History Of The Mackenzies by Alexander MackenzieWith Genealogies of the Principal Families of the Name (page 2)

IV. MURDOCH MACKENZIE,

Usually called “Murchadh Dubh na h’ Uagh,” or Black Murdoch of the Cave, from his habits of life, which shall be described presently.

Murdoch was very young when his father was executed at Inverness. During Kenneth’s absence on that occasion, and for some time afterwards, Duncan Macaulay, a great friend, who then owned the district of Lochbroom, had charge of Ellandonnan Castle. The Earl of Ross was determined to secure possession of Murdoch, as he previously did of his father, and Macaulay becoming apprehensive as to his safety sent him, then quite young, accompanied by his own son, for protection to Mackenzie’s relative, Macdougall of Lorn. While here the Earl of Ross succeeded in capturing young Macaulay, and in revenge for his father’s gallant defence at Ellandonnan during Kenneth’s absence, and more recently against his own futile attempts to take that stronghold, he put Macaulay to death, whereupon Murdoch, who barely escaped with his life, left Lorn and sought the protection of his uncle, Macleod of Lewis.

The actual murderer of Macaulay was the same desperate character, Leod Macgilleandrais, a vassal of the Earl of Ross, who had in 1346 been mainly instrumental in the capture and consequent death of Mackenzie’s father at Inverness. The Earl of Cromarty describes the assassin as “a depender of the Earl of Ross, and possessed of several lands in Strathcarron (of Easter Ross) and some in Strathoykell.” When he killed Macaulay, Leod possessed himself of his lands of Lochbroom and Coigach “whereby that family ended.” Macaulay’s estates should have gone to Mackenzie in right of his wife, Macaulay’s daughter, but “holding of the Earl of Ross, the earl disponed the samen in lyfrent by tack to Leod, albeit Murdo Mackenzie acclaimed it in right of his wyfe.”

Leod kept possession of Kenlochewe, which, lying as it did, exactly between Kintail and Lochbroom, he found most convenient as a centre of operations against both, and he repeatedly took advantage of it, though invariably without success so far at least as his main object was concerned – to get possession of the stronghold of Ellandonnan. On the other hand, the brave garrison of the castle made several desperate reprisals under their heroic commander, Macaulay, and held out in spite of all the attempts made to subdue them, until the restoration of David II., by which time Murdoch Mackenzie had grown up a brave and intrepid youth, approaching majority.

The author of the Ardintoul MS. informs us that he was called Murdo of the Cave; being perhaps not well tutored, he preferred sporting and hunting in the hills and forests to going to the Ward School, where the ward children, or the heirs of those who held their lands and wards from the King, were wont or bound to go, and he resorted to the dens and caves about Torridon and Kenlochewe, hoping to get a hit at Leod Macgilleandrais, who was instrumental, under the Earl of Ross, to apprehend and cut off his father. In the meantime Leod hearing of Murdo’s resorting to these bounds, that he was kindly entertained by some of the inhabitants, and fearing that he would withdraw the services and affections of the people from himself, and connive some mischief against him for his ill-usage of his father, he left no means untried to apprehend him, so that Mackenzie was obliged to start privately to Lochbroom, from whence, with only one companion, he went to his uncle, Macleod of Lewis, by whom, after he had revealed himself to him alone, he was well received, and both of them resolved to conceal his name until a fit opportunity offered to make known his identity. He, however, met with a certain man named Gille Riabhach who came to Stornoway with twelve men, about the same time as himself, and he, in the strictest confidence, told Gille Riabhach that he was Mackenzie of Kintail, which secret the latter kept strictly inviolate. Macleod entertained his nephew, keeping it an absolute secret from others who he was, that his enemies might think that he was dead, and so feel the greater security till such time as they would deem it wise that he should act for himself and make an attempt to rescue his possessions from Macgilleandrais, who now felt quite secure, thinking that Mackenzie had perished, having for so long heard nothing concerning him. When a suitable time arrived his uncle gave Murdo two of his great galleys, with as many men (six score) as he desired, to accompany him, his cousin german Macleod, the Gille Riabhach and his twelve followers, all of whom determined to seek their fortunes with young Kintail. They embarked at Stornoway, and securing a favourable wind they soon arrived at Sanachan, in Kishorn (some say at Poolewe), where they landed, marched straight towards Kenlochewe, and arrived at a thick wood near the place where Macgilleandrais had his residence. Mackenzie commanded his followers to lie down and watch, while he and his companion, Gille Riabhach, went about in search of intelligence. He soon found a woman cutting rushes, at the same time lamenting his own supposed death and Leod Macgillearidrais’ succession to the lands of Kenlochewe in consequence. He at once recognised her as the woman’s sister who nursed or fostered him, drew near, spoke to her, sounded her, and discovering her unmistakeable affection for him he felt that he could with perfect safety make himself known to her. She was overjoyed to find that it was really he, whose absence and loss she had so intensely and so long lamented. He then requested her to go and procure him information of Leod’s situation and occupation that night. This she did with great propriety and discretion. Having satisfied herself, she returned at the appointed time and assured him that Macgilleandrais felt perfectly secure, quite unprepared for an attack, and bad just appointed to meet the adjacent people next morning at a place called Ath-nan-Ceann (the Ford of the Heads), preparatory to a hunting match, having instructed those who might arrive before him to wait his arrival. Mackenzie considered this an excellent opportunity for punishing Leod. He in good time went to the ford accompanied by his followers. Those invited by Leod soon after arrived, and, seeing Mackenzie before them, thought he was Macgilleandrais with some of his men, but soon discovered their mistake. Mackenzie killed all those whom he did not recognise as soon as they appeared. The natives of the place, who were personally known to him, he pardoned and dismissed. Leod soon turned up, and seeing such a gathering awaiting him, naturally thought that they were his own friends, and hastened towards them, but on approaching nearer he found himself “in the fool’s hose.” Mackenzie and his band fell upon them with their swords, and after a slight resistance Macgilleandrais and his party fled, but they were soon overtaken at a place called to this day Featha Leoid or Leod’s Bog, where they were all slain, except Leod’s son Paul, who was taken prisoner and kept in captivity for some time, but was afterwards released upon plighting his faith that he would never again trouble Mackenzie or resent against him his father’s death. Murdoch Mackenzie being thus re-possessed of Kenlochewe, “gave Leod Macgilleandrais’ widow to Gillereach to wife for his good services and fidelity, whose posterity live at Kenlochewe and thereabout, and to this day some of them live there.” According to the Cromarty MS., Mackenzie possessed himself of Lochbroom in right of his wife and disposed of Coigach to his cousin Macleod, “for his notable assistance in his distress; which lands they both retained but could obtain no charters from the Earls of Ross, of whom they held, the Earls of Ross pretending that they fell to themselves in default of male heirs, the other retaining possession in right of his wife as heir of line.”

Paul Macgilleandrais some years after this repaired to the confines of Sutherland and Caithness, prevailed upon Murdo Riabhach, Kintail’s illegitimate son, to join him, and, according to one authority, became “a common depredator,” while according to another, he became what was perhaps not inconsistent in those days with the character of a desperado – a person of considerable state and property. They often “spoiled” Caithness. The Earl of Cromarty, referring to this raid, says that Paul “desired to make a spoil on some neighbouring country, a barbarous custom but most ordinary in those days, as thinking thereby to acquire the repute of valour and to become formidable as the greatest security amidst their unhappy feuds. This, their prentice try or first exhibition, was called in Irish (Gaelic) `Creach mhacain’ the young man’s herschip.” Ultimately Murdo Riabhach and Paul’s only son were killed by Budge of Toftingall. Paul was so mortified at the death of his young depredator son that he gave up building the fortress of Duncreich, which he was at the time erecting to strengthen still more his position in the county. He gave his lands of Strathoykel, Strathcarron, and Westray, with his daughter and heiress in marriage, to Walter Ross, III. of Balnagown, on which condition he obtained pardon from the Earl of Ross, the chief and superior of both.

Mackenzie, after disposing of Macgilleandrais, returned to his own country, where he was received with open arms by the whole population of the district. He then married the only daughter of his gallant friend and defender, Duncan Macaulay – whose only son, Murdoch, had been killed by Macgilleandrais – and through her his son ultimately succeeded to the lands of Lochbroom and Coigeach granted to Macaulay’s predecessor by Alexander II. Mackenzie was now engaged principally in preserving and improving his possessions, until the return of David II. from England, 1357-8, when Murdoch laid before the King a complaint against the Earl of Ross for the murder of his father, and claimed redress but the only satisfaction he ever obtained was a confirmation of his rights previously granted by the King to “Murdo filius Kennethi de Kintaill, etc.,” dated “Edinburg 1362, et Regni Domini Regis VI., Testibus Waltero Senescollo et allis.” [MS. History of the Mackenzies.]

Of Murdoch Dubh’s reign, the Laird of Applecross says: “During this turbulent age, securities and writs, as well as laws, were little regarded; each man’s protection lay in his own strength.” Kintail regularly attended the first Parliament of Robert II., until it was decreed by that King and his Privy Council that the services of the “lesser barons” should not be required in future Parliaments or General Councils. He then returned home, and spent most of his time in hunting and wild sports, of which he was devotedly fond, living peaceably and undisturbed during the remainder of his days.

This Baron of Kintail took no share in the recent rebellion under the Lord of the Isles, who, backed by most of the other West Highland chiefs, attempted to throw off his independence and have himself proclaimed King of the Isles. The feeble and effeminate Government of David II., and the evil results consequent thereon throughout the country, encouraged the island lord in this desperate enterprise, but, as Tytler says, the King on this occasion, with an unwonted energy of character, commanded the attendance of the Steward, with the prelates and barons of the realm, and surrounded by this formidable body of vassals and retainers, proceeded against the rebels in person.” The expedition proved completely successful, and John of the Isles, with a numerous train of chieftains who joined him in the rebellion, met the King at Inverness, and submitted to his authority. He there engaged in the most solemn manner, for himself and for his vassals, that they should yield themselves faithful and obedient subjects to David their liege lord, and not only give due and prompt obedience to the ministers of the King in suit and service, as well as in the payment of taxes and public burdens, but that they would coerce and put down all others, and compel all who dared to rise against the King’s authority to make due submission, or pursue them from their respective territories.” For the fulfilment of these obligations, the Lord of the Isles not only gave his most solemn oath before the King and his nobles, on condition of forfeiting his whole possessions in case of failure, but offered his father-in-law, the High Steward, in security and delivered his son Donald, his grandson Angus, and his natural son, also named Donald, as hostages for the strict performance of the articles of the treaty, which was duly signed, attested and dated, the 15th November, 1369. [For a full copy of this instrument, see ‘Invernessiana,’ pp. 69-70.]

Fordun says that in order to crush the Highlanders, and the more easily, as the King thought, to secure obedience to the laws, he used artifice by dividing the chiefs and promising high rewards to those who would capture or kill their brother lords; and, that writer continues “this diabolical plan, by implanting the seeds of disunion amongst the chiefs, succeeded, and they gradually destroyed one another.”

Before his marriage Murdoch had three illegitimate sons. One of them was called Hector or Eachainn Biorach. He acquired the lands of Drumnamarg by marrying Helen, daughter of Loban or Logan of Drum-namarg, who, according to the Earl of Cromarty, “was one of the Earl of Ross’s feuars. This superior having an innate enmity with Kenneth’s race, was the cause that this Hector had no peaceable possession of Drumnamarg, but turning outlaw, retired to Eddirachillis, where he left a son called Henry, of whom are descended a race yet possessing there, called Sliochd Ionraic, or Henry’s race.” The second bastard was named Dugald Deargshuileach, “from his red eyes.” From him descended John Mackenzie, Commissary-Depute of Ross, afterwards in Cromarty, Rev. Roderick Mackenzie, minister of Croy, John Mackenzie, a writer in Edinburgh, and several others of the name. The third bastard was named Alexander, and from him descended Clann Mhurchaidh Mhoir in Ledgowan, and many of the common people who resided in the Braes of Ross.

Murdoch had another son Murdoch Riach, after his wife’s death, by a daughter of the Laird of Assynt, also illegitimate, although the Laird of Applecross says that he was “by another wife.” This Murdoch retired to Edderachillis and married a Sutherland woman there, “where, setting up an independent establishment, he became formidable in checking the Earl of Ross in his excursions against his clan, till he was killed by a Caithness man named Budge of Toftingall. His descendants are still styled Clann Mhuirich, and among them we trace Daniel Mackenzie, who arrived at the rank of Colonel in the service of the Statholder, who had a son Barnard, who was Major in Seaforth’s regiment, and killed at the battle of Auldearn. He too left a son, Barnard, who taught Greek and Latin for four years at Fortrose, was next ordained by the Bishop of Ross and presented to the Episcopal Church of Cromarty, where, after a variety of fortunes, he died, and was buried in the Cathedral Church of Fortrose. Alexander, eldest son of this last (Barnard), studied medicine under Boerhave, and retired to practice at Fortrose. He married Ann, daughter of Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, purchased the lands of Kinnock, and left a son, Barnard, and two daughters, Catherine and Ann.” [Bennetsfield MS. of the Mackenzies.]

This was the turbulent and insecure state of affairs throughout the Kingdom when the chief of Mackenzie was peaceably and quietly enjoying himself in his Highland home. He died in 1375. [Murdo became a great favourite latterly with all those with whom he came in contact. “He fell in company with the Earl of Sutherland, who became his very good friend afterwards, as that he still resorted his court. In end (being comely of person and one active young man) the Earl’s lady (who was King Robert the Bruce’s young daughter) fell in conceit of him, and both forgetting the Earl’s kindness, by her persuasion, he got her with child, who she caused name Dougall,” and the earl suspecting nothing amiss “caused bred him at schools with the rest of his children but Dougall being as ill-given as gotten, he still injured the rest, and when the earl would challenge or offer to beat him, the Ladie still said, ‘Dear heart, let him alone, it is hard to tell Dougall’s father,’ which the good earle always took in good part. In end, he comeing to years of discretion, she told her husband that Mackenzie was his father, and shortly thereafter, by way of merriment, told the King how his lady cheated him. The King, finding him to be his own cousine and of parts of learning, with all to pleasure the earle and his lady, he made Dougall prior of Beauly.” – Ancient MS.]

By his wife Isabel, only child of Macaulay of Lochbroom, Murdoch Dubh had a son and successor,

V. MURDOCH MACKENZIE,

Known as “Murchadh na Drochaid,” or Murdoch of the Bridge. The author of the Ardintoul MS. say’s that “he was called Murdo na Droit by reason of some bad treatment his lady met with at the Bridge of Scatwell, which happened on this occasion. He having lived for many years with his lady and getting no children, and so fearing that the direct line of his family might fail in his person, was a little concerned and troubled thereat, which being understood by some sycophants and flatterers that were about him and would fain curry his favour, they thought that they could not ingratiate themselves more on him than putting his lady out of the way, whereby he might marry another, and they waited an opportunity to put their design in execution (some say not without his connivance), and so on a certain evening or late at night as she was going to Achilty, where her laird lived, these wicked flatterers did presumptuously and barbarously cast her over the Bridge of Scatwell, and then their conscience accusing them for that horrid act they made off with themselves. But the wonderful providence of God carried the innocent lady (who was then with child) nowithstanding the impetuousness of the river, safe to the shore, and enabled her in the night-time to travel the length of Achilty, where her husband did impatiently wait her coming, that being the night she promised to be home, and entertained her very kindly, being greatly offended at the maltreatment she met with. The child she had then in the womb was afterwards called Alexander, and some say agnamed Inrick because by a miracle of Providence he escaped that danger and afterwards became heir to his father and inherited his estate.” The author of the Applecross MS. says that this Baron was called “Murchadh no Droit” from “the circumstances that his mother being with child of him, had been saved after a fearful fall from the Bridge of Scattal into the Water of Conon.” The writer of the “Ancient” MS. history of the Mackenzies, the oldest in existence, suggests that Mackenzie himself may have instigated the ruffians to do away with his wife. “They lived,” he says, “a considerable time together childless, but men in those days (of whom be reason) preferred succession and manhood to wedlock. He caused to throw her under silence of night over the Bridge of Scatwell, but by Providence and by the course of the river she was cast ashore and escaped, went back immediately to his house, then at Achilty, and went to his bedside in a fond condition. But commiserating her case and repenting over the deed he gave her a hearty reception, learned from her that she expected soon to become a mother, and “so afterwards they lived together contentedly all their days.”

During his earlier years Murdoch appears to have lived a peaceful life, following the example of loyalty to the Crown set him by his father, keeping the laws himself, and compelling those over whom his jurisdiction extended to do the same. Nor, if we believe the MS. historians of the family, was this dutiful and loyal conduct allowed to go unrewarded. All the successors of the Earl of Cromarty follow his lordship in saying that a charter was given by King Robert to Murdo, “filius Murdochi de Kintail,” of Kintail and Laggan Achadrom, dated at Edinburgh, anno 1380, attested by “Willielmus de Douglas, et Archibaldo de Galloway, et Joanne, Cancellario Scotiae.” As already stated, however, no such charter as this, or the one previously mentioned on the same authority as having been granted to Murdoch IV. of Kintail, in 1362, is on record.

Murdoch was one of the sixteen Highland chiefs who accompanied the Scots under James, second Earl of Douglas, in his famous march to England and defeated Sir Henry Percy, the renowned Hotspur, at the memorable battle of Otterburn, or Chevy Chase, in 1388.

The period immediately following this historical raid across the Border was more than usually turbulent even for those days in the Scottish Highlands, but Mackenzie managed to escape involving himself seriously with either party to the many quarrels which culminated in the final struggle for the earldom of Ross between the Duke of Albany and Donald, Lord of the Isles, in 1411, at the battle of Harlaw.

As soon as the news of the disaster to the Earl of Mar, who commanded at Harlaw, reached the ears of the Duke of Albany, at the time Regent for Scotland, he set about collecting an army with which, in the following autumn, he marched in person to the north determined to bring the Lord of the Isles to obedience. Having taken possession of the Castle of Dingwall, he appointed a governor to it, and from thence proceeded to recover the whole of Ross. Donald retreated before him, taking up his winter quarters in the Western Islands. Hostilities were renewed next summer, but the contest was not long or doubtful, notwithstanding some little advantages obtained by the Lord of the Isles. He was compelled for a time to give up his claim to the earldom of Ross, to become a vassal of the Scottish Crown, arid to deliver hostages for his good behaviour in the future.

Murdoch must have felt secure in his stronghold of Ellandonnan, and been a man of great prudence, sagacity, and force of character, when, in spite of the commands of his nominal superior – the Lord of the Isles – to support him in these unlawful and rebellious proceedings against the King and threats of punishment in case of refusal, he resolutely declined to join him in his desperate and treasonable adventures. He went the length of saying that even if his lordship’s claims were just in themselves, they would not justify a rebellion against the existing Government; and he further informed him that, altogether independently of that important consideration, he felt no great incentive to aid in the cause of the representative of his grandfather’s murderer. Mackenzie was in fact one of those prudent and loyal chiefs who kept at home in the Highlands, looking after his own affairs, the comfort of his followers, and laying a solid foundation for the future prosperity of his house, “which was so characteristic of them that they always esteemed the authority of the magistrate as an inviolable obligation.”

Donald of the Isles never forgave Mackenzie for thus refusing to assist him in obtaining the Earldom of Ross, and he determined to ruin him if he could. On this subject the Earl of Cromartie says that at the battle of Harlaw Donald was assisted by almost “all the northern people, Mackenzie excepted, who because of the many injuries received by his predecessors from the Earls of Ross, and chiefly by the instigation and concurrence of Donald’s predecessors, he withdrew and refused concurrence. Donald resolved to ruin him, but deferred it till his return, which falling out more unfortunately than he expected, did not allow him power nor opportunity to use the vengeance he intended, for on his return to Ross he sent Mackenzie a friend with fair speeches desiring his friendship, thinking no enemy despicable as he then stood.” Murdoch, at Donald’s request, proceeded to Dingwall, where the Island Lord urged him to join and promise him to support his interest. This Mackenzie firmly refused, “partly out of hatred to his family for old feuds, partly dissuaded by Donald’s declining fortunes” at that particular period; whereupon the Lord of the Isles made Murdoch prisoner in an underground chamber in the Castle of Dingwall. He was not long here, however, when he found an opportunity of making his plight known to some of his friends, and he was soon after released in exchange for some of Donald’s immediate relatives who had been purposely captured by Mackenzie’s devoted vassals.

Here it may be appropriate to give the traditionary account of the origin of the Macraes and how they first found their way to Kintail and other places in the West; for their relationship with the Mackenzies has from the earliest times been of the closest and most loyal character. Indeed, from the aid they invariably afforded them they have been aptly described as “Mackenzie’s shirt of mail.” According to the Rev. John Macrae, minister of Dingwall, who died in 1704, and wrote the only existing trustworthy history and genealogy of his own clan, the Macraes came originally from Clunes, in the Aird of Lovat, recently acquired from patriotic family reasons by Horatio Macrae, W.S., Edinburgh, the representative in this country of the Macraes of Inverinate, who were admittedly the chiefs of that brave and warlike race. The Rev. John Macrae, who was himself a member of the Inverinate family, says that the Macraes left the Aird under the following circumstances: A dispute had arisen in the hunting field between Macrae of Clunes and a bastard son of Lovat, when a son of Macrae intervened to protect his father, and killed Fraser’s son in the scuffle. The victor “immediately ran oft; and calling himself John Carrach, that he might be less known, settled on the West Coast, and of him are descended the branch of the Macraes called Clann Ian Charraich. It was some time after this that his brethren and other relatives began seriously to consider that Lovat’s own kindred and friends became too numerous, and that the country could not accommodate them all, which was a motive for their removing to other places according as they had encouragement. One of the brothers went to Brae Ross and lived at Brahan, where there is a piece of land called Knock Vic Ra, and the spring well which affords water to the Castle is called Tober Vic Ra. His succession spread westward to Strathgarve, Strathbraan, and Strathconan, where several of them live at this time. John Macrae, who was a merchant in Inverness, and some of his brethren, were of them, and some others in Ardmeanach. Other two of MacRa’s sons, elder than the above, went off from Clunes several ways; one is said to have gone to Argyleshire and another to Kintail. In the meantime their father remained at Clunes all his days, and bad four Lords Fraser of Lovat fostered in his house. He that went to Argyle, according to our tradition, married the heiress of Craignish, and on that account took the surname of Campbell. The other brother who went to Kintail, earnestly invited and encouraged by Mackenzie, who then had no kindred of his own blood, the first six Barons, or Lords of Kintail, having but one lawful son to succeed the father, hoping that the MacRas, by reason of their relation, as being originally descended from the same race of people in Ireland would prove more faithful than others, wherein he was not disappointed, for the MacRas of Kintail served him and his successors very faithfully in every quarrel they had with neighbouring clans, and by their industry, blood, and courage, have been instrumental in raising that family.” The writer adds that he does not know Macrae’s christian name, but that he married “a daughter or grand-daughter of MacBeolan, who possessed a large part of Kintail before Mackenzie’s predecessors got a right of it from Alexander III.” This marriage, and their common ancestry from a native Celtic source, and not from “the same race of people in Ireland” seems a much more probable explanation of the early and continued friendship which existed between the two families than that suggested by the rev. author of “The Genealogy of the Macraes,” above quoted.

But the curious circumstance to which he directs attention regarding the first five Mackenzie chiefs is quite true. It is borne out by every genealogy of the House of Kintail which we have ever seen. There is not a trace of any legitimate male descendant from the first of the name down to Alexander, the sixth baron, except the immediately succeeding chief, so that their vassals and followers in the field and elsewhere must, for nearly two hundred years, have been men of different septs and tribes and names, except the progeny of their own illegitimate sons, such as “Sliochd Mhurcbaidh Riabhaich” and others of similar base origin.

Murdoch married Finguala or Florence, daughter of Malcolm Macleod, III. of Harris and Dunvegan, by his wife, Martha, daughter of Donald Stewart, Earl of Mar, nephew of King Robert the Bruce. By this marriage the Royal blood of the Bruce was introduced for the first time into the family of Kintail, as also that of the ancient Kings of Man. Tormod Macleod, II. of Harris, who was grandson of Olave the Black, last Norwegian King of Man, and who, as we have seen, had married Christina, daughter of Ferquhard O’Beolan, Earl of Ross, married Finguala Mac Crotan, the daughter of an ancient and powerful Irish chief. By this lady Malcolm Macleod, III. of Harris and Dunvegan, had issue, among others, Finguala, who now became the wife of Murdoch Mackenzie and mother of Alexander Ionraic, who carried on the succession of the ancient line of Kintail.

Murdoch died in 1416 when he was succeeded by his only son,

VI. ALEXANDER MACKENZIE,

Alastair Ionraic, or Alexander the Upright, so called “for his righteousness.” He was among the Western barons summoned in 1427, to meet King James I. at Inverness, who, on his return from a long captivity in England, in 1424, determined to put down the rebellion and oppression which was then and for some time previously so rampant in the Highlands. To judge by the poceedings of a Parliament held at Perth on the 30th September 1426, James exhibited a foresight and appreciation of the conduct of the lairds in those days, and passed laws which might with good effect, and with equal propriety, be applied to the state of affairs in our own time. In that Parliament an Act was passed which, among other things, ordained that, north of the Grampians, the fruit of those lands should be expended in the country where those lands lie. The Act is as follows: “It is ordanit be the King ande the Parliament that everilk lorde hafande landis bezonde the mownthe (the Grampians) in the quhilk landis in auld tymes there was castellis, fortalyces and manerplaicis, big, reparell and reforme their castellis and maneris, and duell in thame, be thameself, or be ane of thare frendis for the gracious gournall of thar landis, be gude polising and to expende ye fruyt of thar landis in the countree where thar landis lyis.” [Invernessiana, p.102.]

James was determined to bring the Highlanders to submission, and Fordun relates a characteristic anecdote in which the King pointedly declared his resolution. When the excesses in the Highlands were first reported to him by one of his nobles, on entering Scotland, he thus expressed himself: “Let God but grant me life, and there shall not be a spot in my dominions where the key shall riot keep the castle, and the furze bush the cow, though I myself should lead the life of a dog to accomplish it”; and it was in this frame of mind that he visited Inverness in 1427, determined to establish good government and order in the North, then in such a state of insubordination that neither life nor property was secure. The principal chiefs, on his order or invitation met him, from what motives it is impossible to determine – whether hoping for a reconciliation by prompt compliance with the Royal will, or from a dread, in case of refusal, to suffer the fate of the Southern barons who had already fallen victims to his severity. The order was in any case obeyed, and all the leading chiefs repaired to meet him at the Castle of Inverness. As they entered the hall, however, where the Parliament was at the time sitting, they were, one by one, by order of the King, arrested, ironed, and imprisoned in different apartments, and debarred from having any communications with each other, or with their followers.

Fordun says that James displayed marks of great joy as these turbulent and haughty spirits, caught in the toils which he had prepared for them, came voluntarily within reach of his regal power, and that he “caused to be arrested Alexander of the Isles, and his mother, Countess of Ross, daughter and heiress of Sir Walter Lesley, as well as the more notable men of the north, each of whom he wisely invited singly to the Castle, and caused to be put in strict confinement apart. There he also arrested Angus Duff (Angus Dubh Mackay) with his four sons, the leader of 4000 men from Strathnarven (Strathnaver.) Kenneth More, with his son-in-law, leader of two thousand men; [All writers on the Clan Mackenzie have hitherto claimed this Kenneth More as their Chief, and argued from the above that Mackenzie had a following of two thousand fighting men in 1427. It will be seen that Alexander was Chief at this time, but Kenneth More may have been intended for MacKenneth More, or the Great Mackenzie. He certainly could have had no such following of his own name.] John Ross, William Lesley, Angus de Moravia, and Macmaken, leaders of two thousand men; and also other lawless caterans and great captains in proportion, to the number of about fifty Alexander Makgorrie (MacGodfrey) of Garmoran, and John Macarthur (of the family of Campbell), a great chief among his own clan, and the leader of a thousand and more, were convicted, and being adjudged to death were beheaded. Then James Cambel was hanged, being accused and convicted of the slaughter of John of the Isles (John Mor, first of the Macdonalds of Isla.) The rest were sent here and there to the different castles of the noblemen throughout the kingdom, and were afterwards condemned to different kinds of death, and some were set at liberty.” Among the latter was Alexander of Kintail. The King sent him, then a mere youth, to the High School at Perth, at that time the principal literary seminary in the kingdom, while the city itself was frequently the seat of the Court.

During Kintail’s absence it appears that his three bastard uncles ravaged the district of Kinlochewe, for we find them insulting and troubling “Mackenzie’s tenants in Kenlochewe and Kintail Macaulay, who was still Constable in Ellandonnan, not thinking it proper to leave his post, proposed Finlay Dubh Mac Gillechriost as the fittest person to be sent to St. Johnston, now Perth, and by general consent he accordingly went to inform his young master, who was then there with the rest of the King’s ward children at school, of his lordship’s tenants being imposed on as above, which, with Finlay’s remonstrance on the subject, prevailed on Alexander, his young master, to come home, and being backed with all the assistance Finlay could command, soon brought his three bastard uncles to condign punishment.” [Genealogical Account of the Macraes.]

The writer of the Ardintoul MS. says that Finlay “prevailed on him to go home without letting the master of the school know of it. Trysting with him at a certaiu place and set hour they set off, and, lest any should surprise them, they declined the common road and went to Macdougall of Lorn, he being acquainted with him at St. Johnston. Macdougall entertained him kindly, and kept him with him for several days. He at that time made his acquaintance with Macdougall’s daughter, whom afterwards he married, and from thence came to his own Kintail, and having his authority and right backed with the power of the people, he calls his bastard uncles before him, and removes their quarters from Kenlochewe, and gave them possessions in Glenelchaig in Kintail prescribing measures and rule for them how to behave, assuring them, though he pardoned them at that time, they should forfeit favours and be severely punished if they transgressed for the future; but after this, going to the county of Ross to their old dwelling at Kenlochewe, they turned to practice their old tricks and broke loose, so that he was forced to correct their insolency and make them shorter by the heads, and thus the people were quit of their trouble.”

The young Lord of the Isles was at the same time that Mackenzie went to Perth sent to Edinburgh, from which he soon afterwards escaped to the North, at the instigation of his mother, the Countess, raised his vassals, and, joined by all the outlaws and vagabonds in the country, numbering a formidable body of about ten thousand, he laid waste the country, plundered and devastated the crown lands, against which his vengeance was specially directed, razed the Royal burgh of Inverness to the ground, pillaged and burned the houses, and perpetrated every description of cruelty. He then besieged the Castle, but without success, after which he retired precipitately towards Lochaber, where he was met by the Royal forces, commanded by the King in person. The Lord of the Isles prepared for battle, but he had the mortification to notice the desertion of Clan Chattan and Clan Cameron, who had previously joined him, and of seeing them going over in a body to the Royal standard. The King immediately attacked the island chief and completely routed his forces, while their leader sought safety in flight. He was vigorously pursued, and finding escape or concealment equally impossible, and being reduced to the utmost distress, hunted from place to place by his vigilant pursuers, the haughty chief resolved to throw himself entirely on the mercy of His Majesty, and finding his way to Edinburgh in the most secret manner, and on the occasion of a solemn festival on Easter Sunday, in 429, at Holyrood, he suddenly appeared in his shirt and drawers before the King and Queen, surrounded by all the nobles of the Court, while they were engaged in their devotions before the High Altar, and implored, on his knees, with a naked sword held by the point in his hand, the forgiveness of his sovereign. With bonnet in hand, his legs and arms quite bare, his body covered only with a plaid, and in token of absolute submission, he offered his sword to the King. His appearance, strengthened by the solicitations of the affected Queen and all the nobles, made such an impression on His Majesty that he submitted to the promptings of his heart against the wiser and more prudent dictates of his judgment. He accepted the sword offered him, and spared the life of his captive, but immediately committed him to Tantallon Castle, under the charge of William Douglas, Earl of Angus. The spirit of Alexander’s followers, however, could not brook this mortal offence, and the whole strength of the clan was promptly mustered under his cousin Donald Balloch, who led them to Lochaber, where they met the King’s forces under the Earls of Mar and Caithness, killed the latter, gained a complete victory over the Royal army, and returned to the Isles in triumph, with an immense quantity of spoil.

James soon after proceeded north in person as far as Dunstaffnage; Donald Balloch fled to Ireland; and, after several encounters with the rebels, the King obtained the submission of the majority of the chiefs who were engaged in the rebellion, while others were promptly apprehended and executed to the number of about three hundred. The King thereupon released the Lord of the Isles from Tantallon Castle, and granted him a free pardon for all his rebellious acts, confirmed him in all his titles and possessions, and further conferred upon him, in addition, the Lordship of Lochaber, which had previously, on its forfeiture, been granted to the Earl of Mar.

After his first escape from Edinburgh, the Lord of the Isles again in 1429 raised the standard of revolt. He for the second time burnt the town of Inverness, while Mackenzie was “attending to his duties at Court.” Kintail was recalled by his followers, who armed for the King, and led by their young chief on his return home, they materially aided in the overthrow of Alexander of the Isles at the same time securing peace and good government in their own district, and among most of the surrounding tribes. Alexander is also found actively supporting the King, and with the Royal army, during the turbulent rule of John, successor to Alexander, Lord of the Isles, who afterwards, in 1447, died at peace with his sovereign.

James I. died in 1460, and was succeeded by James II. When, in 1462, the Earl of Douglas, the Lord of the Isles, and Donald Balloch of Isla entered into a treaty with the King of England for the subjugation of Scotland, on condition, in the event of success, that the whole of Scotland, north of the Firth of Forth, should be divided between them, Alexander Mackenzie stood firm in the interest of the ruling monarch, and with such success that nothing came of this extraordinary compact. We soon after find him rewarded by a charter in his favour, dated 7th January 1463, confirming him in his lands of Kintail, with a further grant of the “5 merk lands of Killin, the lands of Garve, and the 2 merk lands of Coryvulzie, with the three merk lands of Kinlochluichart, and 2 merk lands of Ach-na-Clerich, the 2 merk lands of Garbat, the merk lands of Delintan, and the 4 merk lands of Tarvie, all lying within the shire and Earldom of Ross, to be holden of the said John and his successors, Earls of Ross.” This is the first Crown charter in favour of the Mackenzie chief of which any authentic record exists.

Alexander continued to use his great influence at Court, as well as with John Lord of the Isles, for the purpose of bringing about a reconciliation between his Majesty and his powerful subject during the unnatural rebellion of Angus Og against his father. The King, however, proved inexorable, and refused to treat with the Earl on any condition other than the absolute and unconditional surrender of the earldom of Ross to the Crown, of which, however, he would be allowed to hold all his other possessions in future. These conditions the island chief haughtily refused, again flew to arms, and in 1476 invaded Moray, but finding that he could offer no effectual resistance to the powerful forces sent against him by the King, he, by the seasonable grants of the lands of Knapdale and Kintyre, secured the influence of Colin, first Earl of Argyll, in his favour, and with the additional assistance of Kintail, procured remission of his past offences on the conditions previously offered to him and resigning for ever, in 1476, the Earldom of Ross to the King, he “was infeft of new” in the Lordship of the Isles and the other possessions which he had not been called upon to renounce. The Earldom was in the same year, in the 9th Parliament of James III., irrevocably annexed to the Crown, where the title and the honours still remain, held by the Prince of Wales.

The great services rendered by the Baron of Kintail to the reigning family, especially during these negotiations, and generally throughout his long rule at Ellandonnan, were recognised by a charter from the Crown, dated Edinburgh, November 1476, of some of the lands renounced by the Earl of Ross, viz., Strathconan, Strathbraan, and Strathgarve; and after this the Barons of Kintail held all their lands quite independently of any superior but the Crown.

During the long continued disputes between the Earl of Ross and Kintail no one was more zealous in the cause of the island chief than Allan Macdonald of Moydart, who, during Mackenzie’s absence, made several raids into Kintail, ravaged the country, and carried away large numbers of cattle. After the forfeiture of the Earldom of Ross, Allan’s youngest brother, supported by a faction of the tenantry, rebelled against his elder brother, and possessed himself for a time of the Moydart estates. The Lord of the Isles was unwilling to appear so soon in these broils; or perhaps he favoured the pretentions of the younger brother, and refused to give any assistance to Allan, who, however, hit upon a device as bold as it ultimately proved successful. He started for Kinellan, “being ane ile in ane loch,” where Mackenzie at the time resided, and presented himself personally before his old enemy, who was naturally surprised beyond measure to receive such a visit from one to whom he had never been reconciled. Allan, however, related how he had been oppressed by his brother and his nearest friends and how he had been refused aid from those to whom he had a natural right to look for it. In these desperate circumstances he resolved to apply to his greatest enemy, who, he argued, might for any assistance he could give gain in return as faithful a friend as he bad previously been his “diligent adversary.” Alexander, on hearing the story, was moved to pity by the manner in which Allan had been oppressed by his own relatives, promised him the required support, proceeded in person with a sufficient force to repossess him, and finally accomplished his purpose. The other Macdonalds, who had been dispossessed thereupon represented to the King that Alexander Mackenzie had invaded their territory as a “disturber of the peace, and ane oppressor,” the result being that he was cited before His Majesty at Edinburgh, “but here was occasion given to Allan to requite Alexander’s generosity, for Alexander having raised armies to assist him, without commission, he found in it a transgression of the law, though just upon the matter; so to prevent Alexander’s prejudice, he presently went to Holyrood house, where the King was, and being of a bold temper, did truly relate how his and Alexander’s affairs stood, showing withal that he, as being the occasion of it, was ready to suffer what law would exact rather than to expose so generous a friend to any hazard. King James was so taken with their reciprocal heroisms, that he not only forgave, but allowed Alexander, and of new confirmed Allan in the lands of Moydart.” [Cromartie MS. of the Mackenzies.] The two were then allowed to return home unmolested.

Some time before this a desperate skirmish took place at a place called Bealach nam Brog, “betwixt the heights of Fearann Donuil and Lochbraon” (Dundonald and Lochbroom), which was brought about by some of Kintail’s vassals, instigated by Donald Garbh M’Iver, who attempted to seize the Earl of Ross. The plot was, however, discovered, and M’Iver was seized by the Lord of the Isles’ followers, and imprisoned in the Castle of Dingwall. He was soon released, however, by his undaunted countrymen from Kenlochewe, consisting of Macivers, Maclennans, Macaulays, and Macleays, who, by way of reprisal, pursued and seized the Earl’s relative, Alexander Ross of Balnagown, and carried him along with them. The Earl at once apprised Lord Lovat, who was then His Majesty’s Lieutenant in the North, of the illegal seizure of Balnagown, and his lordship promptly dispatched northward two hundred men, who, joined by Ross’s vassals, the Munroes of Fowlis, and the Dingwalls of Kildun, pursued and overtook the western tribes at Bealach nam Brog, where they were resting themselves. A sanguinary conflict ensued, aggravated and more than usually exasperated by a keen and bitter recollection of ancient feuds and animosities. The Kenlochewe men seem to have been almost extirpated. The race of Dingwall were actually extinguished, one hundred and forty of their men having been slain, while the family of Fowlis lost eleven members of their house alone, with many of the leading men of their clan. [“Among the rest ther wer slain eleven Monroes or the House or Foulls, that wer to succeed one after another; so that the succession of Foulls fell into a chyld then lying in his cradle.” – Sir Robert Gordon’s History 0f the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 36.]

An interesting account of this skirmish and the cause which led to it is given in one of the family manuscripts. It says Euphemia Leslie, Countess Dowager of Ross, lived at Dingwall. She would gladly have married Alexander of Kintail, he being a proper handsome young man, and she signified no less to himself. He refused the offer, perhaps, because he plighted his faith to Macdougall’s daughter, but though he had not had done so, he had all the reason imaginable to reject the Countess’s offer, for besides that she was not able to add to his estate, being but a life-rentrix, she was a turbulent woman, and therefore, in the year 1426, the King committed her to prison in St. Colin’s Isle (Dingwall), because she had instigated her son, Alexander Earl of Ross, to rebellion. She invited Kintail to her Court in Dingwall to make a last effort, but finding him obstinate she converted her love to hatred and revenge, and made him prisoner, and either by torturing or bribing his page, he procured the golden ring which was the token between Mackenzie and Macaulay, the governor of Ellandonnan, who had strict orders not to quit the castle or suffer any one to enter it until he sent him that token. The Countess sent a gentleman to Ellandonnan with the ring, who, by her instructions, informed Macaulay that his master was, or shortly would be, married to the Countess of Ross, desiring the Governor to repair to his master and to leave the stronghold with him. Macaulay seeing and receiving the ring believed the story, and gave up the castle, but in a few days he discovered his mistake and found that his chief was a prisoner instead of being a bridegroom. He went straight to Dingwall, and finding an opportunity to communicate with Mackenzie, the latter made allegorical remarks by which Macaulay understood that nothing would secure his release but the apprehension of Ross of Balnagown, who was grand uncle, or grand uncle’s son to the Countess. Macaulay returned to Kintail, made up a company of the “prettiest fellows” he could find of Mackenzie’s family, and went back with them to Easter Ross, and in the morning apprehended Balnagown in a little arbour near the house, in a little wood to which he usually resorted for an airing, and, mounting him on horseback, carried him westward among the hills. Balnagown’s friends were soon in pursuit, but fearing capture, Macaulay sent Balnagown away under guard, resolving to fight and detain the pursuers at Bealach nam Brog, as already described, until Balnagown was safely out of their reach. After his success here Macaulay went to Kintail, and at Glenluing, five miles from Ellandonnan, he overtook thirty men, sent by the Countess, with meal and other provisions for the garrison, and the spot, where they seized them is to this day called Innis nam Balg. Macaulay secured them, and placed his men in their upper garments and plaids, who took the sacks of meal on their backs, and went straight with them to the garrison, whose impoverished condition induced the Governor to admit them without any enquiry, not doubting but they were his own friends. Once inside they threw down their burdens, drew their weapons from under their plaids, seized the new Governor and all his men and kept them in captivity until Mackenzie was afterwards exchanged for the Governor and Balnagown. [Ardintoul MS.]

There has been considerable difference of opinion as to the date of this encounter, but it is finally set at rest by the discovery of a positive date in the Fowlis papers, where it is said that “George, the fourth Laird, and his son, begotton on Balnagown’s daughter, were killed at the conflict of Beallach na Brog, in the year 1452, and Dingwall of Kildun, with several of their friends and followers, in taking back the Earl of Ross’s second son from Clan Iver, Clan Tarlich or Maclennans, and Clan Leod.” [The Earl of Cromarty gives a different version, and says that the battle or skirmish took place in the year immediately after the Battle of Harlaw. In this he is manifestly in error. The Highlanders, to defend themselves from the arrows of their enemies, with their belts tied their shoes on their breasts, hence the name “Bealach nam Brog,” or the Pass of the Shoes.] The Balnagown of that date was not the Earl of Ross’s son, but a near relative.

Angus Og, after many sanguinary conflicts with his father, finally overthrew him at the battle of the Bloody Bay, between Tobermory and Ardnamurchan, obtained possession of all the extensive territories of his clan, and was recognised as its legitimate head. He then determined to punish Mackenzie for having taken his father’s part at Court, and otherwise, during the rebellion, and swore that he would recover from him the great possessions which originally belonged to his predecessors, the Lords of the Isles, but now secured by Royal Charter to the Baron of Kintail. With this object he decided to attack him, and marched to Inverness, where he expected to meet the now aged Mackenzie returning from attendance at Court. Angus, however, missed his object, and instead of killing Mackenzie, he was himself assassinated by his harper, an Irishman. This tragic, but well-merited, close to such a violent and turbulent career, is recorded in the Red Book of Clan Ranald in the following terms: “Donald, the son of Angus that was killed at Inverness by his own harper, son of John of the Isles, son of Alexander, son of Donald, son of John, son of Angus Og;” an event which must have occurred about 1485.

Alexander was the first of the family who lived on the island In Loch Kinellan, while at the same time he had Brahan as a “maines,” or farm, both of which his successor for a time held from the King at a yearly rent, until Kenneth feued Brahan, and Colin, his son, feued Kinellan.

The Earl of Sutherland had been on friendly terms with Mackenzie, and appointed him as his deputy in the management of the Earldom of Ross, which devolved on him after the forfeiture. On one occasion, the Earl of Sutherland being in the south at Court, the Strathnaver men and the men of the Braes of Caithness took advantage of his absence and invaded Sutherland. An account of their conduct soon spread abroad, and reached the ears of the Chief of Kintail, who at once with a party of six hundred men, passed into Sutherland, where, the Earl’s followers having joined him, he defeated the invaders, killed a large number of them, forced the remainder to sue for peace, and compelled them to give substantial security for their peaceful behaviour in future.

Kintail was now a very old man. His prudence and sagacity well repaid the judicious patronage of the first King James, confirmed and extended by his successors on the throne, and, as has been well said by his biographer, secured for him “the love and respect of three Princes in whose reign be flourished, and as his prudent management in the Earldom of Ross showed him to be a man of good natural parts, so it very much contributed to the advancement of the interest of his family by the acquisition of the lands he thereby made; nor was he less commendable for the quiet and peace he kept among his Highlanders, putting the laws punctually in execution against all delinquents.” Such a character as this, justly called Alastair Ionraic, or the just, was certainly well fitted to govern, and deserved to flourish in the age in which he lived. Various important events occurred during the latter part of his life, but as Kenneth, his brave son and successor, was the actual leader of the clan for many years before his father’s death, and especially at the celebrated battle of Park, the leading battles and feuds in which the clan was engaged during this period will be dealt with in the account of that Baron.

There has been much difference of opinion among the genealogists and family historians regarding Alexander’s two wives. Both Edmonston in his Baronagium Genealogicum, and Douglas in his Peerage say that Alexander’s first wife was Agnes, sixth daughter of Colin, first Earl of Argyll. This we shall prove to be absolutely impossible within the ordinary course of the laws of nature. Colin, first Earl of Argyll, succeeded as a minor in 1453, his uncle, Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy, having been appointed his tutor. Colin of Argyll was created Earl in 1457, probably on his coming of age. He married Isabel Stewart of Lorn, had two sons, and, according to Crawford, five daughters. If he had a daughter Agnes she must have been his sixth daughter and eighth child. Assuming that Argyll married when he became of age, about 1457, Agnes, as his eighth surviving child, could not have been born before 1470. Her reputed husband, Alexander of Kintail, was then close upon 70 years of age, having died in 1488, bordering upon 90, when his alleged wife would barely have reached a marriageable age, and when her reputed son, Kenneth a Bhlair, pretty well advanced in years, had already fought the famous battle of Park. John of Killin, her alleged grandson, was born about 1480, when at most the lady said to have been his grandmother could only have been 10 to 15 years of age, and, in 1513, at the age of 33, he distinguished himself at the battle of Flodden, where Archibald second Earl of Argyll, the lady’s brother, at least ten years older than Agnes, was slain. All this is of course impossible.

A similar difficulty has arisen, from what appears to be a very simple cause, about Alexander’s second marriage. The authors of all the family MS. histories are unanimous in stating that his first wife was Anna, daughter of John Macdougall of Lorn, or Dunollich, known as John Mac Alan Mac Cowle, fourth in descent from Alexander de Ergedia and Lord of Lorn (1284), and eighth from Somerled, Thane of Argyle, who died in 1164. Though the direct line of the house of Lorn ended in two heiresses who, in 1388, carried away the property to their husbands, the Macdougalls of Dunollich became the male representatives of the ancient and illustrious house of Lorn; and this fully accounts for the difference and confusion which has been introduced about the families of Lorn and Dunollich in some of the Mackenzie family manuscripts.

The same authorities who affirm that Agnes of Argyll was Alexander’s first wife assert that Anna Macdougall, was his second. There is ample testimony to show that the latter was his first, although some confusion has again arisen in this case from a similarity of names and patronymics. Some of the family MSS. say that Alexander’s second wife was Margaret, daughter of “M’Couil,” “M’Chouile,” or “Macdougall” of Morir, or Morar, while others, among them the Allangrange Ancient MS. have it that she was “MacRanald’s daughter.” The Ardintoul MS. describes her as “Muidort’s daughter.” One of the Gairloch MSS. says that she was “Margarite, the daughter of Macdonald of Morar, of the Clan Ranald Race, from the stock of Donald, Lord of the Aebudae Islands,” while in another MS. in Sir Kenneth Mackenzie’s possession she is designated “Margaret Macdonald, daughter of Macdonald of Morar.” There is thus an apparent contradiction, but it can be conclusively shown that the lady so variously described was one and the same person. Gregory in his Highlands and Islands of Scotland, p.158, states that “Macdougall” was the patronymic of one of the families of Clan Ranald of Moydart and Morar. Speaking of Dugald MacRanald, son and successor to Ranald Ban Ranaldson of Moydart, he says, “Allan the eldest son of Dougal, and the undoubted male heir of Clan Ranald, acquired the estate of Morar, which he transmitted to his descendants. He and his successors were always styled, in Gaelic, MacDhughail Mhorair, ie., MacDougal of Morar, from their ancestor, Dougald MacRanald.” At p.65 he says that “the Clan Ranald of Garmoran comprehended the families of Moydart, Morar, Knoydart, and Glengarry.” This family was descended from Ranald, younger son of John of the Isles, by his marriage with the heiress of the MacRorys or MacRuaries of Garmoran whose ancestry, from Somerled of the Isles, is as illustrious as that of any family in the kingdom. A district north of Arisaig is still known among the Western Islanders as “Mor-thir Mhic Dhughail” or the mainland possession of the son of Dougall. The MS. histories of the Mackenzies having been all written after the patronymic of “MacDhughail” was acquired by the Macdonalds of Moydart and Morar, they naturally enough described Alexander of Kintail’s second wife as a daughter of Macdougall of Morar, of Muidort, and of Clan Ranald, indiscriminately. But in point of fact all these designations describe one and the same person.

Alexander married first, Anna, daughter of John Macdougall of Dunolly, with issue –

1. Kenneth, his heir and successor.

2. Duncan, progenitor of the Mackenzies of Hilton, and their branches, and of whom in their order as the senior cadet family of the clan.

He married secondly Margaret, daughter of Macdonald of Morar, a cadet of Clanranald, with issue –

3. Hector Roy or “Eachainn Ruadh,” from whom are descended the Mackenzies of Gairloch and their various offshoots, of whom in their proper place.

4. A daughter, who married Allan Macleod, Hector Roy’s predecessor in Gairloch.

He is also said to have had a natural son, Dugal, who became a priest and was Superior of the Priory of Beauly, which he repaired about 1478, and in which he is buried. This ecclesiastic is said by others to have been Alexander’s brother. [Anderson’s ‘History of the Frasers,’ p.66; and MS. History of the Mackenzies.]

Alexander died in 1488 at Kinellan, having attained the extreme old age of 90 years, was buried in the Priory of Beauly, and was succeeded by his eldest son by the first marriage,

VII. KENNETH MACKENZIE,

Better known as “Coinneach a’ Bhlair,” or Kenneth of the Battle, from his prowess and success against the Macdonalds at the Battle of Park during his father’s life-time. He was served heir to his predecessor and seized in the lands of Kintail at Dingwall on the 2nd of September, 1488. He secured the cognomen “Of the Battle” from the distinguished part he took in “Blar-na-Pairc” fought at a well-known spot still pointed out near Kinellan, above Strathpeffer. His father was advanced in life before Kenneth married, and as soon as the latter arrived at twenty years of age Alexander thought it prudent, with the view of establishing peace between the two families, to match Kenneth, his heir and successor, with Margaret, daughter of John Lord of the Isles and fourth Earl of Ross, and for ever extinguish their ancient feuds in that alliance. The Island chief willingly consented and the marriage was in due course solemnised. About a year after, the Earl’s nephew and apparent heir, Alexander Macdonald of Lochalsh, came to Ross, and, feeling more secure in consequence of this matrimonial alliance between the family of Mackenzie and his own, took possession of Balcony House and the adjoining lands, where, at the following Christmas, he provided a great feast for his old dependants, inviting to it also most of the more powerful chiefs and barons north of the Spey, and among others, Kenneth Mackenzie, his cousin’s husband. The house of Balcony being at the time very much out of repair, he could not conveniently lodge all his distinguished guests within it, and had accordingly to arrange for some of them in the outhouses as best he could. Kenneth did not arrive until Christmas Eve, accompanied by a train of forty able bodied men, according to the custom of the times, but without his lady, which deeply offended Macdonald. Maclean of Duart had chief charge of the arrangements in the house and the disposal of the guests. Some days previously he had a disagreement with Kenneth at some games, and, on his arrival, Maclean told the heir of Kintail that, taking advantage of his connection with the family, they had taken the liberty of providing him with lodgings in the kiln. Kenneth considered this an insult, and, divining that it proceeded from Maclean’s illwill to him, he instantly struck him a blow on the ear, which threw him to the ground. The servants in the house viewed this as a direct insult to their chief, Macdonald, and at once took to arms. Kenneth, though sufficiently bold, soon perceived that he had no chance to light successfully or to beat a retreat, and, noticing several boats lying on the shore, which had been provided for the transport of the guests, he took as many of them as he required, sank the rest, and passed with his followers to the opposite shore, where he remained over night in the house of a tenant, who, like a good many more in those days, had no surname, but was simply known by a patronymic. Kenneth, boiling with passion, was sorely affronted at the insult which he had received, and at being from his own house at Christmas, staying with a stranger, and off his own property. In these circumstances, he requested his host to adopt the name of Mackenzie, promising him protection in future, so that be might thus be able to say that he slept under the roof of one of his own name. The man at once consented, and his posterity were ever after known as Mackenzies.

Next morning (Christmas Day) Kenneth went to the hill above Chanonry, and sent word to the Bishop, who was at the time enjoying his Christmas with some of his clergy, that he desired to speak to him. The Bishop knowing his man’s temper and the turbulent state of the times thought it prudent to comply with this request, though be considered it very strange to receive such a message on such a day, and wondered much what his visitors object could be. He soon found that Kenneth simply wanted a feu of the small piece of land on which was situated the house in which he had lodged the previous night, stating, as his reason, “lest Macdonald should brag that he had forced him on Christmas Day to lodge at another man’s discretion, and not on own heritage.” The Bishop, willing to oblige him probably afraid to do otherwise, and perceiving him in such a rage, at once sent for his clerk and there and then granted him a charter of the township of Cullicudden, whereupon Kenneth returned to the place and remained in it all day, lording over it as his own property. The place was kept by him and his successors until Colin “Cam” acquired more of the Bishop’s lands in the neighbourhood, and afterwards exchanged the whole with the Sheriff of Cromarty for lands in Strathpeffer.

Next day Kenneth started for Kinellan, where his father, the old chief Alexander, resided, and related to him what had taken place. His father was much grieved, for he well knew that the smallest difference between the families would revive their old grievances, and, although there was less danger since Macdonald’s interest in Ross was smaller than in the past, yet he knew the clan to be a powerful one still, more so than his own, in their number of able-bodied warriors; but these considerations, strongly impressed upon the son by the experienced and aged father, only added fuel to the fire in Kenneth’s bosom, which was already fiercely burning to avenge the insult offered him by Macdonald’s servants. His natural impetuosity could ill brook any such insult and he considered himself wronged so much that he felt it his duty personally to retaliate and avenge it. While this was the state of his mind matters were suddenly brought to a crisis by the arrival on the fourth day of a messenger from Macdonald with a summons requesting Alexander and his son Kenneth to remove from Kinellan, with all their families, within twenty-four hours, allowing only that the young Lady Margaret, Macdonald’s own cousin, might remain until she had more leisure to remove, and threatening war to the knife in case of noncompliance.

Kenneth’s rage now became ungovernable, and, without consulting his father or waiting his counsel, he bade the messenger tell Macdonald that his father would remain where he was in spite of him and all his power. As for himself, he accepted no rules as to his staying or going, but Macdonald would be sure enough to hear of him wherever he was. As for Macdonald’s cousin, Lady Margaret, since he had no desire to keep further peace with his family he would no longer keep his relative.

Such was the defiant message sent to young Macdonald, and immediately after its despatch, Kenneth sent away Lady Margaret, in the most ignominious manner, to Balcony House. The lady was blind of an eye, and, to insult her cousin to the utmost, he sent her back to him mounted on a one-eyed horse, accompanied by a one-eyed servant, followed by a one-eyed dog. She was in a delicate state of health, and this inhumanity grieved her so much that she never after wholly recovered. Her son, recently born, the only issue of the marriage, was named Kenneth, and to distinguish him from his father was called “Coinneach Og” or Kenneth the younger.

It appears that Kenneth had no great affection for Lady Margaret, for a few days after he sent her away he went to Lord Lovat accompanie by two hundred of his followers and besieged his house. Lovat was naturally surprised at his conduct and demanded an explanation, when he was informed by Kenneth that he came to demand his daughter Agnes in marriage now that he had no wife, having, as he told him, disposed of Lady Margaret in the manner already described. He insisted upon an immediate and favourable reply to his suit on which condition he promised to be on strict terms of friendship with the family; but, if his demand was refused he would swear mortal enmity against Lovat and his house; and, as evidence of his intention in this respect, he pointed out to his lordship that he already bad a party of his vassals outside gathering together the men, women, and goods that were nearest in the vicinity, all of whom, be declared, should “be made one fyne to evidence his resolution.” Lovat, who had no particularly friendly feelings towards Macdonald of the Isles, was not at all indisposed to procure Mackenzie’s friendship on the terms proposed, and considering the exigencies and danger of his retainers, and knowing full well the bold and determined character of the man he had to deal with, he consented to the proposed alliance, provided the voting lady herself was favourable. She fortunately proved submissive. Lord Lovat delivered her up to her suitor, who immediately returned borne with her, and ever after they lived together as husband and wife.

Macdonald was naturally very much exasperated by Kenneth’s defiant answer to himself and the repeated insults heaped upon his relative, and through her upon her family. He therefore dispatched his great steward, Maclean, to collect his followers in the Isles, as also to advise and request the aid of his nearest relations on the mainland – the Macdonalds of Moidart and Clan Jan of Ardnamurchan. In a short time they mustered a force between them of about fifteen hundred men – some say three thousand – and arranged with Macdonald to meet him at Contin. They assumed that Alexander Mackenzie, now so old, would not have gone to Kintail, but would stay in Ross, judging that the Macdonalds, so recently come under obligations to the King to keep the peace would not venture to collect their forces and invade the low country. But Kenneth, foreseeing the danger from the rebellious temper of Macdonald, went to Kintail at the commencement of his enemy’s preparations, and placed a strong garrison, with sufficient provisions, in Ellandonnan Castle; and the cattle and other goods in the district he ordered to be driven and sent to the most remote hills and secret places. He took all the remaining able-bodied men along with him, and on his way back to Kinellan he was joined by his dependants in Strathconan, Strathgarve, and other glens in the Braes of Ross, all fully determined to defend Kenneth and his aged father at the expense, if need be, of their lives, small as their united forces were in comparison with that against which they knew they would soon have to contend.

Macdonald had meanwhile collected his friends, and, at the head of a large body of Western Highlanders, advanced through Lochaber into Badenoch, where he was joined by the Clan Chattan; marched to Inverness, where they were met by the young laird of Kilravock and some of Lovat’s people; reduced the Castle (then a royal fortress), placed a garrison in it, and proceeded to the north-east, plundering the lands of Sir Alexander Urquhart, Sheriff of Cromarty. They next marched westward to the district of Strathconan, ravaged the lands of the Mackenzies as they went, and put the inhabitants and more immediate retainers of the family to the sword, resolutely determined to punish Mackenzie for his ill-treatment of Lady Margaret and recover possession of that part of the Earldom of Ross forfeited by the earls of that name, and now the property of Mackenzie by Royal charter. Having wasted Strathconan, Macdonald arrived on Sunday morning at Contin, where he found the people in great terror and confusion; and the able-bodied men having already joined Mackenzie, the aged, the women, and the children took refuge in the church, thinking themselves secure within its precincts from any enemy professing Christianity. They soon, to their horror, found out their mistake. Macdonald, having little or no scruples on the score of religion, ordered the doors to be closed and guarded, and then set fire to the building. The priest, together with the hapless crowd of helpless and aged men, women and children, were all burnt to ashes.

Some of those who were fortunate enough not to have been in Contin church immediately started for Kinellan, and informed Mackenzie of the hideous massacre. Alexander, though deeply grieved at the cruel destruction of his people, expressed his gratitude that the enemy, whom he had hitherto considered too numerous to contend with successfully, had now engaged God against them by their impious conduct. Contin was not far from Kinellan, and Macdonald, thinking that Mackenzie would not remain at the latter place with such a comparatively small force, ordered Gillespic to draw up his followers on the large moor, now known as “Blar-na-Pairc,” that he might review them, and send out a detachment to pursue the enemy. Kenneth Mackenzie, who had received the command of the clan from the old chief, had meantime posted his men in a strong position – on ground where he considered he could defend himself against a superior force, and conveniently situated to attack the enemy if a favourable opportunity occurred. His followers only amounted to six hundred, while his opponent had at least three times that number, but he had the advantage in another respect inasmuch as he had sufficient provisions for a much longer period than Macdonald could possibly procure for his larger force, the country people having driven their cattle and all the provender that might be of service to the enemy out of his reach. About mid-day the Islesmen were drawn up on the moor, about a quarter of a mile distant from the position occupied by the Mackenzies, the opposing forces being only separated from each other by a peat moss, full of deep pits and deceitful bogs. Kenneth, fearing a siege, had shortly before this prevailed upon his aged father to retire to the Raven’s Rock, above Strathpeffer, to which place, strong and easily defended, he resolved to follow him in case he were compelled to retreat before the numerically superior force of his enemy. This the venerable Alexander did, recommending his son to the assistance and protection of a Higher Power, at the same time assuring him of success, notwithstanding the far more numerous numbers of his adversary.

By the nature of the ground, Kenneth perceived that Macdonald could not bring all his forces to the attack at once, and he accordingly resolved to maintain his ground and try the effects of a stratagem which he correctly calculated would mislead his opponent and place him at a serious disadvantage. He acquainted his younger brother, Duncan, with his resolution and plans, and sent him off, before the struggle commenced, with a body of archers to be placed in ambush, while he determined to cross the peat-bog himself and attack Macdonald in front with the main body, intending to retreat as soon as his adversary returned the attack, and thus entice the Islesmen to pursue him. He informed Duncan of his own intention to retreat and commanded him to be in readiness with his archers to charge the enemy whenever they got fairly into the moss and entangled among the pits and bogs.

Having made these preliminary arrangements, he boldly advanced to meet the foe, leading his resolute band in the direction of the intervening moss. Macdonald, seeing him, cried in derision to Gillespic to see “Mackenzie’s impudent madness, daring thus to face him at such disadvantage.” Gillespic, being a more experienced leader than the youthful and impetuous Alexander, said that “such extraordinary boldness should be met by more extraordinary wariness in us, lest we fall into unexpected inconvenience.” Macdonald, in a towering passion, replied to this wise counsel – “Go you also and join with them, and it will not need our care nor move the least fear in my followers; both of you will not be a breakfast to me and mine.” Meanwhile Mackenzie advanced a little beyond the moss, avoiding, from his intimate knowledge of it, all the dangerous pits and bogs, when Maclean of Lochbuy, who led the van of the enemy’s army, advanced and charged him with great fury. Mackenzie, according to his pre-arranged plan, at once retreated, but in so masterly a manner that, in doing so, he inflicted as much damage on the enemy as he received. The Islesmen speedily got entangled in the moss, and Duncan Mackenzie observing this, rushed forth from his ambush and furiously attacked them in flank and rear, killing most of those who had entered the bog. He then turned his attention to the main body of the Islesmen, who were quite unprepared for so sudden an onslaught. Kenneth, setting this, charged with his main body, who were all well instructed in their leader’s design, and, before the enemy were able to form in order of battle, he fell on their right flank with such impetuosity and did such execution among them that they were compelled to fall back in confusion before the splendid onset of the small force which they had so recently sneered at and despised. Gillespic, stung by Alexander Macdonald’s taunt before the engagement began, to prove to him that “though he was wary in council he was not fearful in action,” sought out Kenneth Mackenzie, that he might engage him in single combat, and followed by some of his bravest followers he, with signal valour, did great execution among the Mackenzies in course of his approach to Kenneth, who was in the hottest of the fight, and who, seeing Gillespic coming in his direction, advanced to meet him, killing, wounding, or scattering any of the Macdonalds that came in his way. He made a signal to Gillespic to advance and meet him hand-to-hand, but, finding him hesitating, Kenneth, who far exceeded him in strength while he equalled him in courage, would brook no tedious debate but pressed on with fearful eagerness, at one blow cut off Gillespic’s arm and passed very far into his body so that he fell down dead on the spot.

At this moment Kenneth noticed his standard-bearer close by, without his colours, and fighting desperately to his own hand. He turned round to him, and angrily asked what had become of his colours, when he was coolly answered – “I left Macdonald’s standard-bearer, quite unashamed of himself, and without the slightest concern for those of his own chief, carefully guarding mine.” Kenneth naturally demanded an explanation of such an extraordinary state of matters, when the man informed him that he had met Macdonald’s standard-bearer in the conflict, and had been fortunate enough to slay him; that he had thrust the staff of his own standard through his opponent’s body and as there appeared to be some good work to do among the enemy, he had left some of his companions to guard the standard, and devoted himself to do what little he could to aid his master, and protect him from his adversaries. Maclean of Lochbuy (Lachlainn MacThearlaich) was killed by “Duncan mor na Tuaighe,” Mackenzie’s “great scallag,” of whom we have the following curious account:

Shortly before the battle, a raw, ungainly, but powerful looking youth from Kintail was seen staring about, as the Mackenzies were starting to meet the enemy, in an apparently idiotic manner, as if looking for something. He ultimately came across an old rusty battle-axe, of great size, and, setting off after the others, he arrived at the scene of strife just as the combatants were closing with each other. Duncan Macrae (for such was his name), from his stupid and ungainly appearance, was taken little notice of, and was wandering about in an aimless, vacant, half-idiotic manner. Hector Roy, Alexander’s third son, and progenitor of the Gairloch Mackenzies, observing him, asked why he was not taking part in the fight, and supporting his chief and clan. Duncan replied – “Mar a faigh mi miabh duine, cha dean mi gniomh duine.” (Unless I get a man’s esteem, I shall not perform a man’s work.) This was in reference to his not having been provided with a proper weapon. Hector answered him – “Deansa gniomh duine ‘s gheibh thu miabh duine.” (Perform a man’s work and you will get a man’s esteem.) Duncan at once rushed into the strife, exclaiming – “Buille mhor bho chul mo laimhe, ‘s ceum leatha, am fear nach teich rombam, teicheam roimhe.” (A heavy stroke from the back of my hand [arm] and a step to [enforce] it. He who does not get out of my way, let me get out of his.) Duncan soon killed a man, and, drawing the body aside, he coolly sat upon it. Hector Roy, noticing this peculiar proceeding as be was passing by in the heat of the contest, accosted Duncan, and asked him why he was not still engaged with his comrades. Duncan answered – “Mar a faigh mi ach miabh aon duine cha dean mi ach gniomh aon duine.” (If I only get one man’s due I shall only do one man’s work). Hector told him to perform two men’s work, and be would get two men’s reward. Duncan returned again to the field of carnage, killed another, pulled his body away, placed it on the top of the first, and sat upon the two. The same question was again asked, and the answer given: “I have killed two men, and earned two men’s wages.” Hector answered – “Do your best, and we shall not be reckoning with you.” Duncan instantly replied – “Am fear nach biodh ag cunntadh rium cha bhithinn ag cunntadh ris” – (He that would not reckon with me, I would not reckon with him) – and rushed into the thickest of the battle, where he mowed down the enemy with his rusty battle-axe like grass; so much so that Lachlan Maclean of Lochbuy (Lachlainn MacThearlaich), a most redoubtable warrior, placed himself in Duncan’s way to check him in his murderous career. The two met in mortal strife, but, Maclean being a very powerful man, clad in mail, and well versed in arms, Duncan could make no impression upon him but, being lighter and more active than his heavily mailed opponent, he managed to defend himself, watching his opportunity, and retreating backwards until he arrived at a ditch, where his opponent, thinking he had him fixed, made a desperate stroke at him, which Duncan parried, at the same time jumping backwards across the ditch. Maclean, to catch his enemy, made a furious lunge with his weapon, but, instead of entering Duncan’s body, it got fixed in the opposite bank of the ditch. In withdrawing it, he bent his head forward, when the helmet, rising, exposed the back of his neck, upon which Duncan’s battle-axe descended with the velocity of lightning, and with such terrific force as to sever Maclean’s head from his body. This, it is said, was the turning-point of the struggle, for the Macdonalds, seeing the brave leader of their van falling, at once retreated, and gave up all for lost. The hero was ever afterwards known as “Donnchadh Mor na Tuaighe,” or Big Duncan of the Axe, and many a story is told in Kintail and Gairloch of the many other prodigies of valour which he performed in the after contests of the Mackenzies and the Macraes against their common enemies. “Such of Macdonald’s men as escaped the battle fled together, and as they were going homeward began to spulzie Strathconan, which Mackenzie hearing, followed them with a party, overtakes them at Invercorran, kills shoals of them and the rest fled divers ways.”

That night, as Mackenzie sat at supper, he missed Duncan Mor, and said to the company – “I am more vexed for the want of my scallag mar (big servant) this night than any satisfaction I had of this day.” One of those present said, “I thought, (as the people fled) I perceived him following four or five men that ran up the burn.” He had not well spoken the word when Duncan Mor came in with four heads “bound on a woody” and threw them before his master, saying – “Tell me now if I have not deserved my supper,” to which, it is said of him, he fell with great gusto.

This reminds me, continues the chronicler, “of a cheat he once played on an Irishman, being a traveller, withal a strong, lusty fellow, well-proportioned, but of an extraordinary stomach. He resorted into gentlemen’s houses, and (was) very oft in Mackenzie’s. Having come on a time to the same Mackenzie’s house in Islandonain two or three years after this battle (of Park), he was cared for as usual, and when the laird went to dinner, he was set aside, at a side-table to himself, and a double proportion allowed him, which this Duncan Mor envying, went on a day and sat side for side with him, drew his skyn or short dagger and eats with him. ‘How now,’ says the Irishman, ‘how comes it that you fall in eating in any manner of way.’ ‘I cannot tell,’ says Duncan, ‘but I do think I have as good will to eat as you can have.’ ‘Well,’ says the other, ‘we shall try that when we have done.’ So when the laird had done of his dinner, the Irishman went where he was and said, ‘Noble sir, I have travelled now almost among all the clans in Scotland, and was resorting their houses, as I have been several times here, where I cannot say but I was sufficiently cared for, but I never met with such an affront as I have this day.’ The laird asked what he meant. So he tells him what injury Duncan had done him in eating a share of his proportion. ‘Well,’ says the laird, ‘I hope M’ille Chruimb,’ for so the Irishman was called, ‘you will take no notice of him that did that; for he is but a fool that plays the fool now and then.’ ‘I cannot tell,’ says he, ‘but he is no idiot at eating, nor will I let my affront pass so; for I must have a turn or two of wrestling with him for it in your presence.’ Whereupon a stander-by asks Duncan if he would wrestle with him. ‘I will,’ says he, ‘for I think I was fit sides with him in eating and might be so with this.’ They yocks, and Duncan threw him thrice on his back. The Irishman was so angry he wist not what to say. He invites him to put the stone, and at the second cast he worried him four feet, but could never reach him. Then he was like to burst himself. Finding this, he invites him to lop so that he outlopped him as far a length. The Irishman then said, ‘I have travelled as far as any of my equals, both in Scotland, England, and Ireland, and tried many hands, but I never met with my equal till this day, but comrade,’ say’s he ‘let us now go and swim a little in the laird’s presence.’ ‘With all my heart,’ say’s Duncan, ‘for I never sought better’ (with this Duncan could swim not at all), but down to the shore they go to the next rock, and being full sea, was at least three fathoms deep, but before the Irishman had off half of his clothes Duncan was stark naked, lops over the rocks and ducks to the bottom and up again. Looking about him he calls to a boy that stood by, and said, ‘Lad, go where the Lady is, and bid her send me a butter and four cheese.’ The Irishman, hearing this, asks `what purpose.’ ‘To what purpose,’ says he, ‘yons the least we will need this night and to-morrow wherever we be,’ ‘Do you intend a journey,’ say’s the Irishman. ‘Aye, that I do,’ answered the other, ‘and am in hopes to cross the Kyle ere night.’ Now, this Kyle was 20 leagues off with a very ill stream, as the Irishman very well knew, so that he said, with a very great oath, lie would not go with him that length, but if he liked to sport the laird with several sorts of swimming, he would give a trial. ‘Sport here, sport there, wherever I go you must go.’ With this the cheese and butter come, and Duncan desires the Irishman to make ready, but all his persuasions (not against his will) would not prevail with Mac a Chruimb, whereupon all the company gave over with laughter, knowing the other could swim none at all, but the fellow thought they jeered him. The laird made Duncan forbear him; but Duncan swore a great oath he would make him swim or he left the town, otherwise he would want of his will. So it came to pass for the Irishman got away that same night, was seen on the morrow in Lochalsh, but none (was) found that ferried him over. But never after resorted Mackenzie’s house.” [Ancient MS. of the Mackenzies.]

What remained of the Macdonalds after the battle of Park were completely routed and put to flight, but most of them were killed, “quarter being no ordinar complement in thos dayes.”

The night before the battle young Brodie of Brodie, accompanied by his accustomed retinue, was on a visit at Kinellan, and as be was preparing to leave the next morning be noticed Mackenzie’s men in arms, whereupon he asked if the enemy were known to be so near that for a certainty they would fight before night. Being informed that they were close at hand, he determined to wait and take part in the battle, replying to Kenneth’s persuasions to the contrary, “that be was an ill fellow and worse neighbour that would leave his friend at such a time,” He took a distinguished part in the fight and behaved “to the advantage of his friend and notable loss of his enemy,” and the Earl of Cromarty informs us that immediately after the battle be went on his journey. But his conduct produced a friendship between the Mackenzies and the family of Brodie, which continued among their posterity, “and even yet remains betwixt them, being more sacredly observed than the ties of affinity and consanguinity amongst most others,” and a bond of manrent was entered into between the families. Some authorities assert that young Brodie was slain, but of this no early writer makes any mention and neither in Sir Robert Gordon’s ‘Earldom of Sutherland,’ in the ‘Earl of Cromartie’ or other MS. ‘Histories of the Mackenzies,’ nor in Brown’s ‘History of the Highland Clans,’ is there any mention made of his having been killed, though they all refer to the distinguished part be took in the battle. He was, however, seriously wounded.

The morning after the battle Kenneth, fearing that the few of the Macdonalds who escaped might rally among the hills and commit cruelties and robberies on those of his people whom they might come across, marched to Strathconan, where he found, as he had expected, that about three hundred of the enemy had rallied, and were destroying everything they had passed over in their eastward march before the battle. As soon, however, as they noticed him in pursuit they took to their heels, but they were overtaken and all killed or made prisoners.

Kenneth then returned to Kinellan, carrying with him Alexander Macdonald of Lochalsh, whom he had taken prisoner, in triumph. His aged father, Alastair Ionraic, had now returned from the Raven’s Rock, and warmly congratulated his valiant son upon his splendid victory; adding, however, with significant emphasis, that he feared they made two days work of one,” since, by sparing Macdonald, who was also a prisoner, and his apparent heir, they preserved the lives of those who might yet give them trouble. But Kenneth, though a lion in the field, could not, from any such prudential consideration, be induced to commit such a cowardly and inhuman act as was here inferred. He, however, had no great faith in the forbearance of his followers if an opportunity occurred to them, and he accordingly sent Macdonald, under a strong guard, to Lord Lovat, to be kept by him in safety until he should advise him how to dispose of him. He kept Alexander of Lochalsh with himself, but, contrary to the expectations of their friends, he, on the intercession of old Macdonald, released them both within six months, having first bound them by oath and honour never to molest him or his, and never again to claim any right to the Earldom of Ross, which the Lord of the Isles had in 1475 forfeited to the Crown.

Many of the Macdonalds and their followers who escaped from the field of battle perished in the River Conon. Flying from the close pursuit of the victorious Mackenzies, they took the river, which in some parts was very deep, wherever they came up to it, and were drowned. Rushing to cross at Moy, they met an old woman – still smarting under the insults and spoliations inflicted on her and her neighbours by the Macdonalds on their way north – and asked her where was the best ford on the river. “O! ghaolaich,” she answered, “is aon ath an abhuinn; ged tha i dubh, cha ‘n eil i domhain,” (Oh! dear, the river is all one ford together; though it looks black, it is not deep). In their pitiful plight, and on the strength of this misleading information, they rushed into the water in hundreds, and were immediately carried away by the stream, many of them clutching at the shrubs and bushes which overhung the banks of the river, and crying loudly for assistance. This amazon and a number of her sex who were near at hand had meanwhile procured their sickles, and now exerted themselves in cutting away the bushes to which the wretched Macdonalds clung with a death grasp, the old woman exclaiming in each case, as she applied her sickle, “As you have taken so much already which did not belong to you, my friend, you can take that into the bargain. The instrument of the old woman’s revenge has been for many generations, and still is by very old people in the district, called “Cailleach na Maigb,” or the Old Wife of Moy.

The Mackenzies then proceeded to ravage the lands of Ardmeanach and those belonging to William Munro of Fowlis – the former because the young laird of Kilravock, whose father was governor of that district, had assisted the Macdonalds; the latter probably because Munro, who joined neither party, was suspected secretly of favouring Lochalsh. So many excesses were committed at this time by the Mackenzies that the Earl of Huntly, Lieutenant of the North, was compelled, notwithstanding their services in repelling the invasion of the Macdonalds, to proceed against them as oppressors of the lieges. [Gregory, p.57. Kilravock Writs, p.170, and Acts of Council.]

A blacksmith, known as Glaishean Gow or “Gobha,” one of Lovat’s people, in whose father’s house Agnes Fraser, Mackenzie’s wife, was fostered, hearing of the advance of the Macdonalds to the Mackenzie territory, started with a few followers in the direction of Conan, but arrived too late to take part in the fight. They were, however, in time to meet those few who managed to ford or swim the river, and killed every one of them so that they found an opportunity “to do more service than if they had been at the battle.”

This insurrection cost the Macdonalds the Lordship of the Isles, as others had previously cost them the Earldom of Ross. In a Parliament held in Edinburgh in 1493, the possessions of the Lord of the Isles were declared forfeited to the Crown. In the following January the aged Earl appeared before King James IV., and made a voluntary surrender of everything, after which he remained for several years in the King’s household as a Court pensioner. By Act of the Lords of Council in 1492 Alexander Urquhart, Sheriff of Cromarty, had obtained restitution for himself and his tenants for the depredations committed by Macdonald and his followers. According to the Kilravock Papers, p.162, the spoil amounted to 600 cows and oxen, each worth 13s 4d, 80 horses, each worth 26s 8d; 1000 sheep, each worth 2s; 200 swine, each worth 3s; with plenishing to the value of L300 and also 500 bolls of victual and L300 of the mails of the Sheriff’s lands.

The Earl of Cromarty says of Kenneth, “that he raised great fears in his neighbours by his temper and power, by which he had overturned so great ane interest as that of Macdonald, yet it appearit that he did not proceid to such attemptts but on just resentments and rationall grounds, for dureing his lyfe he not only protected the country by his power, but he caryed so that non was esteemed a better neighbour to his friends nor a juster maister to his dependers. In that one thing of his caryadge to his first wife he is justly reprowable; in all things else he merits justly to be numbered amongst the best of our Scots patriots.” The same writer continues – “The fight at Blairnapark put Mackenzie in great respect through all the North. The Earl of Huntly, George, who was the second Earle, did contract a friendship with him, and when he was imployed by King James 3d to assist him against the conspirators in the South, Kenneth came with 500 men to him in summer 1488; but erre they came the lengthe of Perth, Mackenzie had nottice of his father Alexander’s death, whereupon Huntly caused him retire to ordor his affaires, least his old enemies might tack advantage of such a change, and Huntly judgeing that they were rather too numberous than weak for the conspirators, by which occasion he (Kenneth) was absent from that vnfortunat battle wher King James 3d wes kild, yet evir after this, Earl George, and his son Alexander, the 3d Earl of Huntly, keipt a great kyndness to Kenneth and his successors. From the yeir 1489 the kingdom vnder King James 4d wes at great peace, and thereby Mackenzie toock opportunity to setle his privat affaires, which for many yeirs befor, yea severall ages, had bein almost still disturbed by the Earls of Ross and Lords of the Illes, and so he lived in peace and good correspondences with his neighbours till the yeir 1491, for in the moneth of February that yeir he died and wes buried at Bewlie. All his predecessors wer buried at Icolmkill (except his father), as wer most of the considerable chieffs in the Highlands. But this Kenneth, after his marriage, keipt frequent devotiones with the Convent of Bewlie, and at his owin desyre wes buried ther, in the ille on the north syd of the alter, which wes built by himselfe in his lyftyme or he died; after that he done pennance for his irregular marieing or Lovit’s daughter. He procured recommendationes from Thomas Hay (his lady’s uncle), Bishop of Ross, to Pope Alexander the 6, from whom he procured a legittmatione of all the cheildrein of the mariadge, daited apud St Petri, papatus nostri primo, anno Cristiano 1491.”

Bishop Hay strongly impressed upon Mackenzie the propriety of getting his marriage with Agnes of Lovat legitimized, and to send for a commission to the Pope for that purpose. Donald Dubh MacChreggir, priest of Kirkhill, was despatched to Rome with that object, and, according to several of the family manuscripts, procured the legitimation of the marriage. “This priest was a native of Kintail, descended from a clan there called Clan Chreggir, who, being a hopefull boy in his younger days, was educat in Mackenzie’s house, and afterwards at Beullie be the forementioned Dugall Mackenzie, pryor yrof. In end he was made priest of Kirkhill. His successors to this day are called Frasers. Of this priest is descended Mr William Fraser and Mr Donald Fraser.” [Ancient MS.] Another writer describes the messengers sent to Rome as Mr Andrew Fraser, priest of Kintail, a learned and eloquent man, who took in his company Dugal Mackenzie, natural son to Alexander Inrig, who was a scholar. The Pope entertained them kindly and very readily granted them what they desired and were both made knights to the boot of Pope Clement the VIII., but when my knights came home, they neglected the decree of Pope Innocent III. against the marriage and consentrinate of all the clergy or otherwise they got a dispensation from the then Pope Clement VIII., for both of them married – Sir Dugall was made priest of Kintail and married nien (daughter) Dunchy Chaim in Glenmorriston. Sir Andrew likewise married, whose son was called Donald Du Mac Intagard, and was priest of Kirkhill and Chaunter of Ross. His tack of the vicarage of Kilmorack to John Chisholm of Comar stands to this day. The present Mr William Fraser, minister of Kilmorack, is the fifth minister in lineal and uninterrupted succession.” [Ardintoul MS.]

Anderson, in his ‘Account of the Family of Fraser,’ also says that “application was made to the Pope to sanction the second marriage, which he did, anno 1491.” Sir James D. Mackenzie of Findon (note, p. 19) however says that he made a close search in the Vatican and the Roman libraries but was unable to find trace of any document of legitmation.

Of Roderick, Sir Kenneth’s fourth son, who was an exceedingly powerful man, the following interesting story is told: – He was a man of great strength and stature, and in a quarrell which took place between him and Dingwall of Kildun, he killed the latter, and “that night abode with his wife.” Complaint was made to King James the Fifth, who commanded the Baron of Kintail to give Rory up to justice. His brother, knowing he could not do so openly and by force without trouble and considerable danger, went to Kintail professedly to settle his affairs there, and when he was about returning home he requested Rory to meet him at Glassletter, that he might privately consult and discourse with him as to his present state. Rory duly met him on the appointed day with fifty men of his “coalds,” the Macleays, besides ordinary servants and some Kintail men. While the two brothers went to discourse, they passed between the Kintail men and the Macleays, who sat at a good distance from one another. When Mackenzie came near the Kintail men, he clapped Rory on the shoulder, which was the sign between them, and Rory was immediately seized. Gillecriost MacFhionnla instantly ran to the Macleays, who had taken to their arms to relieve their Coald Rory Mor, and desired them in a friendly manner to compose themselves, and not be rash, since Rory was seized not by his enemies, but was in the hands of his own brother, and of those who had as great a kindness for him, and interest in him as they had themselves; and further he desired them to consider what would be the consequences, for if the least drop of blood was shed, Rory would be immediately put to death, and so all their pains would be lost. He thus prevailed upon them to keep quiet. In the meantime Rory struggled with the Kintail men, and would not be taken or go along with them, until John Mor, afterwards agnamed Ian Mor nan Cas, brother to Gillecriost MacFhionnla, took Rory by the feet and cast him down. They then bound him and carried him on their shoulders, until he consented to go along with them willingly, and without further objection. They took him to Ellandonnan, whence shortly after he was sent south to the King, where he had to take his trial. He, however, denied the whole affair, and in the absence of positive proof, the judges declined to convict him; but the King, quite persuaded of his guilt, ordered him to be sent a prisoner to the Bass Rock, with strict injunctions to have him kept in chains. This order was obeyed, and Rory’s hands and legs were much pained and cut with the irons. The governor had unpleasant feuds with one of his neighbours, which occasioned several encounters and skirmishes between their servants, who came in repeatedly with wounds and bruises. Rory, noticing this to occur frequently, said to one of them, “Would to God that the laird would take me with him, and I should then be worth my meat to him and serve for better use than I do with these chains.” This was communicated to the governor, who sent for Rory and asked him if he would fight well for him. “If I do not that,” said he, “let me hang in these chains.” He then took his solemn oath that he would not run away, and the governor ordered the servants to set about curing Rory’s wounds with ointments. He soon found himself in good condition to fight, and an opportunity was not long delayed. The governor met his adversary accompanied by his prisoner, who fought to admiration, exhibiting great courage and enormous strength. He soon routed the enemy, and the governor became so enamoured of him that he was never after out of his company whenever he could secretly have him unknown to the Court. About this time an Italian came to Edinburgh, who challenged the whole nation to a wrestling match for a large sum of money. One or two grappled with him, but he disposed of them so easily that no one else could be found to engage him. The King was much annoyed at this, and expressed himself strongly in favour of any one who would defeat the Italian, promising to give him a suitable reward. The governor of the Rock having heard of this, thought it an excellent opportunity for his prisoner to secure his freedom, and at the same time redeem the credit of the nation, and he informed the King that a prisoner committed to the Bass by his Majesty if released of his irons would, in his opinion, match the Italian. The King immediately answered, “His liberty, with reward, shall he have if he do so.” The governor, so as not to expose his own intimate relations with and treatment of the prisoner, warily asked that time should be allowed to cure him of his wounds, lest his own crime and Rory’s previous liberty should become known. When sufficient time had elapsed for this purpose a day was appointed, and the governor brought Rory to Holyrood House to meet the King, who enquired if he “would undertake to cast the Italian for his liberty?” “Yes, sir,” answered Rory “it will be a hard task that I will not undertake for that; but, sir, it may be, it will not be so easy to perform as to undertake, yet I shall give him a fair trial.” “Well” said the King, “how many days will you have to fit yourself?” “Not an hour” replied Rory. His Majesty was so pleased with his resolution that he immediately sent to the Italian to ask if he would accept the challenge at once. He who had won so many victories so easily already did not hesitate to grapple with Rory, having no fear as to the result. Five lists were prepared. The Italian was first on the ground, and seeing Rory approaching him, dressed in his rude habit, without any of the usual dress and accoutrements, laughed loudly. But no sooner was he in the Highlander’s grasp than the Italian was on his knee. The King cried with joy; the Italian alleged foul play, and made other and frivolous excuses, but His Majesty was so glad of the apparent advantage in his favour that he was unwilling to expose Rory to a second hazard. This did not suit the Highlander at all, and he called out, “No, no, sir; let me try him again, for now I think I know his strength.” His Majesty hearing this, consented, and in the second encounter Rory laid firm hold of the foreigner, pulled him towards him with all his might, breaking his back, and disjointing the back-bone. The poor fellow fell to the ground groaning with pain, and died two day’s after. The King, delighted with Rory’s prowess, requested him to remain at Court, but this he refused, excusing himself on the ground that his long imprisonment quite unfitted him for Court life, but if it pleased his Majesty he would send him his son, who was better fitted to serve him. He was provided with money and suitable clothing by Royal command. The King requested him to hasten his son to Court, which he accordingly did. This son was named Murdoch, and His Majesty became so fond of him that he always retained him about his person, and granted him, as an earnest of greater things to follow, the lands of Fairburn, Moy, and others adjoining, also the Ferry of Scuideal; but Murdoch being unfortunately absent from the Court when the King died, he missed much more which his Majesty had designed for him. [Ardintoul and Cromartie MS. Histories of the Mackenzies.]

The following, told of Roderick and Kenneth, the fifth son, is also worth a place: – Kenneth was Chaunter of Ross, and perpetual Curate of Coinbents, which vicarage he afterwards resigned into the hands of Pope Paulus in favour of the Priory of Beauly. Though a priest and in holy orders he would not abstain from marriage, for which cause the Bishop decided to have him deposed. On the appointed day for his trial he had his brother Rory at Chanonry, when the trial was to take place, with a number of his followers. Kenneth presented himself before the Bishop in his long gown, but under it he had a two-edged sword, and drawing near his Lordship, who sat in his presiding chair, whispered in his ear, “It is best that you should let me alone, for my brother Rory is in the churchyard with many ill men, and if you take off my orders he will take off your head, and I myself will not be your best friend.” He then coolly exposed his penknife, as he called his great sword, “which sight, with Rory’s proximity, and being a person whose character was well enough known by his Lordship, he was so terrified that he incontinently absolved and vindicated the good Chaunter,” who ever after enjoyed his office (and his wife) unchallenged.

Sir Kenneth of Kintail, who was knighted by James IV. “for being highly instrumental in reducing his fierce countrymen to the blessings of a civilized life,” was twice married; first, to Lady Margaret, daughter of John, Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross, with issue –

I. Kenneth Og, his heir and successor.

He married secondly, Agnes or Anne Fraser, daughter of Hugh, third Lord Lovat, with issue –

II. John, who succeeded his brother Kenneth Og.

III. Alexander, first of the family of Davochmaluag.

IV. Roderick, progenitor of the families of Achilty, Fairburn, Ardross, etc.

V. Kenneth, better know as “the Priest of Avoch,” from whom the families of Suddie, Ord, Corryvulzie, Highfield, Inverlaul, Little Findon, and others of lesser note.

VI. Agnes, who married Roderick Macleod, VII. of Lewis, with issue.

VII. Catherine, who married Hector Munro of Fowlis, with issue.

There has been a considerable difference of opinion among the family genealogists as to the date of Sir Kenneth’s death, but it is now placed beyond doubt that he died in 1491, having only ruled as actual chief of the clan for the short space of three years. This is clearly proved from his tomb in the Priory of Beauly, where there is a full length recumbent effigy of him, in full armour, with arms folded across his chest as if in prayer, and on the arch over it is the following inscription “Hic Jacet, Kanyans, m. kynch d’us de Kyntayl, q. obiit vii. die Februarii, a. di. m.cccc.lxxxxi.” Sir William Fraser, in his history of the Earls of Cromartie, gives, in his genealogy of the Mackenzies of Kintail, the date of his death as “circa 1506,” and ignores his successor Kenneth Og altogether. This is incomprehensible to readers of the work; for in the book itself, in various places, it is indubitably established that Sir William’s genealogy is incorrect in this, as in other important particulars.” [Sir William Fraser appears to have adopted Douglas in his genealogies, who, as already shown, in many instances, cannot be depended upon.]

The following, from the published “Acts of the Lords of Council,” p. 327, under date 17th June, 1494, places the question absolutely beyond dispute. “The King’s Highness and Lords of Council decree and deliver that David Ross of Balnagown shall restore and deliver again to Annas Fresale, the spouse of THE LATE Kenneth Mackenzie of Kintail, seven score of cows, price of the piece (each), 20s; 30 horses, price of the piece, 2 merks; 200 sheep and goats, price of the piece, 2s; and 14 cows, price of the piece, 20s; spuilzied and taken by the said David and his complices from the said Annas out of the lands of Kynlyn (? Killin or Kinellan), as was sufficiently proved before the Lords; and ordain that letters be written to distrain the said David, his lands and goods therefor, and he was present at his action by this procurators.” It is needless to point out that the man who, by this undoubted authority, was THE LATE Kenneth Mackenzie of Kintail, in 1494 could not have died about or “circa 1506,” as Sir William Fraser asserts in his Earls of Cromartie. Kenneth died in 1491, and was succeeded by his only son by his first wife, Margaret of Isla,

VIII. KENNETH OG MACKENZIE,

Or KENNETH THE YOUNGER, who was also known as Sir Kenneth. He was fostered in Taagan, Kenlochewe. [Ancient MS.] When, in 1488, King James the IV. succeeded to the throne, he determined to attach to his interest the principal chiefs in the Highlands. “To overawe and subdue the petty princes who affected independence, to carry into their territories, hitherto too exclusively governed by their own capricious or tyrannical institutions, the same system of a severe but regular and rapid administration of civil and criminal justice which had been established in his Lowland dominions was the laudable object of the King; and for this purpose he succeeded, with that energy and activity which remarkably distinguished him, in opening up an intercourse with many of the leading men in the northern counties. With the Captain of the Clan Chattan, Duncan Mackintosh with Ewen, the son of Alan, Captain of the Clan Cameron with Campbell of Glenurghay; the Macgilleouns of Duart and Lochbuy; Mackane of Ardnamurchan the Lairds of Mackenzie and Grant; and the Earl of Huntly, a baron of the most extensive power in these northern districts, he appears to have been in habits of constant and regular communication – rewarding them by presents, in the shape either of money or of grants or land, and securing their services in reducing to obedience such of their fellow chieftains as proved contumacious, or actually rose in rebellion.” [Tytler, vol. iv., pp. 367-368.]

To carry out this plan he determined to take pledges for their good behaviour from some of the most powerful clans, and, at the same time, educate the younger lairds into a more civilized manner of governing their people. Amongst others he took a special interest in Kenneth Og, and Farquhar Mackintosh, the young lairds of Mackenzie and Mackintosh, who were cousins, their mothers being sisters, daughters of John, last Lord of the Isles. They were both powerful, the leaders of great clans, and young men of great spirit and reckless habits. They were accordingly apprehended in 1495 [“The King having made a progress to the North, was advised to secure these two gentlemen as hostages for securing the peace of the Highlands, and accordingly they were apprehended at Inverness and sent prisoners to Edinburgh in the year 1495, where they remained two years.” – Dr George Mackenzie’s MS. History,] and sent to Edinburgh, where they were kept in custody in the Castle, until a favourable opportunity occurring in 1497, they escaped over the ramparts by the aid of ropes secretly conveyed to them by some of their friends. This was the more easily managed, as they had liberty granted them to roam over the whole bounds of the Castle within the outer walls; and the young chieftains, getting tired of restraint, and ashamed to be idle while they considered themselves fit actors for the stage of their Highland domains, resolved to attempt an escape by dropping over the walls, when Kenneth injured his leg, so as to incapacitate him from rapid progress; but Mackintosh manfully resolved to risk capture himself rather than leave his fellow-fugitive behind him in such circumstances. The result of this accident, however, was that after three days journey they were only able to reach the Torwood, where, suspecting no danger, they put up for the night in a private house.

The Laird of Buchanan, who was at the time an outlaw for a murder he had committed, happened to be in the neighbourhood, and meeting the Highlanders, entertained them with a show of kindness; by which means he induced them to divulge their names and quality. A proclamation had recently been issued promising remission to any outlaw who would bring in another similarly circumstanced, and Buchanan resolved to procure his own freedom at the expense of his fellow-fugitives; for he knew well that such they were, previously knowing of them as his Majesty’s pledges from their respective clans. In the most deceitful manner, he watched until they had retired to rest, when he surrounded the house with a band of his followers, and charged them to surrender. This they declined; and Mackenzie, being of a violent temper and possessed of more courage than prudence, rushed out with a drawn sword “refusing delivery and endeavouring to escape,” whereupon he was shot with an arrow by one of Buchanan’s men. His head was severed from his body, and forwarded to the King in Edinburgh; while young Mackintosh, who made no further resistance, was secured and sent a prisoner to the King. Buchanan’s outlawry was remitted, and Mackintosh was confined in Dunbar, where he remained until after the death of James the Fourth at the battle of Flodden Field. [Gregory, p.93; and MS. History by the Earl of Cromartie.] Buchanan’s base conduct was universally execrated, while the fate of young Mackenzie was lamented throughout the whole Highlands, having been accused of no other crime than the natural forwardness of youth, and having escaped from his confinement in Edinburgh Castle.

It is admitted on all hands that Kenneth Og was killed, as above, in 1497, and he must, therefore – his father having died in 1491 – have ruled as one of the Barons of Kintail, though there is no record of his having been formally served heir. He was not married, but left two bastard sons – one, known as Rory Beag, by the daughter of the Baron of Moniack; and the other by the daughter of a gentleman in Cromar, of whom are descended the Sliochd Thomais in Cromar and Glenshiel, Braemar, the principal families of which were those of Dalmore and Renoway. [“In his going to Inverness, as I have said, to meet the King, he was the night before his coming there in the Baron of Muniag’s house, whose daughter he got with child, who was called Rory Begg. Of this Rory descended the parson of Slate; and on the same journey going along with the King to Edinburgh he got a son with a gentleman’s daughter, and called him Thomas Mackenzy, of whom descended the Mackenzies – in Braemar called Slyghk Homash Vic Choinnich. That is to say Thomas Mackenzie’s Succession. If he had lived he would be heir to Mackenzie and Macdonald (Earl of Ross).” – Ancient MS.] He was succeeded by his eldest brother by his father’s second marriage with Agnes or Anne, daughter of Hugh, third Lord Lovat,

IX. JOHN MACKENZIE OF KILLIN,

Known by that designation from his having generally resided at that place. He was, as we have seen, the first son of Kenneth, seventh Baron of Kintail, by his second wife Agnes, or Anne of Lovat, and his father being never regularly married, the great body of the clan did not consider John his legitimate heir. Hector Roy Mackenzie, his uncle, progenitor of the House of Gairloch, a man of great prudence and courage, was by Kenneth a Bhlair appointed tutor to his eldest son Kenneth Og, then under age, though Duncan, an elder brother by Alexander’s first wife, had, according to custom, a prior claim to that honourable and important trust. Duncan is, however, described as one who was “of better hands than head” – more brave than prudent. Hector took charge, and on the death of Kenneth Og found himself in possession of valuable and extensive estates. He had already secured great popularity among the clan, which in the past he had often led to victory against the common