope, and continues – “Hector, notwithstanding of the legitimation, refused to quit the possession of the estate,” and he then gives the same account of John’s feigned expedition to Ireland, and the burning of Hector’s house at Wester Fairburn, substantially as already given from another source, but adding – “That very night they both entered upon terms of agreement without acquainting or sending for any, or to advise a reconciliation betwixt them. The sum of their agreement was, that Hector, as a man able to rule and govern, should have (allowing John an aliment) the estate for five or six years, till John should be major, and that thereafter Hector should render it to John as the right and lawful undoubted heir, and that Hector should ever afterwards acknowledge and honour him as his chief, and so they parted, all being well pleased. [John and Hector did condescend that Hector should have the estate till John were one and twentie years, and that John should live on his own purchase till then. Letter from MS.] But Allan and the most of the Kintail men were dissatisfied that John did not get Ellandonnan, his principal house, in his own possession, and so desired John to come to them and possess the castle by fair or foul means wherein they promised to assist him. John goes to Kintail, desires him to render the place to him, which he refused, for which cause John ordered bring all his cattle to those he employed to besiege the castle till Malcolm (the governor) would be starved out of it. Yet this did not prevail with the governor, till he got Hector’s consent, who, being acquainted, came to Lochalsh and met with his nephew, and after concerting the matter, Hector sends word to Malcolm to render the place to John. But Malcolm would not till he would be paid of his goods that were destroyed. But Hector sending to him the second time, after considerable negotiation for several days, telling him he was a fool, that he might remember how himself was used, and that that might be a means to take his life also. Whereupon Malcolm renders the house, but John was so much offended at him that he would not continue him governor, but gave the charge to Gillechriost Mac Fhionnla Mhic Rath, making him Constable of the Isle. So after that there was little or no debate twixt John and Hector during the rest of the six years he was Tutor.’ [Ardintoul and Ancient MSS. of the Mackenzies.]
The MS. Histories of the family are borne out by Gregory, [Highlands and Isles of Scotland, p. 111] who informs us that “Hector Roy Mackenzie, progenitor of the House of Gairloch, had, since the death of Kenneth Og Mackenzie of Kintail, in 1497, and during the minority of John, the brother and heir of Kenneth, exercised the command of that clan, nominally as guardian to the young chief. Under his rule the Clan Mackenzie became involved in feuds with the Munroes and other clans, and Hector Roy himself became obnoxious to Government as a disturber of the public peace. His intentions towards the young Laird of Kintail were considered very dubious; and the apprehensions of the latter having been roused, Hector was compelled by law to yield up the estate and the command of the tribe to the proper heir.” Gregory gives the “Acts of the Lords of Council, xxii., fo. 142,” as that upon which, among other autho-rities, he founds. We give the following extract, except that the spelling is modernised:
“7th April 1511. – Anent the summons made at the instance of John Mackenzie of Kintail against Hector Roy Mackenzie for the wrongous intromitting, uptaking, and withholding from him of the mails ‘fermez,’ profits, and duties of all and whole the lands of Kintail, with the pertinents lying in the Sheriffdom of Inverness, for the space of seven years together, beginning in the year of God 1501, and also for the space of two years, last bye-past, and for the masterful withholding from the said John Mackenzie of his house and Castle of Ellandonnan, and to bring with him his evidence if (he) any has of the constabulary and keeping thereof, and to hear the same decerned of none avail, and diverse other points like as at more length; is contained in the said summons, the said John Mackenzie being personally present, and the said Hector Roy being lawfully summoned to this action, oft-times called and not compearing, the said John’s rights, etc. The Lords of Council decree and deliver, that the said Hector has forfeited the keeping and constabulary of the said Castle of Ellandonnan, together with the fees granted therefor, and decern all evidents, if he any has made to him thereupon, of none avail, force, nor effect, and the said John Mackenzie to have free ingress and entry to the said Castle, because he required the said Hector for deliverance thereof and to thole him to enter thereunto, howbeit the said Hector refused and would not give him entry to the said Castle, but if his servants would have delivered their happinnis from them to his men or their entries, like as one actentit instrument taken thereupon shown and produced before the said Lords purported and bore, and therefore ordains our sovereign Lords’ letters (to) be directed to devode and rid the said Castle and to keep the said John in possession thereof as effeirs and continues to remanent points contained in the said summons in form, as they are now, unto the 20th day of July next to come, with continuation of days, and ordains that letters be written in form of commission to the Sheriff of Inverness and his deputies to summon witnesses and take probations thereupon and to summon the party to heir them sworn and thereafter send their depositions closed to the Lords again, the said day, under the said Sheriffs or his Deputy’s seal, that thereafter justice may be ministered thereuntill.”
Whatever truth there may be in the accounts given by the family historians, Hector Roy was undoubtedly at this period possessed of considerable estates of his own; for, we find a “protocol,” by John Vass, “Burges of Dygvayll, and Shireff in this pairt,” by which he makes known that, by the command of his sovereign lord, letters and process was directed to him as Sheriff granting him to give Hector Mackenzie heritable state and possession “of all and syndri the landis off Gerloch with thar pertinens, after the forme and tenor off our souerane lordis chartyr maide to the forsaide Hector,” lying between the waters called Inverew and Torridon. The letter is dated “At Alydyll (?Talladale) the xth of the moneth off December the zher off Gode ane thousande four hundreth nynte an four zheris.”
It is clear that Hector did not long continue under a cloud; for in 1508 the King directed a mandate to the Chamberlain of Ross requesting him to enter Hector Roy Mackenzie in the “males and proffitis of our landis of Braane and Moy, with ariage, cariage and vther pertinence thareof … for his gude and thankfull service done and to be done to us … and this on na wise ye leif vndone, as ye will incur our indignatioun and displesour. This our letrez … efter the forme of our said vther letres past obefor, given vnder our signet at Edinburgh the fift day of Marche and of Regne the twenty yere. – (Signed) James R.” In 1513 he received a charter under the great seal of the lands of Gairloch formerly granted him, with Glasletter and Coruguellen, with their pertinents. [The original charter; the “protocol” from John Vass; the mandate to the Chamberlain of Ross, for copies of which we are indebted to Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie, Baronet, are in the Gaitloch Charter Chest, and the latter two will be found in extenso in the account of the Gairloch family later on.] Hector Roy’s conduct towards John has been unfavourably criticised, but if it is kept in mind that no regular marriage ever took place between Kenneth a Bhlair and John’s mother, Agnes of Lovat that their union was not recognised by the Church until 1491, if then, the same year in which Kenneth died it can easily be understood why Hector should conscientiously do what he probably held to be his duty-oppose John of Killin in the interest of those whom he considered the legitimate successors of Kenneth a Bhlair and his unfortunate son, Kenneth Og, to whom only, so far as we can discover, Hector Roy was appointed Tutor; for when his brother, Kenneth a Bhlair, died, there was every appearance that Hector’s ward, Kenneth Og, would succeed when he came of age. The succession of John of Killin was at most only a remote possibility when his father died, and therefore no Tutor to him would have been appointed.
In terms of an Act passed in 1496, anent the education of young gentlemen of note, John, when young, was sent by Hector Roy to Edinburgh to complete his education at Court. He thus, in early life, acquired a knowledge of legal principles and practice of great service and value to him in after life, not only in the management of his own affairs, but in aiding his friends and countrymen in their peculiar difficulties by his counsel and guidance, and thus he secured such universal esteem and confidence as seldom fell to the lot of a Highland chief in that rude and unruly age. The standard of education necessary at Court in those days must have been very different from that required in ours, for we find that, with all his opportunities, John of Killin could not write his own name. To a bond in favour of the Earl of Huntly he subscribes, “Jhone M’Kenzie of Kyntaill, with my hand on the pen led by Master William Gordone, Notar.”
Referring to the power of the House of Kintail at this period, and to the rapid advance made by the family under Alexander and his successors, we quote the following from a modern MS. history of the family by the late Captain John Matheson of Bennetsfield: “We must observe here the rapid advance which the family of Kintail made on every side. The turbulent Macdonalds, crushed by the affair of Park, Munro, sustained by his own clan, and the neighbouring vassals of Ross humbled at their own door, when a century had not yet passed since the name of Mackenzie had become familiar to their ears; and it is gratifying to trace all this to the wise policy of the first James and his successors. The judicious education of Alastair Ionraic, and consequent cultivation of those habits which, by identifying the people with the monarch through the laws, render a nation securely great, is equally discernible in John of Killin and his posterity. The successors of the Earls of Ross were turbulent and tenacious of their rights, but they were irreclaimable. The youthful Lord of the Isles, at the instigation of his haughty mother, deserted the Court of James I., while young Kintail remained, sedulously improving himself at school in Perth, till he was called to display his gratitude to his Royal master in counteracting the evil arising from the opposite conduct of Macdonald. Thus, by one happy circumstance, the attention of the King was called to a chieftain who gave such early promise of steady attachment, and his future favour was secured. The family of Kintail was repeatedly recognised in the calendar of the Scottish Court, while that of the once proud Macdonalds frowned in disappointment and barbarous independence amidst their native wilds, while their territories, extending beyond the bounds of good government and protection, presented gradually such defenceless gaps as became inviting and easily penetrable by the intelligence of Mackenzie, and Alastair Ionraic acquired a great portion of his estates by this legitimate advantage, afterwards secured by the intractable arrogance of Macdonald of Lochalsh and the valour and military capacity of Coinneach a Bhlair.”
In 1513 John of Killin is found among those Highland chiefs summoned to rendezvous with the Royal army at Barrow Moor preparatory to the fatal advance of James IV. into England, when the Mackenzies, forming with the Macleans, joined that miserably-arranged and ill-fated expedition which terminated so fatally to Scotland on the disastrous field of Flodden, where the killed included the King, with the flower of his nobility, gentry, and even clergy. There was scarcely a Scottish family of distinction that did not lose at least one, and some of them lost all the male members who were capable of bearing arms. The body of the King was found, much disfigured with wounds, in the thickest of the slain. Abercromby, on the authority of Crawford, includes, in a list of those killed at Flodden, “Kenneth Mackenzie of Kintail, ancestor to the noble family of Seaforth.” This is an undoubted error for it will be seen that John, not Kenneth was chief at the time of Flodden. It was he who joined the Royal army, accompanied by his brave and gallant uncle, Hector Roy of Gairloch and it is established beyond dispute that though almost all their followers fell, both John and Hector survived and returned home. They, however, narrowly escaped the charge of Sir Edward Stanley in rear of the Highlanders during the disorderly pursuit of Sir Edward Howard, who had given way to the furious and gallant onset of the mountaineers.
John was made prisoner, but afterwards escaped in a very remarkable manner. When his captors were carrying him and others of his followers to the south, they were overtaken by a violent storm which obliged them to seek shelter in a retired house occupied by the widow of a shipmaster. After taking up their quarters, and, as they thought, providing for the safe custody of the prisoners, the woman noticed that the captives were Highlanders; and, in reference to the boisterous weather raging outside, she, as if unconsciously, exclaimed, “The Lord help those who are to-night travelling on Leathad Leacachan.” The prisoners were naturally astonished to hear an allusion, in such a place, to a mountain so familiar to them in the North Highlands, and they soon obtained an opportunity, which their hostess appeared most anxious to afford them, of questioning her regarding her acquaintance with so distant a place; when she told them that during a sea voyage she took with her husband, she had been taken so ill aboard ship that it was found necessary to send her ashore on the north west coast of Scotland, where, travelling with only a maid and a single guide, they were caught in a severe storm, and she was suddenly taken in labour. In this distressing and trying position a Highlander passing by took compassion upon her, and seeing her case so desperate, with no resources at hand, he, with remarkable presence of mind, killed one of his horses, ripped open his stomach, and taking out the bowels, placed her and the newly-born infant in their place, as the only effectual shelter from the storm. By this means he secured sufficient time to procure female assistance, and ultimately saved the woman and her child.
But the most remarkable part of the story remains to be told. The same person to whom she owed her preservation was at that moment one of the captives under her roof. He was one of Kintail’s followers on the fatal field of Flodden. She, informed of his presence and of the plight he was in, managed to procure a private interview with him, when he amply proved to her, by more detailed reference to the incidents of their meeting on Leathad Leacachan, that he was the man – “Uisdean Mor Mac ‘Ille Phadruig” – and in gratitude, she, at the serious risk of her own personal safety, successfully planned the escape of Hugh’s master and his whole party. The story is given on uninterrupted tradition in the country of the Mackenzies; and a full and independent version in the vernacular of the hero’s humane conduct on Leathad Leacachan will be found in the Celtic Magazine, vol. ii., pp. 468-9, to which the Gaelic reader is referred.
Gregory, p. 112, says: “Tradition has preserved a curious anecdote connected with the Mackenzies, whose young chief, John of Kintail, was taken prisoner at Flodden. It will be recollected that Kenneth Og Mackenzie of Kintail, while on his way to the Highlands, after making his escape from Edinburgh Castle, was killed in the Torwood by the Laird of Buchanan. The foster-brother of Kenneth Og was a man of the district of Kenlochewe, named Donald Dubh MacGillecrist vic Gillereoch, who with the rest of the clan was at Flodden with his chief. In the retreat of the Scottish army this Donald Dubh heard some one near him exclaiming, ‘Alas, Laird! thou hast fallen.’ On enquiry, he was told it was the Laird of Buchanan, who had sunk from his wounds or exhaustion. The faithful Highlander, eager to revenge the death of his chief and foster-brother, drew his sword, and, saying, ‘If he has not fallen he shall fall,’ made straight to Buchanan, whom he killed on the spot.”
As to the safe return of John of Kintail and Hector Roy to their Highland home, after this calamitous event, there is now no question whatever; for we find John among others, afterwards appointed, by Act of Council, a Lieutenant or Guardian of Wester Ross, [Gregory, p. 115. Acts of Lords of Council, xxvi., fo. 25.] to protect it from Sir Donald Gallda Macdonald of Lochalsh, when he proclaimed himself Lord of the Isles. In 1515, Mackenzie, without legal warrant, seized the Royal Castle of Dingwall, but professed his readiness to give it up to any one appointed by the Regent, John, Duke of Albany. [Acts of Lords of Council, xxvii., fo. 60.] In 1532 he is included in a commission by James V. for suppressing a disorderly tribe of Mackintoshes. He secured the esteem of this monarch so much that he appointed him a member of his Privy Council.
To put the question of John’s return beyond question, and to show how the family rose rapidly in influence and power during his rule, we shall quote the Origines Parochiales Scotia, from which it will also be seen that Kenneth, John’s heir, received considerable grants for himself during his father’s lifetime: “In 1509 King James IV. granted to John Makkenzie of Keantalle (the brother of Kenneth Og) the 40 marklands of Keantalle – namely, the davach of Cumissaig, the davach of Letterfearn, the davach of Gleanselle, the davach of Glenlik, the davach of Letterchall, the two davachs of Cro, and three davachs between the water of Keppach and the water of Lwying, with the castle and fortalice of Eleandonnan, in the earldom of Ross and sheriffdom of Innernis, with other lands in Ross, which John had resigned, and which the King then erected into the barony of Eleandonnan. [Reg. Mag. Sig., lib. xv., No.89. Gregory, p.83.] In 1530 King James V. granted to James Grant of Freuchy and Johne Mckinze of Kintale liberty to go to any part of the realm on their lawful business. [Reg. Sec. Sig., vol. viii., fol. 149.] In 1532, 1538, and 1540, the same John M’Kenich of Kintaill appears on record. [Reg. Sec. Sig., vol. ix, fol. 3; vol. xii., fol. 21; vol. xiv., fol. 32.] In 1542, King James V. granted to John Mckenzie of Kintaill the waste lands of Monar, lying between the water of Gleneak on the north, the top or summit of Landovir on the south, the torrent of Towmuk and Inchclochill on the east, and the water of Bernis running into the water of Long on the west; and also the waste lands of lie Ned lying between Loch Boyne on the north, Loch Tresk on the south, lie Ballach on the west, and Dawelach on the east, in the earldom of Ross and sheriffdom of Innernes – lands which were never in the King’s rental, and never yielded any revenue – for the yearly payment of L4 to the King as Earl of Ross. [Reg. Mag. Sig., lib. xxviii., No. 417.] In 1543 Queen Mary granted to Kenneth Mackenzie of Kintail, and Isabel Stewart, his wife, the lands of Auchnaceyric, Lakachane, Strome-ne-mowklach, Kilkinterne, the two Rateganis, Torlousicht, Auchnashellicht, Auchnagart, Auchewrane, lic Knokfreith, Aucharskelane, and Malegane, in the lordship of Kintaill and other lands in Ross, extending in all to 36 marks, which he had resigned. [Reg. Mag. Sig., lib. xxviii., No. 524. Reg. Sec. Sig.,vol. xvii., fol. 56.] In 1551 the same Queen granted to John M’Kenze of Kintaill, and Kenzeoch M’Kenze, his son and apparent heir, a remission for the violent taking of John Hectour M’Kenzesone of Garlouch, Doull Hectoursone, and John Towach Hectoursone, and for keeping them in prison ‘vsurpand thairthrou our Souerane Ladyis autorite.’ [Reg. Sec. Sig., vol. xxiv., fol. 75.] In 1554 there appear on record John Mackenzie of Kintaile and his son and heir-apparant, Kenneth Mackenzie of Brahan – apparently the same persons that appear in 1551. [Reg, Mag. Sig., lib. xxxii., No. 211.]
Donald Gorm Mor Macdonald of Sleat laid waste the country of Macleod of Dunvegan, an ally of Mackenzie, after which he passed over in 1539 to the mainland and pillaged the lands of Kenlochewe, where he killed Miles or Maolmuire, son of Finlay Dubh MacGillechriost MacRath, at the time governor of Ellandonnan Castle. Finlay was a very “pretty man,” and the writer of the “Genealogy of the Macras” informs us that “the remains of a monument erected for him, in the place where he was killed, is still (1704) to be seen.” Kintail was naturally much exasperated at this unprovoked raid upon his territory, as also for Macdonald’s attack upon his friend and ally, Macleod of Dunvegan; and to punish Donald Gorm, he dispatched his son, Kenneth, with a force to Skye, who made ample reprisals in Macdonald’s country, killing many of his followers, and at the same time exhibiting great intrepidity and sagacity. Donald Gorm almost immediately afterwards made an incursion into Mackenzie’s territories of Kintail, where he killed Sir (Rev.) Dougald Mackenzie, “one of the Pope’s knights”; whereupon Kenneth, younger of Kintail, paid a second visit to the Island, wasted the country; and on his return, Macdonald learning that Ellandonnan was garrisoned by a very weak force, under the new governor, John Dubh Matheson of Fernaig – who had married Sir Dugald Mackenzie’s widow – he made another raid upon it, with fifty birlinns or large boats full of his followers, with the intention of surprising the small garrison, and taking the castle by storm. Its gallant defenders consisted at the time of the governor, his watchman, and Duncan MacGillechriost Mac Fhionnladh Mhic Rath, a nephew of Maolmuire killed in the last incursion of the Island chief. The advance of the boats was, however, noticed in time by the sentinel or watchman, who at once gave the alarm to the country people, but they arrived too late to prevent the enemy from landing. Duncan MacGillechriost was on the mainland at the time; but flying back with all speed he arrived at the postern of the stronghold in time to kill several of the Islesmen in the act of landing; and, entering the castle, he found no one there but the governor and watchman; almost immediately after, Donald Gorm Mor furiously attacked the gate, but without success, the brave trio having strongly secured it by a second barrier of iron within a few steps of the outer defences. Unable to procure access the Islesmen were driven to the expedient of shooting their arrows through the embrazures, and in this way they succeeded in killing the governor.
Duncan now found himself sole defender of the castle except the watchman; and worse still his ammunition was reduced to a single barbed arrow, which he determined to husband until an opportunity occurred by which he could make good use of it. Macdonald at this stage ordered his boats round to the point of the Airds, and was personally reconnoitring with the view of discovering the weakest part of the wall for effecting a breach. Duncan considered this a favourable opportunity, and aiming his arrow at Donald Gorm, it struck him and penetrated his foot through the master vein. Macdonald, not having perceived that the arrow was a barbed one, wrenched it out, and in so doing separated the main artery. Notwithstanding that all available means were used, it was found impossible to stop the bleeding, and his men conveyed him out of the range of the fort to a spot – a sand bank – on which he died, called to this day, “Larach Tigh Mhic Dhomhnuill,” or the site of Macdonald’s house, where the haughty Lord of Sleat ended his career. [“Genealogy of the Macras” and the Ardintoul MS. “This Donald Gorme was son to Donald Gruamach, son to Donald Gallach, son to Hugh, natural son to Alexander, Earl of Ross, for which the elegy made on his death calls him grandchild and great grandchild to Rhi-Fingal (King Fingal) –
“A Dhonnchaldh Mhic Gillechriost Mhic Fhionnla, ‘S mor um beud a thuit le d’aon laimh,
Ogha ‘s iar-ogha Mhic Righ Fhinghaill, `Thuiteam le bramag an aon mhic.”
– Letterform MS.] The Islesmen burnt all they could find ashore in Kintail. “In 1539 Donald Gorm of Sleat and his allies, after laying waste Trouterness in Sky and Kenlochew in Ross, attempted to take the Castle of Eileandonan, but Donald being killed by an arrow shot from the wall, the attempt failed.” [Gregory, pp. 145.146. Border Minstrelsy. Anderson, p. 283. Reg. Sec. Sig., vol. xv., fol. 46.] In 1541 King James V. granted a remission to Donald’s accomplices – namely, Archibald Ilis, alias Archibald the Clerk, Alexander McConnell Gallich, John Dow Donaldsoun, and twenty-six others whose names are recorded in Origines Parchiales, p. 394, vol. ii., for their treasonable fire-raising and burning of the “Castle of Allanedonnand” and of the boats there, for the “Herschip” of Kenlochew and Trouterness, etc.
Duncan MacGillechriost now naturally felt that he had some claim to the governorship of the castle, but being considered “a man more bold and rash than prudent and politick,” Mackenzie decided to pass him over. Duncan then put in a claim for his brother Farquhar, but it was thought best, to avoid local quarrels and bitterness between the respective claimants, to supersede them both and appoint another, John MacMhurchaidh Dhuibh, priest of Kintail, to the Constableship. Duncan was so much offended at such treatment in return for his valiant services that he left Kintail in disgust, and went to the country of Lord Lovat, who received him kindly, and gave him the lands of Crochel and others in Strathglass, where he lived for several years, until Lovat’s death. Mackenzie, however, often visited him and finally prevailed upon him to return to Kintail, and Duncan, who always retained a lingering affection for his native country, ultimately became reconciled to the chief, who gave him the quarterland of Little Inverinate and Dorisduan, where he lived the remainder of his days, and which his descendants continued to possess for generations after his death.
For this service against the Macdonalds, James V. gave Mackenzie Kinchullidrum, Achilty, and Comery in feu, with Meikle Scatwell, under the Great Seal, in 1528. The lands of Laggan Achidrom, being four merks, the three merks of Killianan, and the four merk lands of Invergarry, being in the King’s hands, were disposed by him to John Mackenzie, after the King’s minority and revocation, in 1540, with a precept, under the Great Seal, and sasine thereupon by Sir John Robertson in January 1541. But before this, in 1521, he acquired the lands of Fodderty and mill thereof from Mr John Cadell, which James V. confirmed to him at Linlithgow in September, 1522. In 1541 he feued Brahan from the King to himself and his heirs male, which failing, to his eldest daughter. In 1542 he obtained the waste lands and forest of Neid and Monar from James V. for which sasine is granted in the same year by Sir John Robertson. In January 1547 he acquired a wadset of the half of Culteleod (Castle Leod) and Drynie from Denoon of Davidston. In September of the same year, old as he was, he went in defence of his Sovereign, young Mary of Scots, to the Battle of Pinkie, where he was taken prisoner; and the Laird of Kilravock meeting him advised him that they should own themselves among the commons, Mackenzie passing off as a bowman. While Kilravock would pass himself off as a miller, which plan succeeded so well as to secure Kilravock his release; but the Earl of Huntly, who was also a prisoner, having been conveyed by the Duke of Somerset to view the prisoners, espying his old friend Mackenzie among the common prisoners, and ignorant of the plot, called him by his name, desiring that he might shake hands with him, which civility two English officers noticed to Mackenzie’s disadvantage; for thenceforward he was placed and guarded along with the other prisoners of quality, but afterwards released for a considerable sum, to which all his people contributed without burdening his own estate with it, [“He was ransomed by cows that was raised through all his lands.” – Letterform MS.] so returning home to set himself to arrange his private affairs, and in the year 1556 he acquired the heritage of Culteleod and Drynie from Denoon, which was confirmed to him by Queen Mary under the Great Seal, at Inverness 13th July the same year. He had previously, in 1544, acquired the other half of Culteleod and Drynie from Magnus Mowat, and Patrick Mowat of Bugholly. In 1543 John Mackenzie acquired Kildins, part of Lochbroom, to himself and Elizabeth Grant, his wife, holding blench for a penny, and confirmed in the same year by Queen Mary. [MS. History by the Earl of Cromartie.]
In 1540 Mackenzie with his followers joined King James at Loch Duich, while on his way with a large fleet to secure the good government of the West Highlands and Isles, upon which occasion many of the suspected and refractory leaders were carried south and placed in confinement. His Majesty died soon after, in 1542. Queen Mary succeeded, and, being a minor, the country generally, but particularly the northern parts, was thrown into a state of anarchy and confusion.
In 1544 the Earl of Huntly, holding a commission as Lieutenant of the North from the Queen Regent, Mary of Guise, commanded Kenneth Mackenzie, younger of Kintail (his father, from his advanced age, being unable to take the field), to raise his vassals and lead an expedition against the Clan Ranald of Moidart, who, at that time, held lands from Mackenzie on the West Coast; but Kenneth, in these circumstances, thought it would be much against his personal interest to attack Donald Glas of Moidart, and refused to comply with Huntly’s orders. To punish him, the Earl ordered his whole army, consisting of three thousand men, to proceed against both Moidart and Mackenzie with fire and sword, but he had not sufficiently calculated on the constitution of his force, which was chiefly composed of Grants, Rosses, Mackintoshes, and Chisholms; and Kenneth’s mother being a daughter of John, then laird of Grant, and three of his daughters having married, respectively, Ross of Balnagown, Lachlan Mackintosh of Mackintosh, and Alexander Chisholm of Comar, Huntly found his followers as little disposed to molest Mackenzie as he had been to attack Donald Glas of Moidart. In addition to the friendly feelings of the other chiefs towards young Kintail, fostered by these family alliances, Huntly was not at all popular with his own followers, or with the Highlanders generally. He had incurred such odium for having some time before executed the Laird of Mackintosh, contrary to his solemn pledge, that it required little excuse on the part of the exasperated kindred tribes to counteract his plans, and on the slightest pretext to refuse to follow him. He was therefore obliged to retire from the West without effecting any substantial service; was ultimately disgraced; committed to Edinburgh Castle; compelled to renounce the Earldom of Moray and all his other possessions in the north; and sentenced to banishment in France for five years.
On the 13th of December 1545, at Dingwall, the Earl of Sutherland entered into a bond of manrent with John Mackenzie of Kintail for mutual defence against all enemies, reserving only their allegiance to their youthful Queen, Mary Stuart. [Sir Robert Gordon, p. 112.] Two years later the Earl of Arran sent the fiery cross over the nation calling upon all between the ages of sixteen and sixty to meet him at Musselburgh for the protection of the infant Queen. Mackenzie of Kintail, then between sixty and seventy years of age, when he might fairly consider himself exempt from further military service, duly appeared with all the followers he could muster, prudently leaving Kenneth, his only son, at home and when remonstrated with for taking part in such a perilous journey at his time of life, especially as he was far past the stipulated age for active service, the old chief patriotically remarked that one of his age could not possibly die more decorously than in the defence of his country. In the same year (1547) he fought bravely, at the head of his clan, with all the enthusiasm and gallantry of his younger days, at the battle of Pinkie, where he was wounded in the head and taken prisoner, but was soon afterwards released, through the influence of the Earl of Huntly, who had meanwhile again got into favour received a full pardon, and was appointed Chancellor for Scotland.
The Earl of Huntly some time after this paid a visit to Ross, intending, if he were kindly received by the great chiefs, to feu a part of the earldom of Ross, still in the King’s hands, and to live in the district for some period of the year. Mackenzie, although friendly disposed towards the Earl, had no desire to have him residing in his immediate neighbourhood, and he arranged a plan which had the effect of deciding Huntly to give up any idea of remaining or feuing any lands in Ross. The Earl, having obtained a commission from the Regent to hold courts in the county, came to the castle of Dingwall, where he invited the principal chiefs to meet him. John of Killin, though very advanced in years, was the first to arrive, and he was very kindly received by Huntly. Mackenzie in return made a pretence of heartily welcoming and congratulating his lordship on his coming to Ross, and trusted that he would be the means of protecting him and his friends from the violence of his son, Kenneth, who, taking advantage of his frailty and advanced years, was behaving most unjustly towards him. John, indeed, expressed the hope that the Earl would punish Kenneth for his illegal and unnatural rebellion against him, his aged father. While they were thus speaking, a message came in that a large number of armed men, three or four hundred strong, with banners flying and pipes playing, were just in sight on the hill above Dingwall. The Earl became alarmed, not knowing whom they might be or what their object was, whereupon Mackenzie said that it could be no other than Kenneth and his rebellious followers coming to punish him for paying his lordship this visit without his consent and he advised the Earl to leave at once, as he was not strong enough to resist the enemy, and to take him (the old chief) along with him in order to protect him from his son’s violence, which would now, in consequence of this visit he directed against him more than ever. The Earl and his retinue at once withdrew to Easter Ross. Kenneth ordered his men to pursue them. He overtook them as they were crossing the bridge of Dingwall and killed several of them; but having attained his object of frightening Huntly out of Ross, he ordered his men to desist. This skirmish is known as the “affair of Dingwall Bridge.” [Ardintoul MS.]
In 1556 Y Mackay of Farr, progenitor of the Lords of Reay, refused to appear before the Queen Regent at Inverness, to answer charges made against him for depredations committed in Sutherlandshire; and she issued a commission to John, fifth Earl of Sutherland, to lay Mackay’s country waste. Mackay, satisfied that he could not successfully oppose the Earl’s forces in the field, pillaged and plundered another district of Sutherland. The Earl conveyed intelligence of how matters stood to John of Kintail, who, in terms of the bond of manrent entered into between them in 1545, despatched his son Kenneth with an able body of the clan to arrest Mackay’s progress, which duty he performed most effectually. Meeting at Brora, a severe contest ensued, which terminated in the defeat of Mackay, with the loss of Angus MacIain Mhoir, one of his chief commanders, and many of his clan. Kenneth was thereupon, conjointly with his father, appointed by the Earl of Sutherland – then the Queen’s Lieutenant north of the Spey, and Chamberlain of the Earldom of Ross [Sir Robert Gordon, p. 134.] – his deputies in the management of this vast property, at the same time placing them in possession of Ardmeanoch, or Redcastle, which remained ever since, until within a recent period, in the possession of the family, becoming the property of Kenneth’s third son, Ruairidh Mor, first of the house of Redcastle, and progenitor of the family of Kincraig and other well-known branches.
After this, Kintail seems to have lived in peace during the remainder of his long life. He died at his home at Inverchonan, in 1561, about eighty years of age. He was buried in the family aisle at Beauly. That he was a man of proved valour is fully established by the distinguished part he took in the battles of Flodden and Pinkie. The Earl of Cromarty informs us that, “in his time he purchased much of the Brae-lands of Ross, and secured both what he acquired and what his predecessors had, by well ordered and legal security, so that it is doubtful whether his predecessors’ courage or his prudence contributed most to the rising of the family.”
In illustration of the latter quality, we quote the following story: John Mackenzie of Kintail “was a very great courtier and counsellor of Queen Maries. Much of the lands of Brae Ross were acquired by him, which minds me how he entertained the Queen’s Chamberlain who she sent north to learn the state and condition of the gentry of Ross, minding to feu her interest of that Earldome. Sir John, hearing of their coming to his house of Killin, he caused his servants put on a great fyre of ffresh arn wood newly cutt, which when they came in (sitting on great jests of wood which he caused sett there a purpose) made such a reek that they were almost blinded, and were it not the night was so ill they would rather goe than byde it. They had not long sitten when his servants came in with a great bull, which presently they brained on the floor, and or they well could look about, this fellow with his dirk, and that fellow with his, were cutting collops of him. Then comes in another sturdie lusty fellow with a great calderon in his hand, and ane axe in the other, and with its shaft stroak each of these that were cutting the collops, and then made Taylzies of it and put all in the kettle, sett it on the same tire before them all and helped the tire with more green wood. When all was ready as he had ordered, a long, large table was covered and the beef sett on in great scaills of dishes instead of pleats. They had scarcely sitten to supper when they let loose six or sevin great hounds to supp the broth, but before they made ane end of it, they made such a tulzie as made them all start at the table. The supper being ended, and longing for their bedds (but much more for day), there comes in 5 or 6 lustie women with windlings of strae (and white plaids) which they spread on each side of the house, whereon the gentlemen were forced to lye in their cloaths, thinking they had come to purgatory before hand; but they had no sooner seen day light than without stayeing dinner they made to the gett, down to Ross where they were most noblie entertained be Ffowlis, Belnagowin, Miltoun, and severall other gentlemen. But when they were come south the Queen asked who were the ablest men they saw there. They answered all they did see lived like princes, except Her Majesty’s great courtier and counsellor Mackenzie. So tells her all their usage in his house, and that he slept with his doggs and sat with his hounds, wherat the Queen leugh mirrily (whatever her thoughts was of M’Kenzie) and said ‘It were a pity of his poverty, ffor he is the best and honestest among them all.’ The Queen thereafter having called all the gentry of Ross to hold their lands of the Crown in feu, Mackenzie got (by her favour and his pretended poverty) the easiest feu, and for his 1000 merks more than any of the rest had for three.” [Ancient MS.]
John had a natural son named Dugall, who lived in Applecross, and married a niece of Macleod of Harris, by whom he had a son and one daughter. The son, also named Dugall, was a schoolmaster in Chanonry, and died without issue. The daughter was married to Duncan Mackenzie, Reraig, and after his death to Mackintosh of Strone. Dugall, the elder, was killed by the Mathesons at Kishorn. John had also a natural daughter, Janet, who married first Mackay of Reay, and secondly, Roderick Macleod, X. of Lewis, with issue – Torquil Cononach; and afterwards “Ian Mor na Tuaighe,” brother of John MacGillechallum of Raasay, with whom she eloped.
He married Elizabeth, daughter of John, tenth Laird of Grant, and by her had an only son and successor,
X. KENNETH MACKENZIE,
Commonly known as Coinneach na Cuirc, or Kenneth of the Whittle, so called from his skill in wood carving and general dexterity with the Highland “sgian dubh.” He succeeded his father in 1561. In the following year he was among the chiefs who, at the head of their followers, met Queen Mary at Inverness, and helped her to obtain possession of the Castle after Alexander Gordon, the governor, refused her admission. In the same year an Act of Privy Council, dated the 21st of May, bears that he had delivered up Mary Macleod, the heiress of Harris and Dunvegan, of whom he had previously by accident obtained the custody, into the hands of Queen Mary, with whom she afterwards remained for several years as a maid of honour. The Act is as follows:
“The same day, in presence of the Queen’s Majesty and Lords of Secret Council, compeared Kenneth Mackenzie of Kintail, who, being commanded by letters and also by writings direct from the Queen’s Grace, to exhibit, produce, and present before her Highness Mary Macleod, daughter and heir of the umquwhile William Macleod of Harris, conform to the letters and charges direct thereupon: And declared that James Macdonald had an action depending the Lords of Session against him for deliverance of the said Mary to him, and that therefore he could not gudlie (well) deliver her. Notwithstanding the which the Queen’s Majesty ordained the said Kenneth to deliver the said Mary to her Highness and granted that he should incur ‘no scaith thairthrou’ at the hands of the said James or any others, notwithstanding any title or action they had against him therefor; and the said Kenneth knowing his dutiful obedience to the Queen’s Majesty, and that the Queen had ordained him to deliver the said Mary to her Highness in manner foresaid which he in no wise could disobey – and therefore delivered the said Mary to the Queen’s Majesty conform to her ordinance foresaid.” [“Transactions of the Iona Club,” pp. 143-4.]
Prior to this Mackenzie refused to give her up to her lawful guardian, James Macdonald of Dunyveg and the Glens. In 1563 we find him on the jury, with James, Earl of Moray, and others, at Inverness, by whom John Campbell of Cawdor was served heir to the Barony of Strathnairn. [“Invernessiana,” p.229.] Kenneth was advanced in years before he came into possession, and took, as we have seen, an active and distinguished part in all the affairs of his clan during the life of his long-lived father. He seems after his return from Inverness, on the occasion of meeting Queen Mary there, to have retired very much into private life, for, on Mary’s escape from Lochleven Castle he sent his son Colin, then quite a youth attending his studies at Aberdeen, at the head of his vassals, to join the Earl of Huntly, by whom Colin was sent, according to the Laird of Applecross, “as one whose prudence he confided, to advise the Queen’s retreat to Stirling, where she might stay in security till all her friends were convocate, but by an unhappy council she refused this advice and fought at Langside, where Colin was present, and when by the Regent’s [The Earl of Moray, appointed to the office after Mary’s defeat.] insolence, after that victory, all the loyal subjects were forced to take remissions for their duty, as if it were a crime. Amongst the rest Mackenzie takes one, the only one that ever any of his family had and this is rather a mark of his fidelity than evidence of failure, and an honour, not a task of his posterity.” It would have been already seen that another remission had been received at an earlier date, for the imprisonment and murder of John Glassich, son and successor to Hector Roy Mackenzie of Gairloch, in Ellandonnan Castle. Dr George Mackenzie says that Kenneth apprehended John Glassich and sent him prisoner to the Castle, where he was poisoned by the constable’s lady, [This lady was Nighean Iamhair, and was spouse to John MacMhurchaidh Dhuibh, the Priest of Kintail, who was then chosen constable of Ellandonnan for the following reason: A great debate arose between the Maclennans and the Macraes about this important and honourable post, and the laird finding them irreconcilable, lest they should kill one another, and he being a stranger in the country himself, Mackenzie, on the advice of the Lord of Fairburn, elected the priest constable of the castle. This did not suit the Maclennans, and, as soon as Mackenzie left the country, they, one Sabbath morning, as the priest was coming home from church, ‘e sends a man in ambush in his road who shot him with an arrow in the buttocks, so that he fell. The ambusher thinking him killed, and perceiving others coming after the priest that road, made his escape, and he (the priest) was carried to his boat alive. Of this priest are all the Murchisons in thise countries descended.” – Ancient MS.] whereupon “ane certain female, foster-sister of his, composed a Gaelic rhyme to commemorate him.” The Earl of Cromartie gives as the reason for this imprisonment and murder that, according to rumour John Glassich intended to prosecute his father’s claim to the Kintail estates, and Kenneth hearing of this sent for him to Brahan, John came suspecting nothing, accompanied only by his ordinary servants. Kenneth questioned him regarding the suspicious rumours in circulation, and not being quite satisfied with the answers, he caused John Glassich to be at once apprehended. One of John’s servants, named John Gearr, seeing his master thus inveigled, struck at Kenneth of Kintail a fearful blow with a two-handed sword, but fortunately Kenneth, who was standing close to the table, nimbly moved aside, and the blow missed him, else he would have been cloven to pieces. The sword made a deep cut in the table, “so that you could hide your hand edgeways in it,” and the mark remained in the table until Colin, first Earl of Seaforth, “caused cut that piece off the table, saying that he loved no such remembrance of the quarrels of his relations.” Kenneth was a man of good endowments “he carried so prudently that he had the good-liking of his prince and peace from his neighbours.” He had a peculiar genius for mechanics, and was seldom found without his corc – “sgian dubh” – or some other such tool in his hand, with which he produced excellent specimens of hand-carving on wood.
He married early, during his father’s lifetime, Lady Elizabeth Stewart, daughter of John, second Earl of Athol, by his wife, Lady Mary Campbell, daughter of Archibald, second, and sister of Colin, third Earl of Argyll, and by her had three sons and several daughters –
I. Murdoch, who, being fostered in the house of Bayne of Tulloch, was presented by that gentleman on his being sent home, with a goodly stock of milch cows and the grazing of Strathvaich, but he died before he attained majority.
II. Colin, who succeeded his father.
III. Roderick, who received the lands of Redcastle and became the progenitor of the family of that name.
IV. Janet, who as his third wife married, first, Aeneas Macdonald,
VII. of Glengarry, with issue – a daughter Elizabeth, who married John Roy Mackenzie, IV. of Gairloch. She married secondly, Alexander Chisholm, XIV. of Chisholm, with issue.
V. Catherine, who, as his second wife, married Alexander Ross, IX. of Balnagown, with issue – one son Nicholas Alexander, who died on the 21st of October, 1592.
VI. Agnes, who married Lachlan Mor Mackintosh of Mackintosh, [The following anecdote is related of this match: Lachlan Mackintosh, being only an infant when his father, William Mackintosh of that ilk, was murdered in 1550, was carried for safety by some of his humble retainers to the county of Ross. This came to the knowledge of Colin, younger of Kintail, who took possession of the young heir of Mackintosh, and carried him to Ellandonnan Castle. The old chief retained him, and treated him with great care until the years of pupilarity had expired, and then married him to his daughter Agnes, by no means an unsuitable match for either, apart from the time and manner in which it was consummated.] with issue.
VII. A daughter who married Walter Urquhart of Cromarty.
VIII. A daughter who married Robert Munro of Fowlis.
IX. A daughter who married Innes of Inverbreackie.
By Kenneth’s marriage to Lady Elizabeth Stewart, the Royal blood of the Plantaganets was introduced into the Family of Kintail, and it was afterwards strengthened and the strain further continued by the marriage of Kenneth’s son, Colin Cam, to Barbara Grant of Grant, daughter of Lady Marjory Stewart, daughter of John, third Earl of Athol.
By the inter-marriages of his children Kenneth left his house singularly powerful in family alliances, and as has been already seen he in 1554 derived very substantial benefits from them himself. He died at Killin on the 6th of June, 1568, and was burried at Beauly. He was succeeded by his second and eldest surviving son,
XI. COLIN CAM MACKENZIE,
Or COLIN THE ONE-EYED, who very early became a special favourite at Court, particularly with the King himself; so much, the Earl of Cromartie says, that “there was none in the North for whom he hade a greater esteem than for this Colin. He made him one of his Privie Councillors, and oft tymes invited him to be nobilitate (ennobled); but Colin always declined it, aiming rather to have his familie remarkable for power, as it were, above their qualitie than for titles that equalled their power.” We find that “in 1570 King James VI. granted to Coline Makcainze, the son and apparent heir of the deceased Canzeoch of Kintaill, permission to be served heir in his minority to all the lands and rents in the Sheriffdom of Innerness, in which his father died last vest and seised. In 1572 the same King confirmed a grant made by Colin Makcanze of Kintaill to Barbara Graunt, his affianced spouse, in fulfilment of a contract between him and John Grant of Freuchie, dated 25th April 1571, of his lands of Climbo, Keppach, and Ballichon, Mekle Innerennet, Derisduan Beg, Little Innerennet, Derisduan Moir, Auchadrein, Kirktoun, Ardtulloch, Rovoch, Quhissil, Tullych, Derewall and Nuik, Inchchro, Morowoch, Glenlik, Innersell and Nuik, Ackazarge, Kinlochbeancharan, and Innerchonray, in the Earldom of Ross, and Sheriffdom of Inverness. In 1574 the same Colin was served heir to his father Kenneth M’Keinzie in the davach of Letterfernane, the davach of Glenshall, and other lands in the barony of Ellendonane of the old extent of five marks.” [Origines Parechiales Scotia, p. 393, vol, ii.]
On the 15th of April, 1569, Colin, along with Alexander Ross of Balnagown, Lachlan Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Walter Urquhart of Cromarty, Robert Munro of Fowlis, Hugh Rose of Kilravock, and several others, signed a bond of allegiance to James VI. and to James Earl of Murray as Regent. On the 21st of June, in the same year, before the Lord Regent and the Privy Council, Colin promised and obliged himself to cause Torquil Macleod of Lewis to obtain sufficient letters of slams from the master, wife, bairns, and principal kin and friends of the umquhile John Mac Ian Mhoir, and on the said letters of slams being obtained Robert Munro of Fowlis promised and obliged himself to deliver to the said Torquil or Colin the sum of two hundred merks consigned in Robert Munro’s hands by certain merchants in Edinburgh for the assithment of slaughters committed at Lochcarron in connection with the fishings in that Loch. On the 1st of August, 1569, Colin signs a decree arbitral between himself and Donald Gormeson Macdonald, sixth of Sleat, the full text of which will be found at pp. 185-88 of Mackenzie’s “History of the Macdonalds and Lords of the Isles.”
In 1570 a quarrel broke out between the Mackenzies and the Munros. Leslie, the celebrated Bishop of Ross, who had been secretary to Queen Mary, dreading the effect of public feeling against prelacy in the North, and against himself personally, made over to his cousin Leslie of Balquhair, his rights and titles to the Chanonry of Ross, together with the castle lands, in order to divest them of the character of church property, and so save them to his family but notwithstanding this grant, the Regent Murray gave the custody of the castle to Andrew Munro of Milntown, a rigid presbyterian, and in high favour with Murray, who promised Leslie some of the lands of the barony of Fintry in Buchan as an equivalent but the Regent died before this arrangement was carried out – before Munro obtained titles to the castle and castle lands as he expected. Yet he ultimately obtained permission from the Earl of Lennox, during his regency, and afterwards from the Earl of Mar, his successor in that office, to get possession of the castle.
The Mackenzies were by no means pleased to see the Munros occupying the stronghold; and, desirous to obtain possession of it themselves, they purchased Leslie’s right, by virtue of which they demanded delivery of the castle. This was at once refused by the Munros. Kintail raised his vassals, and, joined by a detachment of the Mackintoshes, [In the year 1573, Lachlan More, Laird of Mackintosh, favouring Kintail, his brother-in law, required all the people of Strathnairn to join him against the Munros. Colin, Lord of Lorn had at the time the adminstration of that lordship as the jointure lands of his wife, the Countesa Dowager of Murray, and he wrote to Hugh Rose of Kilravock: “My Baillie off Strathnarne, for as much as it is reported to me that Mackintosh has charged all my tenants west of the water of Naim to pass forward with him to Ross to enter into this troublous action with Mackenzie against the Laird of Fowlis, and because I will not that any of mine enter presently this matter whose service appertains to me, wherefore I will desire you to make my will known to my tenants at Strathnarne within your Bailliary, that none of them take upon hand to rise at this present with Mackintosh to pass to Ross, or at any time hereafter without my special command and goodwill obtained under such pains,” etc. (Dated) Darnoway, 28th of June, 1573. – “Kilravock Writs,” p.263.] garrisoned the steeple of the Cathedral Church, and laid siege to Irvine’s Tower and the Palace. The Munros held out for three years, but one day the garrison becoming short of provisions, they attempted a sortie to the Ness of Fortrose, where there was at the time a salmon stell, the contents of which they attempted to secure. They were commanded by John Munro, grandson of George, fourth laird of Fowlis, who was killed at the battle of “Bealach-nam-Brog.” They, were immediately discovered, and quickly followed by the Mackenzies, under lain Dubh Mac Ruairidh Mhic Alastair, who fell upon the starving Munros, and, after a desperate struggle, killed twenty-six of their number, among whom was their commander, while the victors only sustained a loss of two men killed and three or four wounded. The remaining defenders of the castle immediately capitulated, and it was taken possession of by the Mackenzies. Subsequently it was confirmed to the Baron of Kintail by King James VI. [Sir Robert Gordon, p. 154, and MS. Histories of the Family.] Roderick Mor Mackenzie of Redcastle seems to have been the leading spirit in this affair. The following document, dated at Holyrood House, the 12th of September 1573, referring to the matter will prove interesting –
Anent our Sovereign Lord’s letters raised at the instance of Master George Munro, making mention: that whereas he is lawfully provided to the Chancellory of Ross by his Highness’s presentation, admission to the Kirk, and the Lords’ decree thereupon, and has obtained letters in all the four forms thereupon and therewith has caused charge the tenants and intromitters with the teind sheaves thereof, to make him and his factors payment; and in the meantime Rory Mackenzie, brother to Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, having continual residence in the steeple of the Chanonry of Ross, which he caused to be built not only to oppress the country with masterful theft, sorning, and daily oppression, but also for suppressing of the word of God which was always preached in the said Kirk preceding his entry thereto, which is now become a filthy stye and den of thieves; has masterfully and violently with a great force of oppression, come to the tenants indebted in payment of the said Mr George’s benefice aforesaid and has masterfully reft them of all and whole the fruits thereof; and so he having no other refuge for obtaining of the said benefice, was compelled to denounce the said whole tenants rebels and put them to the horn, as the said letters and execution thereof more fully purports; and further is compelled for fear of the said Mr George’s life to remain from his vocation whereunto God has called him. And anent the charge given to the said Rory Mackenzie to desist and cease from all intromitting, uptaking, molesting or troubling of the said Mr George’s tenants of his benefice above-written for any fruits or duties thereof, otherwise than is ordered by law, or else to have compeared before my Lord Regent’s grace and Lords of Secret Council at a certain day bypast, and show a reasonable cause why the same should not be done; under the pain of rebellion and putting him to the horn, with certification to him, and he failing, letters would be directed simpliciter to put him to the horn, like as is at more length contained in the said letters, execution and endorsement thereof. Which being called, the said Master George compeared personally, and the said Rory Mackenzie oftimes called and not compearing, my Lord Regent’s grace, with advise of the Lords of Secret Council, ordained letters to be directed to officers of arms, Sheriffs in that part, to denounce the said Rory Mackenzie our Sovereign Lord’s rebel and put him to the horn and to escheat and bring in all his moveable goods to his Highness’s use for his contempt. [Records of the Privy Council.]
In December of the same year Colin has to provide cautioners, for things laid to his charge, to the amount of ten thousand pounds, that he shall remain within four miles of Edinburgh, and eastward as far as the town of Dunbar, and that he shall appear before the Council on a notice of forty-eight hours. On the 6th of February following other cautioners bind themselves to enter him in Edinburgh on the 20th of May, 1574, remaining there until relieved, under a penalty of ten thousand pounds. He is entered to keep ward in Edinburgh on the 1st March, 1575, and is bound to appear before the Council when required under a similar penalty. On the 10th of April following he signs a bond that Alexander Ross shall appear before the Lords when required to do so. On the 25th of May, 1575, at Chanonry, Robert Munro of Fowlis and Walter Urquhart, Sheriff of Cromarty, bind themselves their heirs, and successors, under a penalty of five thousand pounds, that they shall on a month’s notice enter and present Roderick Mor Mackenzie of Redcastle before the King and the Privy Council and that he shall remain while lawful entry be taken of him, and that he shall keep good rule in his country in the meantime. On the same day Colin, his brother, “of his own free motive will” binds himself and his heirs to relieve and keep these gentlemen scaithless of the amount of this obligation. He is one of several Highland chiefs charged by the Regent and the Privy Council on the 19th of February, 1577-78, to defend Donald Mac Angus of Glengarry from an expected invasion of his territories by sea and land. [Register of the Privy Council.]
The disturbed state of the country was such, in 1573, that the Earl of Sutherland petitioned to be served heir to his estates, at Aberdeen, as he could not get a jury together to sit at Inverness, “in consequence of the barons, such as Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, Hugh Lord Lovat, Lachlan Mackintosh of Dunachton, and Robert Munro of Fowlis, being at deadly feud among themselves.” [Antiquarian Notes, p. 79]
In 1580 a desperate quarrel broke out between the Mackenzies and Macdonalds of Glengarry. The Chief of Glengarry inherited part of Lochalsh, Lochcarron, and Lochbroom, from his grandmother, Margaret, one of the sisters and co-heiresses of Sir Donald Macdonald of Lochalsh, and grand-daughter of Celestine of the Isles. Kenneth, during his father’s life, had acquired the other part by purchase from Dingwall of Kildun, son of the other co-heiress of Sir Donald, on the 24th November, 1554, and Queen Mary confirmed the grant by Royal charter. Many causes leading to disputes and feuds can easily be imagined with such men in close proximity. Glengarry and his followers “sorned” on Mackenzie’s tenants, not only in the immediate vicinity of his own property of Lochcarron, but also during their raids from Glengarry, on the outskirts of Kintail, and thus Mackenzie’s dependants were continually harrassed by Glengarry’s cruelty and ill-usage. His own tenants in Lochalsh and Lochcarron fared little better, particularly the Mathesons in the former, and the Clann Ian Uidhir in the latter, who were the original possessors of Glengarry’s lands in that district. These tribes, finding themselves in such abject slavery, though they regularly paid their rents and other dues, and seeing how kindly Mackenzie used the neighbouring tenantry, envied their more comfortable state and “abhorred Glengarry’s rascality, who would lie in their houses (yea, force their women and daughters) so long as there was any good to be given, which made them keep better amity and correspondence with Mackenzie and his tenants than with their own master and his followers. This may partly teach how superiors ought always to govern and oversee their tenantry and followers, especially in the Highlands, who were ordinarily made up of several clans, and will not readily underlie such slavery as the Incountry Commons will do.”
The first serious outbreak between the Glengarry Macdonalds and the Mackenzies originated thus: One Duncan Mac Ian Uidhir Mhic Dhonnachaidh, known as “a very honest gentleman,” who, in his early days, lived under Glengarry, and was a very good deerstalker and an excellent shot, often resorted to the forest of Glasletter, then the property of Mackenzie of Gairloch, where he killed many of the deer. Some time afterwards, Duncan was, in consequence of certain troubles in his own country, obliged to leave, and he, with all his family and goods, took up his quarters in Glen Affrick, close to the forest. Soon after, he went, accompanied by a friend, to the nearest hill, and began his favourite pursuit of deerstalking. Mackenzie’s forester perceiving the stranger, and knowing him as an old poacher, cautiously walked up, came upon him unawares, and demanded that he should at once surrender himself and his arms. Duncan, finding that Gairloch’s forester was only accompanied by one gillie, “thought it an irrecoverable affront that he and his man should so yield, and refused to do so on any terms, whereupon the forester being ill-set, and remembering former abuses in their passages,” he and his companion killed the poachers, and buried them in the hill. Fionnla Dubh Mac Dhomh’uill Mhoir and Donald Mac Ian Leith, the latter a native of Gairloch, were suspected of the crime, but it was never proved against them, though they were both several times put on their trial by the barons of Kintail and Gairloch.
About two years after the murder was committed, Duncan’s bones were discovered by one of his friends, who had continued all the time diligently to search for him. The Macdonalds always suspected foul play, and this having now been placed beyond question by the discovery of the bodies of the victims, a party of them started, determined to revenge the death of their clansman; and, arriving at Inchlochell, Glenstrathfarrar, then the property of Rory Mor Mackenzie of Redcastle, they found Duncan Mac Ian Mhic Dhomh’uill Mhoir, a brother of the suspected Finlay Dubh, without any fear of approaching danger, busily engaged ploughing his patch of land, and they at once attacked and killed him. The renowned Rory Mor, hearing of the murder of his tenant, at once despatched a messenger to Glengarry demanding redress and the punishment of the assassins, but Glengarry refused. Rory was, however, determined to have satisfaction, and he resolved, against the counsel of his friends, to have retribution for this and previous injuries at once and as best he could. Having thus decided, he at once sent for his friend, Dugall Mackenzie of Applecross, to consult him as to the best mode of procedure to ensure success.
Glengarry lived at the time in the Castle of Strone, Lochcarron, and, after consultation, the two Mackenzies resolved to use every means in their power to capture him, or some of his nearest relatives. For this purpose Dugall suggested a plan by which he thought he would induce the unsuspecting Glengarry to meet him on a certain day at Kishorn. Rory Mor, to avoid any suspicion, was to start at once for Lochbroom, under cloak of attending to his interests there; and if Macdonald agreed to meet Dugall at Kishorn, he would immediately send notice of the day to Rory. No sooner had Dugall arrived at home than, to carry out this plan, he dispatched a messenger to Glengarry informing him that he had matters of great importance to communicate to him, and that he wished, for that purpose, to meet him on any day which he might deem suitable.
Day and place were soon appointed, and Dugall at once sent a messenger, as arranged, with full particulars of the proposed meeting to Rory Mor, who instantly gathered his friends, the Clann Allan, and marched them to Lochcarron. On his arrival, he had a meeting with Donald Mac Ian Mhic Ian Uidhir, and Angus Mac Eachainn, both of the Clann Ian Uidhir, and closely allied to Glengarry by blood and marriage, and living on his lands. “Yet notwithstanding this alliance, they, fearing his, and his rascality’s further oppression, were content to join Rory in the plot.” The appointed day having arrived, Glengarry and his lady (a daughter of the Captain of Clan Ranald, he having previously sent away his lawfull wife, a daughter of the laird of Grant) came by sea to Kishorn. He and Dugall Mackenzie having conferred together for some time discussing matters of importance to each as neighbours, Glengarry took his leave, but while being convoyed to his boat, Dugall suggested the impropriety of his going home by sea in such a clumsy boat, when he had only a distance of two miles to walk, and if he did not suspect his own inability to make the lady comfortable for the night, he would be glad to provide for her and see her home safely next morning. Macdonald declined the proffered hospitality to his lady. He sent her home by the boat, accompanied by four of his followers, and told Dugall that he would not endanger the boat by overloading, but that he and the remainder of his gentlemen and followers would go home on foot.
Rory Mor had meanwhile placed his men in ambush in a place still called Glaic nan Gillean. Glengarry and his train, on their way to Strone Castle, came upon them without the slightest suspicion, when they were suddenly surrounded by Rory’s followers, and called upon to surrender. Seeing this, one of the Macdonalds shot an arrow at Redcastle, which fixed in the fringe of his plaid, when his followers, thinking their leader had been mortally wounded furiously attacked the Macdonalds; but Rory commanded his friends, under pain of death, to save the life of Glengarry, who, seeing he had no chance of escape, and hearing Redcastle’s orders to his men, threw away his sword, and ran into Rory Mor’s arms, begging that his life might be spared. This was at once granted to him, but not a single one of his men escaped from Redcastle’s infuriated followers, who started the same night, taking Glengarry along with him, for Lochbroom.
Even this did not satisfy the cruel disposition of Donald Mac Ian Mhic Ian Uidhir and Angus Mac Eachainn, who had an old grudge against their chief, Glengarry, his father having some time previously evicted their father from Attadale, Lochcarron, to which they claimed a right. They, under silence of night, gathered all the Clann Ian Uidhir, and proceeded to Arinaskaig and Dalmartin, where lived at the time three uncles of Glengarry – Gorrie, Rorie, and Ronald – whom they, with all their retainers, killed on the spot. “This murder was undoubtedly unknown to Rory or any of the Mackenzies, though alleged otherwise; for as soon as his nephew, Colin of Kintail, and his friends heard of this accident, they were much concerned, and would have him (Rory) set Glengarry at liberty but all their persuasions would not do tell he was secured of him by writ and oath, that he and his would never pursue this accident either legally or unlegally, and which, as was said, he never intended to do, till seventeen years thereafter, when, in 1597, the children of these three uncles of Glengarry arrived at manhood,” determined, as will be seen hereafter, to revenge their father’s death. [Ancient and Ardintoul MSS.]
Gregory, however, says (p. 219) that after his liberation, Glengarry complained to the Privy Council, who, investigating the matter, caused the Castle of Strone, which Macdonald yielded to Mackenzie as one of the conditions of his release, to be placed under the temporary custody of the Earl of Argyll and Mackenzie of Kintail was detained at Edinburgh in open ward to answer such charges as might be brought against him. [Records of Privy Council of date 10th August and 2d December 1582; 11th January and 8th March 1582-3.] In 1586 King James VI. granted a remission to “Colin M’Kainzie of Kintaill and Rodoric M’Kainzie of Auchterfailie” (Redcastle), “his brother, for being art and part in the cruel murder of Rodoric M’Allester in Stroll; Gorie M’Allester, his brother, in Stromcraig; Ronnald M’Gorie, the son of the latter; John Roy M’Allane v’ Allester, in Pitnean; John Dow M’Allane v’ Allester, in Kirktoun of Lochcarroun; Alexander M’Allanroy, servitor of the deceased Rodoric; Sir John Monro in Lochbrume; John Monro, his son; John Monro Hucheoun, and the rest of their accomplices, under silence of night, upon the lands of Ardmanichtyke, Dalmartene, Kirktoun of Lochcarroun, Blahat, and other parts within the baronies of Lochcarroun, Lochbrume, Ros, and Kessane, in the Sheriffdom of Innerness,” and for all their other past crimes, [“Origines Parochiales Scotia” and Retours.]
During Colin’s reign Huntly obtained a commission of fire and sword against Mackintosh of Mackintosh, and reduced him to such a condition that he had to remove with all his family and friends for better security to the Island of Moy. Huntly, having determined to crush him, came to Inverness and prepared a fleet of boats with which to besiege the island. These preparations having been completed, and the boats ready to be drawn across the hills from Inverness to Moy, Mackenzie, who had been advised of Huntly’s intentions, despatched a messenger – John Mackenzie of Kinnock – to Inverness, to ask his Lordship to be as favourable as possible to his sister, Mackintosh of Mackintosh’s wife, and to treat her as a gentlewoman ought to be treated when he came to Moy, and that he (Colin) would consider it as an act of personal courtesy to himself. The messenger delivered his message, to which Huntly replied, that if it were his good fortune, as he doubted not it would be, to apprehend her husband and her, “she would be the worst used lady in the North; that she was an ill instrument against his cause, and therefore he would cut her tail above her houghs.” “Well, then,” answered Kinnock, “he (Kintail) bade me tell your Lordship if that were your answer, that perhaps he or his would be there to have a better care of her.” “I do not value his being there more than herself” Huntly replied, “and tell him so much from me.” The messenger departed, when some of Huntly’s principal officers who heard the conversation remonstrated with his Lordship for sending the Mackenzie chief so uncivil an answer, as he might have cause to regret it if that gentleman took it amiss. Kinnock on his arrival at Brahan, told his master what had occurred, and delivered Huntly’s rude message. Colin, who was at the time in delicate health, sent for his brother, Rory Mor of Redcastle, and sent him next day across the ferry of Ardersier with a force of four hundred warriors. These he marched straight through the hills; and just as Huntly, on his way from Inverness, was coming in sight, on the west of Moy, Rory and his followers were marching along the face of the hill on the east side of the Island, when his Lordship, perceiving such a large force, asked his officers who they could be. One of them, present during the interview with Mackenzie’s messenger on the previous day, answered, “Yonder is the effect of your answer to Mackenzie.” “I wonder,” replied Huntly, “how he could have so many men ready almost in an instant.” The officer replied, “Their leader is so active and fortunate that his men will flock to him from all parts on a moment’s notice when he has any ado. And before you gain Mackintosh or his lady you will lose more than he is worth, since now, as it seems, her friends take part in the quarrel;” whereupon the Earl retired with his forces to Inverness, “so that it seemed fitter to Huntly to agree their differs friendly than prosecute the laws further against Mackintosh.”
There is a complaint to the Privy Council by Christian Scrymgeour, relict of the late Alexander, Bishop of Ross, dated 24th January, 1578-9, in which it is stated that Colin not only stopped and debarred her late spouse from having fuel and “elding” to his dwelling house in the Chanonry of Ross, where he made his residence last summer, but stopped him also from victuals to his house, using such unhuman and cruel dealings against him that he fell sick and never recovered “till he departed this life.” During the illness of the bishop in December preceding, Colin and others “of his special sending” enclosed the house of the Chanonry and debarred the complainer and her husband of meat and drink and all other relief of company or comfort of neighbours and friends, and how soon he had intelligence of the bishop’s approaching his death he laid ambushes of armed men within the town of Chanonry and in the neighbourhood and apprehended several of the bishop’s and dean’s servants, whom he carried “immediately to the said Colin’s house of the Redcastle,” and there detained them for twenty-four hours. Further, on the 22nd of September preceding, the bishop being at the extreme point of death, Colin with an armed following in great numbers, came to the castle and house of the Chanonry and by force and violence entered therein and put the said Christian Scrymgeour, the bishop’s wife, and his servants, children, and household out of the same, intromitted with their goods and gear and constrained them to leave the country by sea, not suffering them to get meat, drink, or lodging, in the town, nor letting them take away with them of their own gear as much as a plaid or blanket to protect the children from cold in the boat, “committing thair throw such cruel and barbarous oppression upon them as the like has not been heard of in any realm or country subject to justice or the authority of a Sovereign Prince.” Colin did not appear to answer this complaint, and he and his chief abettors were denounced rebels, put to the horn and escheated.
On the same day, there is a complaint by Henry Lord Methven, in which it is stated that although his Lordship “has by gift of His Highness to him, his heirs and assignees, the gift of all and whole the temporality of the Bishopric of Ross, and of the castle, house, and place of the Chanonry of Ross, now vacant in our Sovereign Lord’s hands by the decease of the late Alexander, last Bishop of Ross, of all years and terms to come, aye and till the lawful provision of a lawful bishop and pastor to the said bishopric,” and although it is “specially provided by Act of Parliament that whatsoever person or persons takes any bishop’s places, castles, or strengths, or enters by their own authority to hold them without his Highness’ command, letters or charges, shall incur the crimes of treason and lesemajesty,” yet, “Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, in proud and high contempt of his Majesty’s said loveable law and Act of Parliament, and of his Highness now having the administration of the Government of the realm in his own person, lately, upon the 22nd day of September last bypast, in the very hour of the death of the said late Alexander, Bishop of Ross, or shortly thereafter beset and enclosed the said castle, house, and place of the Chanonry of Ross, took the same by force and as yet detains and holds the same as a house of war and will not render and deliver the same to the said Lord Methven.’ Mackenzie was duly charged to give up possession of the castle and place or take the consequences. Lord Methven appeared personally, but Colin did not, where-upon their Lordships ordained letters to be directed to him charging him to give them up, “with the whole munition and ordnance therein” to Henry Lord Methven or to any other having power to receive them, within twenty-four hours of the charge under the pain of treason.
The following complaint by Donald Mac Angus of Glengarry laid before the Privy Council at Dalkeith on 10th of August, 1582, is that gentleman’s version of his apprehension by Roderick Mor Mackenzie of Redcastle and Dugall Mackenzie of Kishorn, as described from family MSS. at pp. 156-59. Glengarry’s complaint proceeds –
After the great slaughters, herschips, and skaiths, committed upon him, his kin, friends, and servants upon the last day of February the year of God 1581 years, estimate worth six score thousand pounds money of this realm or thereby, and on the first, second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth days of March last bypast thereafter by Rory Mackenzie, brother-german to Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, Dugald Mackenzie, his brother and the remainder of their colleagues and company, to the number of two hundred persons, armed with two-handed swords, bows, darlochis, hagbutts, pistols, prohibited to be worn or used, and other offensive weapons who also upon the sixteenth day of April last bypast or thereby, came upon the said complainant he being within his own “rowmes” and country of Lochcarron having mind of no evil or injury to have been done to him nor none of his, but thinking to have lived under God’s peace and our Sovereign Lord, and then not only took himself captive, kept and detained him prisoner in coves, craigs, woods, and other desert places at their pleasure wherethrough none of his kin nor friends had access to him for the space of fourteen days or thereby, but also in the meantime took and apprehended the late Rory MacAlister, father’s brother to the said complainant, and three of their sons and other of his friends and servants to the number of 33 persons or thereby, bound their hands with their own shirts, and cruelly and unmercifully, under promise of safety of their lives, caused murder and slay them with dirks, appointing that they should not be buried as Christian men, but cast forth and eaten by dogs and swine.” Further, “at the end of the said complainant’s captivity and detention in the manner aforesaid, being delivered by the foresaid person, his takers and detainers, to Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, both he and they, being armed in warlike manner as said is, upon the 24th day of the said month of April, came to the said complainant’s town and lands of Strome, where they also carried him captive with them and theirs, by hostility and way of deed, spoiled and reft the whole goods, gear, and plenishing therein and besieged his house and Castle of Strome, threatening his friends and servants therein that if they rendered not the same to them they would hang the said complainant in their sight compelling him and his said friends therefor and for safety of his life to yield to the said persons’ tyrranous desires and appetites, and render to them the said castle, which they not only wrongfully detained and withheld from him, but also through occasion thereof still insists in their cruelty and inhumanity against the said complainant, his kin and friends. Like as lately, about the end of July last, the said Colin Mackenzie Rory Mackenzie, and others aforesaid, having violently taken Donald MacMoroch Roy, one of the said complainant’s chief kinsmen, and were not content to put him to a simple death, but to bait them in his blood, and by a strange example to satisfy their cruel and unnatural hearts, first cut off his hands, next his feet, and last his head, and having cast the same in a “peitpott,” exposed and laid out his carcase to be a prey for dogs and ravenous beasts: Tending by such kind of dealing to undo as many of the said complainant’s friends and servants as they can apprehend, and to lay waste their lands, “rowmes,” and possessions to the said complainant’s heavy hurt and skaith, and dangerous example of wicked persons to attempt the like, if remedy be not provided.” In consequence of this complaint charges had gone forth to Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, (1), to have rendered the said Castle of Strome with the munition and goods therein to the complainer or his representatives, within twenty-four hours after being charged, under pain of rebellion, or else to have appeared and shown cause to the contrary; (2) to have appeared and found sufficient surety in the Books of the Council for the safety of the complainer and his dependants in persons and goods, or else shown cause to the contrary, under the same pain. And now, “the said Angus Mac Angus compeared personally and the said Colin Mackenzie of Kintail being oftimes called and not compearing, the Lords (1) repeat their charge for delivery of the castle within twenty-four hours, and, failing obedience, order Mackenzie of Kintail to be denounced rebel and put to the horn and to escheat; (2) repeat their charge to the said Mackenzie to find sufficient caution for the safety of the complainer and his dependants in person and goods, with order that if he fail to do so within fifteen days after being charged, he shall, for that default also, be denounced rebel and put to the horn.”
On the 2nd of December, 1582, Colin finds caution in the sum of two thousand merks that he shall deliver up Strome Castle, Lochcarron, to Donald Mac Angus of Glengarry, in the event of the Privy Council finding that he should do so.
Shortly after this the aspect of affairs is changed. On the 11th of January, 1582-83, the decree against Mackenzie for the surrender of Strome Castle to Donald Macdonald of Glengarry is reversed. He petitions the Privy Council and gives an entirely different complexion to the facts of the case against him to those submitted by Glengarry to the Council. He complains of Donald Mac Angus for having “upon a certain sinister and malicious narration” obtained a decree against him charging him upon pain of rebellion to deliver up the Castle of Strome, and to appear before the Privy Council, on the 4th of August preceding, to find caution that Glengarry and his friends should be kept harmless of him in their persons and goods, and then makes the following statement:
The officer, alleged executor of the said letters (against him), neither charged thc said Colin personally nor at his dwelling house, neither yet came any such charge to his knowledge. Yet he hearing tell somewhat thereof by the “bruit” of the country, he, for obedience of the same, directed Alexander Mackenzie, his servant and procurator, to our Burgh of Perth, where his Majesty was resident for the time, who from the same fourth of August, being the peremptory day of compearance, as well there as at Ruthven, attended continually upon the calling of the said letters till the Council dissolved, and that his Majesty passed to Dunkeld to the hunting. Like as immediately thereafter the said Alexander repaired to the Burgh of Edinburgh, where he likewise awaited a certain space thereafter when Council should have been, and the said letters should have been called but perceiving no number of Council neither there nor actually with his Majesty, he looked for no calling of the said letters nor proceeding thereuntil, but that the same should have (been), deserted, because the day was peremptory, at the least till he should have been of new warned and heard in presence of his Highness and his Council to have shown a reasonable cause why no such letters should be granted simpliciter upon the said Colin to the effect above-written. Not-withstanding for by his expectation, he being resident for the time in Edinburgh, where he looked that the said matter should have been called, the said other letters were upon the tenth day of the said month of August last, by moyen of the said Donald Mac Angus, called at the Castle of Dalkeith, and there, for the said Colin’s alleged non-compearance, as he is surely informed, decree was pronounced in the said matter and letters ordained to be directed simpliciter against him.” Had his said servant, then still in Edinburgh, been made aware of this meeting of Council at Dalkeith, “he would not have failed to have compeared, and had many good and sufficient reasons and defences to have staid all giving of the said letters simpliciter;” such as that “the said Colin received the said castle and fortalice of Strome by virtue of a contract passed betwixt him and the said Donald, wherein he was content and consented that the said castle should remain in the said Colin’s hands and keeping unto the time he had fulfilled certain other articles and clauses mentioned and contained in the same contract;” also “that the said Colin was charged, by virtue of letters passed by deliverance of the Lords of Session, to render and deliver the said castle and fortalice of Strome to John Grant of Freuchie, as pertaining to him in heritage, within a certain space after the charge, under the said pain of horning, so that, he being doubly charged, he is uncertain to whom to render the said castle.” Moreover, for the satisfaction of the King and the Lords of Council, “the said Colin has found caution to render and deliver the said castle and fortalice to the said Donald, if it shall be found by his Highness and the said Lords that he ought to do the same.” For these reasons it is argued that the said decree and letters issued against him ought to be suspended.
Charge having been made to the said Donald Mac Angus to appear to this complaint and demand, “both the said parties compeared personally,” and the Lords after hearing them, “suspended the foresaid letters purchased by the said Donald Mac Angus, effect thereof, and process of horning contained therein, and all that has followed thereupon, upon the said Colin simpliciter in time coming,” the ground for this decision being that “the said Colin has found security acted in the books of Secret Council that the said castle and fortalice of Strome, committed to him in keeping by the King’s Majesty and Lords of Secret Council, shall be rendered and delivered again to such person or persons as shall be appointed by the King’s Majesty to receive the same, as the keepers thereof shall be required thereto upon six days’ warning, under the pain of ten thousand merks” and meanwhile, under the same pains, that none of the King’s subjects shall be “invaded, troubled, molested, nor persecuted,” by those who keep the castle for him, or by others resorting thither. There is, however, this proviso –
That, in case the said Colin shall at any time hereafter sue of the King’s Majesty to be disburdened of the keeping of the said castle, and that some person may be appointed to receive the same out of his hands and keeping within the space of twenty days next after his said Suit, which notwithstanding shall happen to be refused and not done by his Highness within the said space, that in that case he nor his cautioner be anywise answerable thereafter for the said house and keeping thereof, but to be free of the same, and these presents to annul and to have no further force, effect, nor execution, against them at any time thereafter except that the same house shall happen to be kept by the said Colin or his servants in his name thereafter, for the which in that respect the said Colin shall always be answerable in manner aforesaid and no otherwise.
A bond of caution by Mackenzie, and Lord Lindsay of the Byres as security for him, for ten thousand merks, subscribed on the 20th of January, 1582-83, and registered in the Chanonry of Ross, binds Colin to surrender the Castle of Strome to any person appointed by the King for the purpose, on six days’ warning and to fulfil the other duties imposed upon him by the Act of the Privy Council dated the 11th of the same month, already given, but with the proviso in his favour contained in that Act, which is repeated at length in the bond of caution of this date.
In terms of this bond the King and Council at a meeting held at Holyrood on the 8th of March following “for certain causes and considerations moving them,” order letters to issue charging Mackenzie and other keepers of the Castle of Strome to deliver the same to Colin, Earl of Argyll, Chancellor, or to his servants in his name within six days after charge under the pains of rebellion, which being done the King “discharges thereafter the sureties found by the said Colin Mackenzie of before, either acted in the books of Secret Council, or by contract, bond, or promise between him and Donald Mac Angus Mac Alastair of Glengarry,” the Acts referring to the same to be deleted from the books of the Privy Council.
Colin’s name appears again on the 1st of August as surety for a bond of three thousand merks by David Dunbar of Kilstarry and Patrick Dunbar of Blairy.
On the 5th of May, 1585, he is denounced a rebel on a complaint by Hugh Fraser of Guisachan under the following circumstances. Fraser says that a certain “John Dow Mac Allan was lawfully denounced his Highness’ rebel and put to the horn at the said Hucheon’s instance for not removing from the half davoch of land of Kilboky pertaining to him, conform to a decree obtained by the said Hucheon against the said John Dow Mac Allan.” Upon this decree Hugh Fraser “raised letters of caption by deliverance of the Lords of Session to charge the Sheriff of Inverness and other judges in the country where the said John resorts, to take, apprehend him, and keep him conform to the order observed in such cases.” In all this process to obtain the decree, with “letters in the four forms, executions and denunciations thereof,” and then raising of the said letters of caption thereupon, the complainer has been put to great travel and expenses, having his habitation by the space of eight score miles or thereby distant from the Burgh of Edinburgh.” Nevertheless, Colin Mackenzie, “to whom the said John Dow Mac Allan is tenant, servant, and special depender,” maintains and assists him in his violent occupation or the complainer’s lands, “keeps him in his company, receives him in his house, and otherwise debates him that he cannot be apprehended,” so that all the proceedings of the complainer Fraser are frustrated. Colin was thereupon charged to present Mac Allan before the Privy Council, under pain of rebellion, and failing to appear, or present John Dow, and the complainer having appeared personally, an order was pronounced denouncing Mackenzie a rebel.
On the 11th of December next, John Gordon of Pitlurg becomes cautioner in one thousand merks that Colin will not injure Andrew, Lord Dingwall, his tenants, or servants. On the 11th of April, 1586, William Cumming of Inverallochy and others become surety in L1000 that Mackenzie shall “remove his coble, fishers, and nets, from the fishing of the water of Canon, and desist and cease therefrom in time coming, conform to the letters raised at the instance of Andrew, Lord Dingwall, to the same effect, in case it shall be found and declared that the said Colin ought to do the same.” On the 4th of May following, Mackenzie binds himself to keep his sureties scaithless in the matter of this caution. On the 16th of the same month, the King and Council “for certain necessary and weighty considerations moving his Highness, tending to the furthering and establishing of his Highness’ obedience and the greatness and safety of his peaceable and good subjects from burnings, riefs, and oppression,” ordain Colin to enter in ward in Blackness Castle within twenty-four hours after being charged under pain of treason. Two days later, being then in ward in this stronghold, he finds caution in ten thousand merks that on being relieved from ward he will repair to Edinburgh and keep ward there until set free. This is deleted by a warrant subscribed by the King and the Secretary at Falkland on the 6th of the following August. His name appears as one of a long list of Highland chiefs complained against to the Privy Council on the 30th of November, 1586, by the united burghs of the realm for obstructing the fisheries in the northern parts and making extortionate exactions from the fishermen, and again on the 16th of September, 1587, when an order is made to denounce him for his failure to appear before the Council to enter John Mackenzie of Gairloch and his accomplices, for whom Colin is held liable “as master and landlord,” to answer a complaint made against them by James Sinclair, Master of Caithness, on the 10th of August preceding. On the 5th of March, 1587-88, John Davidson, burgess of Edinburgh, becomes cautioner in 500 merks that Colin will, if required, enter such of his men before the Privy Council as “assegeit” James, Master of Caithness, within the house of William Robson, in the Chanonry of Ross. On the 27th of July, 1588, he is appointed by a Convention of the Estates member of a Commission, charged with powers for executing the laws against Jesuits, Papists, and other delinquents, and with other extensive powers. On the 24th of May, 1589, he is named as the Commissioner for the shire of Inverness who is to convene the freeholders of the county for choosing the Commissioners to a Parliament to be held at Edinburgh on the 2nd of October in that year, and to report his diligence in this matter to the Council before the 15th of August, under pains of rebellion. On the 4th of June following, he appears in a curious position in connection with a prosecution for witchcraft against several women, and an abridgement of the document, as recorded in the Records of the Privy Council, is of sufficient interest to justify a place here. It is the complaint of Katherine Ross, relict of Robert Munro of Fowlis; Margaret Sutherland, spouse of Hector Munro, portioner of