Owing to some improper language he had used of certain princes, Gonzalves was well buffetted by a Spaniard at his coming off from the shore, and had been slain if the natives had not rescued him for our sakes.
When I went on shore to release Villanova, Pedro Gonzalves confessed to Thomas Dassel, that he had concerted with some negroes and Portuguese about detaining Dassel and the goods on shore; but that he had acted nothing on this subject without authority from his king, contained in certain letters he had received at Dartmouth from London, after our departure from the Thames, occasioned by our presuming to trade to Guinea without a servant of the king of Portugal; and declared likewise that he had power or authority from Francisco de Costa, a Portuguese, remaining in England, to detain the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea. By consent of Francis Tucker, John Browbeare, and the other factors of Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonzalves came from England, it was agreed that we should detain Gonzalves in our ships until their departure, to avoid any other mischief that he might contrive. Therefore, on 9th January 1592, he was delivered to go for England in the same ship that brought him, being all the time he remained in our ship, well and courteously treated by me, though much against the will of our mariners, who were much disgusted at seeing one who had been nourished and relieved in our country, seeking, by villanous means, to procure the destruction of us all.
Although the Spaniards and Portuguese are dissemblers and not to be trusted, yet when they saw how the subjects of Amar Malek befriended and favoured us, and that it would be prejudicial to their trade if we were any way injured, they renounced their evil intentions against us, shewing detestation of him who had been the cause of it, and promised to defend us and our affairs in all faithfulness for the future; desiring us, as the negro king had done already, to bring no more Portuguese with us from England, for they esteemed one bar of iron as more valuable than twenty Portuguese, and more serviceable towards the profitable trade which had been of late carried on by us and the French; whereas the Portuguese, whom we were in use to bring with us, endeavoured all they could to do us injury, and even to hurt all parties concerned in the trade.
At the beginning of these broils, Amar Malek had sent his chief secretary with three horses for me, Richard Rainolds; but I refused going, on account of the disturbances, though I might have had negroes of condition left as hostages for my safety; yet I transmitted the customary presents for the king. When he understood the reason of my not coming to his residence, he was very sorry and much offended at the cause, and immediately issued a proclamation, commanding that no injury should be done to us in his dominions by his own people, neither suffered to be done by the Spaniards or Portuguese; and declaring, if any of the neighbouring negro tribes should confederate with the Spaniards and Portuguese to molest us, that he and his subjects should be ready to aid and defend us. Thus there appeared more kindness and good will towards us in these ignorant negroes, than in the Spaniards and Portuguese.
None of the Spaniards or Portuguese are in use to trade up the river Senegal, except one Portuguese named _Ganigogo_ who dwells far up that river, where he has married the daughter of one of the kings. In the towns of Porto d’Ally and Joala, which are the places of chief trade on this coast, and at Cauton and Cassan in the river Gambia, there are many Spaniards and Portuguese who have become resident by permission of the negroes, and carry on a valuable trade all along the coast, especially to the Rio San Dominica and Rio Grande, which are not far distant from the Gambia, to which places they transport the iron which they purchase from us and the French, exchanging it for _negro slaves_, which are transported to the West Indies in ships that come hither from Spain. By order of the governor and renters of the castle of Mina, and of all those places on the coast of Guinea where gold is to be had, these residents have a place limited for them in the river Gambia, beyond which they must not go under pain of death and confiscation of their goods; as the renters themselves send their own barks at certain times up the river, to those places where gold is to be had. In all those places hereabout, where we are in use to trade, the Spaniards and Portuguese have no castle or other place of strength, merely trading under the licence and safe conduct of the negroes. Most of the Spaniards and Portuguese who reside in those parts are banished men or fugitives, who have committed heinous crimes; and their life and conversation is conformable to their conditions, as they are the basest and most villainously behaved persons of their nation that are to be met with in any part of the world.
CHAPTER VIII.
SOME MISCELLANEOUS EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH.
INTRODUCTION.
The present chapter is rather of an anomalous nature, and chiefly consists of naval expeditions against the Spaniards and Portuguese, scarcely belonging in any respect to our plan of arrangement: yet, as contained mostly in the ancient English collection of Hakluyt, and in that by Astley, we have deemed it improper to exclude them from our pages, where they may be considered in some measure as an episode. Indeed, in every extensively comprehensive plan, some degree of anomaly is unavoidable. The following apology or reason given by the editor of Astley’s collection for inserting them in that valuable work, may serve us likewise on the present occasion; though surely no excuse can be needed, in a national collection like ours, for recording the exploits of our unrivalled naval defenders.
“For want of a continued series of trading voyages to Guinea, we shall here insert an account of some remarkable achievements by the English against the Spaniards and Portuguese; who, being greatly alarmed to find out merchants extending their commerce, and trading to those parts of the world which they pretended a right of engrossing to themselves, began to treat our ships very severely, wherever they had the superiority; and when they wanted force, endeavoured to surprise them by treachery, never scrupling to violate the most solemn oaths and engagements to compass their designs. For this reason the English merchant ships were obliged to go to sea armed and in company; by which means they not only prevented the outrages of these faithless enemies, but often revenged the injuries done to others of their countrymen. At length, the resentment of the nation being inflamed by their repeated treacheries and depredations, the English began to send out fleets to annoy their coasts and disturb their navigation. Of these proceedings, we propose to give a few instances in this chapter, which may suffice to shew the noble spirit that prevailed in these early times.”–_Astl_. I. 194.
SECTION I.
_Gallant escape of the Primrose from Bilboa in Spain, in 1585_[332].
It is not unknown to the world, what dangers our English ships have lately escaped from, how sharply they have been entreated, and how hardly they have been assaulted; insomuch that the valour of those who managed and defended them is worthy of being held in remembrance. Wherefore, the courageous attempt and valiant enterprize of the tall ship named the Primrose of London, from before the town of Bilboa, in the province of Biscay in Spain, (which ship the corregidore of that province, accompanied by 97 Spaniards, offered violently to arrest, yet was defeated of his purpose, and brought prisoner into England,) having obtained renown, I have taken in hand to publish the truth thereof, that it may be generally known to the rest of our English ships; that, by the good example of this gallant exploit, the rest may be encouraged and incited in like extremity to act in a similar manner, to the glory of the realm and their own honour.–_Hakluyt_, II, 597.
[Footnote 332: Hakluyt, II. 537. Astley, I.194.]
* * * * *
Upon Wednesday the 26th of May 1585, while the ship Primrose of 150 tons was riding at anchor off the bay of Bilboa, where she had been two days, there came on board a Spanish pinnace, in which were the corregidore and six others, who seemed to be merchants, bringing cherries with, them, and spoke in a very friendly manner to the master of the ship, whose name was Foster. He received them courteously, giving them the best cheer he could, with beer, beef, and biscuit. While thus banqueting, four of the seven departed in the pinnace for Bilboa; the other three remaining, and seeming much pleased with their entertainment. Yet Mr Foster was suspicious of some evil designs, and gave secret intimation to his people that he was doubtful of the intentions of these men, but said nothing to his guests by which they could any way surmise that he distrusted them. Soon afterwards there came a shipboat in which were seventy persons, seemingly merchants and the like of Biscay, and a little behind came the pinnace in which were twenty-four other persons, as the Spaniards afterwards confessed. On reaching the Primrose, the corregidore and three or four of his men went on board that ship; but on seeing such a multitude, Mr Foster desired that no more might come on aboard which was agreed to: Yet suddenly all the Spaniards left their boat and boarded the Primrose, all being armed with rapiers and other weapons which they had brought secretly in the boat, and had even a drum along with them to proclaim their expected triumph.
On getting on board, the Spaniards dispersed themselves over the ship, some below deck, others entering the cabins, while the most part remained in a body as if to guard their prize. Then the corregidore, who had an officer along with him bearing a white rod in his hand, desired Mr Foster to yield himself as a prisoner to the king of Spain; on which he called out to his men that they were betrayed. At this time some of the Spaniards threatened Mr Foster with their daggers in a furious manner, as if they would have slain him, yet they had no such purpose, meaning only to have taken him and his men prisoners. Mr Foster and his men were amazed at this sudden assault, and were greatly concerned to think themselves ready to be put to death; yet some of them, much concerned for their own and Mr Fosters danger, and believing themselves doomed to death if landed as prisoners, determined either to defend themselves manfully or to die with arms in their hands, rather than to submit to the hands of the tormentors[333]; wherefore they boldly took to their weapons, some armed with javelins, lances, and boar-spears, and others with five calivers ready charged, being all the fire-arms they had. With these they fired up through the gratings of the hatches at the Spaniards on deck, at which the Spaniards were sore amazed not knowing how to escape the danger, and fearing the English had more fire-arms than they actually possessed. Others of the crew laid manfully about among the Spaniards with their lances and boar-spears, disabling two or three of the Spaniards at every stroke. Then some of the Spaniards urged Mr Foster to command his men to lay down their arms and surrender; but he told them that the English were so courageous in the defence of their lives and liberties, that it was not in his power to controul them, for on such an occasion they would slay both them and him. At this time the blood of the Spaniards flowed plentifully about the deck; some being shot between the legs from below, the bullets came out at their breasts; some were cut in the head, others thrust in the body, and many of them so sore wounded that they rushed faster out at one side of the ship than they came in at the other, tumbling fast overboard on both side with their weapons, some falling into the sea, and others into their boats, in which they made all haste on shore. But though they came to the ship in great numbers, only a small number of them returned, yet it is not known how many of them were slain or drowned. On this occasion only one Englishman was slain named John Tristram, and six others wounded; but it was piteous to behold so many Spaniards swimming in the sea, and unable to save their lives, of whom four who had got hold of some part of the ship, were rescued from the waves by Mr Foster and his men, whose bosoms were found stuffed with paper to defend them from the shot, and these four being wounded, were dressed by the English surgeon. One of these was the corregidore himself, who was governor over an hundred cities and towns, his appointments exceeding six hundred pounds a year. This strange incident took place about six o’clock in the evening; after they had landed upwards of twenty tons of goods from the Primrose, which were delivered at Bilboa by John Barrell and John Brodbank, who were made prisoners on shore.
[Footnote 333: This seems to allude to their fears of the Inquisition, if made prisoners.–E.]
After this valiant exploit, performed by 28 Englishmen against 97 Spaniards, Mr Foster and his men saw that it were vain for them to remain any longer; wherefore they hoisted their sails and came away with the rest of their goods, and arrived safely by the blessing of God near London, on the 8th June 1585. During their return towards England, the corregidore and the other Spaniards they had made prisoners offered 500 crowns to be set on shore anywhere on the coast of Spain or Portugal; but as Mr Foster would not consent, they were glad to crave mercy and remain on board. On being questioned by Mr Foster as to their reason for endeavouring thus to betray him and his men, the corregidore assured him it was not done of their own accord, but by the command of the king of Spain; and calling for his hose, which were wet, he took out the royal commission authorising and commanding him to do what he had attempted, which was to the following purport:
“Licentiate de Escober, my corregidore of my lordship of Biscay. Seeing that I have caused a great fleet to be equipped in the havens of Lisbon and Seville, that there is required for the soldiers, armour, victuals, and ammunition, and that great store of shipping is wanted for the said service: I therefore require you, on sight of this order, that with as much secrecy as may be, you take order for arresting all the shipping that may be found on the coast and in the ports of the said lordship, particularly all such as belong to Holland, Zealand, Esterland, Germany, England, or other provinces and countries that are in rebellion against me; excepting those of France, which, being small and weak, are thought unfit for the present service. And being thus arrested and staid, you shall take special care, that such merchandise as are on board these ships be taken out, and that all the armour, arms, ammunition, tackle, sails, and provisions be bestowed in safe custody, so that none of the ships and men may escape, &c. Done at Barcelona, the 29th May 1585.”
In this gallant exploit is to be noted, both the great courage of the master, and the love of the mariners to save their master; likewise the great care of Mr Foster to save as much as he could of the goods of his owners, although by this conduct he may never more frequent those parts, without losing his own life and those of his people, as they would assuredly, if known, subject themselves to the sharp torments of their _Holy house_. As for the king of Spain pretending that the English were in rebellion against him, it is sufficiently well known even to themselves, with what love, unity, and concord our ships have ever dealt with them, being always at least as willing to shew pleasure and respect to their king and them, as they have been to deal hospitably by the English.–_Hakl._
SECTION II.
_Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, in 1585, to the West Indies_[334].
Upon the knowledge of the embargo laid by the king of Spain in 1585, upon the English ships, men, and goods found in his country, having no means to relieve her subjects by friendly treaty, her majesty authorised such as had sustained loss by that order of embargo to right themselves by making reprisals upon the subjects of the king of Spain; for which she gave them her letters of reprisal, to take and arrest all ships and merchandises they might find at sea or elsewhere, belonging to the subjects of that King. At the same time, to revenge the wrongs offered to her crown and dignity, and to resist the preparations then making against her by the king of Spain, her majesty equipped a fleet of twenty-five sail of ships, and employed them under the command of Sir Francis Drake, as the fittest person in her dominions, by reason of his experience and success in sundry actions.
[Footnote 334: Church. Collect. III. 155.]
It is not my intention to give all the particulars of the voyages treated of, but merely to enumerate the services performed, and the mistakes and oversights committed, as a warning to those who may read them, to prevent the like errors hereafter. As this voyage of Sir Francis Drake was the first undertaking on either side in this war, for it ensued immediately after the arrest of our ships and goods in Spain, I shall deliver my opinion of it before I proceed any farther. One impediment to the voyage was, that to which the ill success of several others that followed was imputed, viz. the want of victuals and other necessaries fit for so great an expedition; for had not this fleet met with a ship of Biscay, coming from Newfoundland with fish, which relieved their necessities, they had been reduced to great extremity. In this expedition Sir Francis Drake sailed in the Elizabeth Bonadventure; captain Frobisher, in the Aid was second in command; and captain Carlee was lieutenant-general of the forces by land, Sir Francis having the supreme command both as admiral and general.
The services performed in this expedition were, the taking and sacking of St Domingo in Hispaniola, of Carthagena on the continent of America, and of St Justina in Florida, three towns of great importance in the West Indies. This fleet was the greatest of any nation, except the Spaniards, that had ever been seen in these seas since their first discovery; and, if the expedition had been as well considered of before going from home, as it was happily performed by the valour of those engaged, it had more annoyed the king of Spain than all the other actions that ensued during that war. But it seems our long peace had made us incapable of advice in war; for had we kept and defended those places when in our possession, and made provision to have relieved them from England, we had diverted the war from Europe; for at that time there was no comparison betwixt the strength of Spain and England by sea, by means whereof we might have better defended these acquisitions, and might more easily have encroached upon the rest of the Indies, than the king of Spain could have aided or succoured them. But now we see and find by experience, that those places which were then weak and unfortified, are since fortified, so that it is to no purpose for us to attempt annoying the king of Spain now in his dominions in the West Indies. And, though this expedition proved fortunate and victorious, yet as it was father an awakening than a weakening of the king of Spain, it had been far better wholly let alone, than to have undertaken it on such slender grounds, and with such inconsiderable forces[335].
[Footnote 335: It must be acknowledged that the present section can only be considered as a species of introduction or prelude to an intended narrative of an expedition: Yet such actually is the first article in Sir William Monson’s celebrated Naval Tracts, as published in the Collection of Churchill; leaving the entire of the narrative an absolute blank. Nothing could well justify the adoption of this inconclusive and utterly imperfect article, but the celebrity of its author and actor: For Sir William Monson, and the editor of Churchill’s Collection, seem to have dosed in giving to the public this _Vox et preterea nihil_.–E.]
SECTION III.
_Cruizing Voyage to the Azores by Captain Whiddon, in 1586, written by John Evesham_[336].
This voyage was performed by two barks or pinnaces, the Serpent of 35 tons, and the Mary Sparke of Plymouth of 50 tons, both belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, knight. Leaving Plymouth on the 10th June 1586, we directed our course in the first place for the coast of Spain, and thence for the islands called the Azores, in which course we captured a small bark, laden with sumach and other commodities, in which was the Portuguese governor of St Michael’s Island, with several other Portuguese and Spaniards. Sailing thence to the island of Gracioso, westward of Tercera, we descried a sail to which we gave chase, and found her to be a Spaniard. But at the first, not much respecting whom we took, so that we might enrich ourselves, which was the object of our expedition, and not willing it should be known what we were, we displayed a white silk ensign in our maintop, which made them believe that we were of the Spanish navy laying in wait for English cruizers; but when we got within shot, we hauled down our white flag, and hoisted the St Georges ensign, on which they fled as fast as they were able, but all in vain, as our ships sailed faster than they; wherefore they threw overboard all their ordnance and shot, with many letters and the chart of the straits of Magellan, which lead into the south sea, immediately after which we took her, finding on board a Spanish gentleman named Pedro Sarmiento, who was governor of the straits of Magellan, whom we brought home to England, and presented to the queen our sovereign.
[Footnote 336: Hakluyt; II. 606. Astley, I. 196. The command of this expedition is attributed by the editor of Astley’s Collection to captain Whiddon, on the authority of the concluding sentence.–E.]
After this, while plying off and on about the islands, we espied another sail to which we gave chase, during which our admiral sprung his main-mast; yet in the night our vice-admiral got up with and captured the chase, which we found was laden with fish from Cape Blanco on which we let her go for want of hands to bring her home. Next day we descried two vessels, one a ship and the other a caravel, to which we gave chase, on which they made with all haste for the island of Gracioso, where they got to anchor under protection of a fort; as having the wind of us we were unable to cut them off from the land, or to get up to attack them with our ships as they lay at anchor. Having a small boat which we called a _light horseman_, there went into her myself and four men armed with calivers, and four others to row, in which we went towards them against the wind. On seeing us row towards them, they carried a considerable part of their merchandise on shore, and landed all the men of both vessels; and as soon as we got near, they began to fire upon us both from their cannon and small arms, which we returned as well as we could. We then boarded one of their ships, in which they had not left a single man; and having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, we sent her off with two of our men. The other seven of us then went very near the shore and boarded the caravel, which rode within stones throw of the shore, insomuch that the people on the land threw stones at us; yet in spite of them, we took possession of her, there being only one negro on board. Having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, she was so becalmed under the land that we had to tow her off with our boat, the fort still firing on us from their cannon, while the people on shore, to the number of about 150, continually fired at us with muskets and calivers, we answering them with our five muskets. At this time the shot from my musket, being a bar-shot, happened to strike the gunner of the fort dead, while he was levelling one of his great guns; and thus we got off from them without loss or wound on our part. Having thus taken five[337] sail in all, we did as we had done with the ship with the fish, we turned them off without hurting them, save that we took from one of them her mainmast for our admiral, and sent her away with all our Spanish and Portuguese prisoners, except Pedro Sarmiento, three other principal persons, and two negroes, leaving them within sight of land, with bread and water sufficient to serve them ten days.
[Footnote 337: Four only are mentioned in the text; and it appears that they only sent away at this time the first taken ship, in which they had captured Sarmiento.–E.]
We now bent our course for England, taking our departure from off the western islands in about the latitude of 41 deg. N. and soon afterwards one of our men descried a sail from the foretop, then ten sail, and then fifteen sail. It was now concluded to send off our two prizes, by manning of which we did not leave above 60 men in our two pinnaces. When we had dispatched them, we made sail towards the fleet we had discovered, which we found to consist of 24 sail in all; two of them being great caraks, one of 1200 and the other of 1000 tons, and 10 galeons, all the rest being small ships and caravels, laden with treasure, spices, and sugars. In our two small pinnaces we kept company with this fleet of 24 ships for 32 hours, continually fighting with them and they with us; but the two huge caraks always kept between their fleet and us, so that we were unable to take any one of them; till at length, our powder growing short, we were forced to give over, much against our wills, being much bent upon gaining some of them, but necessity compelling us by want of powder, we left them, without any loss of our men, which was wonderful, considering the disparity of force and numbers.
We now continued our course to Plymouth, where we arrived within six hours after our prizes, though we sent them away forty hours before we began our homeward course. We were joyfully received, with the ordnance of the town, and all the people hailed us with willing hearts, we not sparing our shot in return with what powder we had left. From thence we carried our prizes to Southampton, where our owner, Sir Walter Raleigh, met us and distributed to us our shares of the prizes.
Our prizes were laden with sugars, elephants teeth, wax, hides, Brazil-wood, and _cuser?_ as may be made manifest by the testimony of me, John Evesham, the writer hereof, as likewise of captains Whiddon, Thomas Rainford, Benjamin Wood, William Cooper master, William Cornish master, Thomas Drak corporal, John Ladd gunner, William Warefield gunner, Richard Moon, John Drew, Richard Cooper of Harwich, William Beares of Ratcliff, John Row of Saltash, and many others.
SECTION IV.
_Brief relation of notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake in 1587_[338].
INTRODUCTION.
The title of this article at large in Hakluyt is, A brief relation of the notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake, upon the Spanish fleet prepared in the road of Cadiz; and of his destroying 100 sail of barks; passing from thence all along the coast of Spain to _Cape Sacre_, where also he took certain forts; and so to the mouth of the river of Lisbon; thence crossing over sea to the isle of St Michael, where he surprised a mighty carak called the St Philip, coming from the East Indies, being the first of that kind ever seen in England.
[Footnote 338: Hakl. II. 607. Astl. I. 197.]
The editor of Astleys Collection says, that this relation seems to have been taken from a letter, written by one who was in the expedition to a friend; and thinks that it is not unlike the manner of Sir Walter Raleigh.–E.
* * * * *
Being informed of mighty naval preparations in Spain for the invasion of England, her Majesty queen Elizabeth, by the good advice of her grave and prudent council, thought it expedient to use measures to prevent the same; for which purpose she caused a fleet of some thirty sail to be equipped, over which she appointed as general Sir Francis Drake, of whose many former good services she had sufficient proof. She accordingly caused four ships of her royal navy to be delivered to him, the Bonaventure, in which he went general; the Lion, under the command of Mr William Borough, comptroller of the navy; the Dreadnought, commanded by Mr Thomas Venner; and the Rainbow, of which Mr Henry Bellingham was captain[339]. Besides these four ships, two of her majestys pinnaces were appointed to serve as tenders or advice boats. To this fleet, there were added certain tall ships belonging to the city of London, of whose special good service the general made particular mention, in his letters to the queen.
[Footnote 339: Sir William Monson in his Naval Tracts, in Churchills Collection, III. 156, gives a short account of this expedition. By him the admiral ship is called the Elizabeth Bonaventure, and Sir William Burroughs is called vice admiral. From a list given by Sir William Monson of the royal navy of England left by queen Elizabeth at her death, (Church. Coll. III. 196.) the Bonaventure appears to have been of the burden of 600 tons, carrying 50 pieces of cannon and 250 men, 70 of whom were mariners, and the rest landsmen. The Lion and Rainbow of 500 tons each, with the same number of guns and men as the Bonaventure. The Dreadnought of 400 tons, 20 guns, 200 men, 50 of them seamen.–E.]
This fleet sailed from Plymouth Sound, towards the coast of Spain, in April 1587. The 16th of that month, in latitude of 40 deg. N. we met two ships belonging to Middleburg, in Zealand, coming from Cadiz, by which we were acquainted that vast abundance of warlike stores were provided at Cadiz and that neighbourhood, and were ready to be sent to Lisbon. Upon this information, our general made sail with all possible expedition thither, to cut off and destroy their said forces and stores, and upon the 19th of April entered with his fleet into the harbour of Cadiz; where at our first entering we were assailed by six gallies over against the town, but which we soon constrained to retire under cover of their fortress. There were in the road at our arrival sixty ships, besides sundry small vessels close under the fortress. Twenty French ships fled immediately to Puerta Real, followed by some small Spanish vessels that were able to pass the shoals. At our first coming, we sunk a ship belonging to Ragusa of 1000 tons, very richly laden, which was armed with 40 brass guns. There came two other gallies from Port St Mary, and two more from Puerta Real, which shot freely at us, but altogether in vain, so that they were forced to retire well beaten for their pains. Before night we had taken 30 of their ships, and were entire masters of the road in spite of the gallies, which were glad to retire under the protection of the fort. Among the captured ships was one quite new, of extraordinary size, being above 1200 tons burden, belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, high admiral of Spain. Five were ships of Biscay, four of which were taking in stores and provisions belonging to the king of Spain for his great fleet at Lisbon, which we burnt. The fifth was of about 1000 tons, laden with iron spikes, nails, hoops, horse shoes, and other things of a similar kind, for the West Indies, which we likewise set on fire. We also took a ship of 250 tons, laden with wines on the kings account, which ship we carried with us to sea, when we took out the wines for our own use, and then set her on fire. We took three fliboats of 300 tons each, laden with biscuit, one of which we set on fire, after taking out half her loading, and took the other two with us to sea. We likewise fired ten ships, which were laden with wine, raisins, figs, oil, wheat, and the like. The whole number of ships which we then burnt, sunk, or brought away, amounted to 30 at the least, and by our estimation to the burden of 10,000 tons. Besides these, there were about 40 ships at Puerta Real, not including those that fled from Cadiz.
We found little ease during our stay in the road of Cadiz, as the enemy were continually firing at us from the gallies, the fortress, and the shore, being continually employed in planting new batteries against us in all convenient situations; besides which, finding they could not defend their ships any longer, they set them on fire that they might come among us, so that at the tide of flood we had much ado to defend ourselves: Yet was this a pleasant sight to behold, as we were thereby relieved from the great labour and fatigue of discharging the provisions and stores belonging to the enemy into our ships. Thus, by the assistance of the Almighty, and the invincible courage and good conduct of our general, this perilous but happy enterprize was achieved in one day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the king of Spain, and the so great vexation of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, the high admiral, that he never had a good day after, and in a few months, as may justly be supposed, he died of extreme grief. Having thus performed this notable service, we came out from the road of Cadiz on Friday morning, the 21st of April, having sustained so small loss as is not worth mentioning.
After our departure, the ten gallies which were in the road of Cadiz came out after us, as if in bravado, playing their ordnance against us. At this time the wind scanted, upon which we cast round again, and made for the shore, coming to anchor within a league of the town; and there, for all their vapouring, the gallies allowed us to ride in quiet. Having thus had experience of a galley fight, I can assure you that the four ships of her majesty which we had with us would make no scruple to fight with twenty gallies, if all alone, and not being occupied in guarding others. There never were gallies that had better place and opportunity of advantage to fight against ships; yet were they forced to retire from us while riding at anchor in a narrow gut, which we were obliged to maintain till we had discharged and fired their ships, which we could only do conveniently upon the flood tide, at which time the burning ships might drive clear of us. Being thus provisioned for several months with bread and wine at the enemies cost, besides what we had brought with us from England, our general dispatched captain Crosse to England with his letters, giving him farther in charge to relate all the particulars of this our first enterprize to her majesty.
We then shaped our course to Cape Sacre[340], and in our way thither we took at several times near 100 ships, barks, and caravels, laden with hoops, galley oars, pipe staves, and other stores belonging to the king of Spain, intended for furthering his preparations against England, all of which we set on fire and destroyed, setting all their men on shore. We also spoiled and destroyed all the fishing boats and nets thereabouts, to their great annoyance, and as we suppose to the entire overthrow of their rich Tunny fishing for that year. We came at length to Cape Sagres, where we landed; and the better to enjoy the harbour at our ease[341], we assailed the castle of Sagres and three other strong holds, some of which we took by storm and others by surrender. From thence we came before the harbour of Lisbon or mouth of the Tagus, where lay the Marquis of Santa Cruz with his fleet of gallies, who seeing us chase his ships on shore, and take and carry away his barks and caravels, was obliged to allow us to remain quietly at our pleasure, and likewise to depart, without exchanging a single shot. When our general sent him word that he was ready to combat with him, the marquis refused his challenge, saying that he was not then ready, neither had he any such commission from his sovereign.
[Footnote 340: Cape St Vincent, or rather Punta de Sagres, one of the head lands of that great promontory.–E.]
[Footnote 341: Probably the harbour of Figuera in Algarve, a town near Cape Sagres.–E.]
Thus having his challenge refused by the marquis, and seeing no more good to be done on the coast of Spain, our general thought it improper to spend any more time there; and therefore with consent of his chief officers[342], he shaped his course towards the island of St Michael, within 20 or 30 leagues of which he had the good fortune to fall in with a Portuguese carak, called the San Philippo, being the same ship which had carried out to the Indies three Japanese princes who had been in Europe[343]. The carak surrendered without resistance, and being the first that had ever been taken on the homeward voyage from India, the Portuguese took it for a bad omen, especially as she had the kings own name. Our general put all the people belonging to this carak into certain vessels well provided with provisions, and sent them courteously home to their own country. The riches of this prize seemed so great to the whole fleet, as in truth they were, that every one expected to have sufficient reward of their labour, and thereupon it was unanimously resolved to return to England, which we happily did, and arrived safe the same summer in Plymouth with our whole fleet and this rich booty, to our own profit and due honour, and the great admiration of the whole kingdom.
[Footnote 342: According to Sir William Monson, Church. Col. III. 156. Sir Francis Drake went upon this expedition to conciliate the merchant adventurers, to whom most of the ships of his squadron belonged.–E.]
[Footnote 343: Sir William Monson, in the place quoted above, says he had intelligence of this carak having wintered at Mosambique, and being now expected home.–E.]
It may be here noted, that the taking of this carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England; as in the first place it taught others that caraks were no such bugbears but that they might be easily taken, as has been since experienced in taking the Madre de Dios, and in burning and sinking others; and secondly in acquainting the English nation more particularly with the exceeding riches and vast wealth of the East Indies, by which themselves and their neighbours of Holland have been encouraged, being no less skillful in navigation nor of less courage than the Portuguese, to share with them in the rich trade of India, where they are by no means so strong as was formerly supposed.
SECTION V.
_Brief account of the Expedition of the Spanish Armada in 1588_[344].
Notwithstanding the great hurt and spoil made by Sir Francis Drake in Cadiz roads the year before, by intercepting some part of the preparations intended for the great navy of the king of Spain, he used his utmost endeavours to be revenged this year, lest by longer delay his designs might be prevented as before; wherefore he arrested all ships, men, and necessaries that were wanting for his fleet, compelling every one to serve him in his great expedition. He appointed for general of this his so called Invincible Armada, the duke of Medina Sidonia, who was employed on this occasion more for his high birth and exalted rank, than for any experience in sea affairs; for so many dukes, marquises, and earls had volunteered on this occasion, that it was feared they might repine if commanded by a person of lower quality than themselves. They departed from Lisbon on the 19th of May 1588, with the greatest pride and glory, and with less doubt of victory than ever had been done by any nation. But God, angry with their insolence, turned the event quite contrary to their expectation.
[Footnote 344: Church. Col. III. 157.]
The directions given by the king of Spain to his general, the duke of Medina Sidonia, were to repair, as wind and weather might allow, to the road of Calais in Picardy, there to wait the arrival of the prince of Parma and his army, and on their meeting they were to open a letter containing their farther instructions. He was especially commanded to sail along the coasts of Brittany and Normandy in going up the channel, to avoid being discovered by the English; and, if he even met the English fleet, he was in no case to offer them battle, but only to defend himself in case of attack. On coming athwart the North Cape[345] the duke was assailed with contrary wind and foul weather, by which he was forced to take shelter in the _Groyne_, or bay of Corunna, where part of his fleet waited for him.
[Footnote 345: Perhaps Cape Ortegal may be here meant, being the most northern head land of Spain, and not far from Corunna, called the Groyne in the text.–E.]
When about to depart from Corunna, the duke got intelligence from an English fisherman, that our fleet had lately been at sea, but had put back again and discharged most of their men, as not expecting the Spanish armada this year. This intelligence occasioned the duke to alter his resolutions, and to disobey the instructions given him by the king; yet this was not done without some difficulty, as the council was divided in opinion, some holding it best to observe the kings commands, while others were anxious not to lose the opportunity of surprising our fleet at unawares, when they hoped to burn and destroy them. Diego Flores de Valdes, who commanded the squadron of Andalusia, and on whom the duke most relied, because of his judgment and experience in maritime affairs, was the main cause of persuading to make the attempt upon our ships in harbour, and in that design they directed their course for England.
The first land they fell in with was the Lizard, being the most southerly point of Cornwall, which they mistook for the Ram-head off Plymouth; and as the night was at hand, they tacked out to sea, laying their account to make an attempt upon our ships in Plymouth next morning. In the mean time, while thus deceived in the land, they were discovered by captain Fleming, a pirate or freebooter who had been roving at sea, and who knowing them to be the Spanish fleet, repaired in all haste to Plymouth, and gave notice to our fleet then, riding at anchor, as follows:
THE ENGLISH FLEET[346].
_Ships. Commanders. Tons. Guns. Men._ The Ark Royal The Lord Admiral 800 32 400 Revenge Sir F. Drake, vice admiral Victory Sir J. Hawkins, rear admiral 800 52 400 Lion Lord Thomas Howard 500 80 250 Bear Lord Sheffield 900 40 500 Elizabeth-Jonas Sir Robert Southwell 900 40 500 Triumph Sir Martin Frobisher 1000 40 500 Hope Captain Crosse 600 30 250 Bonaventure —- Reyman 600 30 250 Dreadnought —- George Beeston 400 20 200 Nonparielle —- Thomas Fenner 500 50 250 Swiftsure —- William Fenner 400 20 200 Rainbow Lord Henry Seymour
Vauntguard Sir William Wentworth Mary-Rose Captain Fenton
Antilope Sir Henry Palmer 350 16 160 Foresight Captain Baker 300 16 160 Aid —- John Wentworth
Swallow —- Richard Hawkins 330 16 160 Tiger —- William Wentworth 200 12 100 Scout —- Ashley 120 8 66 Bull
Tremontanny 8 70 Acatice 100 8 60
Charles, pinnace Captain Roberts
Moon —- Clifford
Spy —- Bradbury 50 5 40 Noy
[Footnote 346: This list, as given by Sir William Monson in the present article, contains only the names of the ships and commanders; the other circumstances enumerated, tonnage, guns, and men, are added from a list of the royal navy of England at the death of queen Elizabeth, which will be given hereafter.–E.]
Immediately on receiving the intelligence brought by Fleming, the lord admiral got out his ships to sea with all possible expedition; so that before the Spaniards could draw near Plymouth, they were welcomed at sea by the lord admiral and his fleet, who continued to fight with them till they came to anchor at Calais. The particulars of the fight and its success I purposely omit, being things so well known[347].
[Footnote 347: This surely is a poor excuse for omitting the glorious destruction of the Spanish Armada; yet in a Collection of Voyages, it were improper to attempt supplying even this great omission, by any composition of our own; as it may be found in the historians of the time.–E.]
While this great armada was preparing, her majesty had frequent and perfect intelligence of the designs of the Spaniards; and knowing that the king of Spain intended to invade England by means of a mighty fleet from his own coast, she caused her royal navy to be fitted out under the conduct of the lord high admiral of England, whom she stationed at Plymouth as the fittest place for attending their coming. Knowing however, that it was not the Armada alone which could endanger the safety of England, as it was too weak for any enterprise on land, without the assistance of the Prince of Parma and his army in Flanders, she therefore appointed thirty ships of the Hollanders to lie at anchor off Dunkirk, where the prince and his army were to have embarked in flat bottomed boats, which were built on purpose and all in readiness for the expedition to England. Thus by the wise precautions of the queen, the prince was effectually prevented from putting to sea with his flat boats; but in truth neither his vessels nor his army were in readiness, which caused the king of Spain to be jealous of him ever after, and is supposed to have hastened his end.
Although her majesty had taken the most vigilant precautions to foresee and prevent all dangers that might threaten from sea, yet did she not deem herself and country too secure against the enemy by these means, and therefore prepared a royal army to receive them in case of landing. But it was not the will of God that the enemy should set foot on England, and the queen became victorious over him at sea with small hazard, and little bloodshed of her subjects. Having thus shewn the designs of the Spaniards, and the course pursued by the queen to prevent them, I propose now to consider the errors committed on both sides[348].
[Footnote 348: Our readers are requested to remember that these are the reflections of Sir William Monson, a contemporary.–E.]
Nothing could appear more rational or more likely to happen, after the Duke of Medina Sidonia had got intelligence of the state of our navy, than a desire to surprise them at unawares in harbour; since he well knew, if he had taken away or destroyed our strength at sea, that he might have landed when and where he pleased, which is a great advantage to an invading enemy: Yet, admitting it to have had the effect he designed, I see not how he is to be commended for infringing the instructions he had received from his sovereign. That being the case, it is easy to appreciate what blame he deserved for the breach of his instructions, when so ill an event followed from his rashness and disobedience. It was not his want of experience, or his laying the blame on Valdes, that excused him at his return to Spain, where he certainly had been severely punished, had not his wife obtained for him the royal favour.
Before the arrival in Spain of the ships that escaped from the catastrophe of this expedition, it was known there that Diego Flores de Valdes had persuaded the duke to infringe the royal instructions. Accordingly, the king had given strict orders in all his ports, wherever Valdes might arrive, to apprehend him, which was executed, and he was carried to the castle of Santander, without being permitted to plead in his defence, and remained there without being ever seen or heard of afterwards; as I learned from his page, with whom I afterwards conversed, we being both prisoners together in the castle of Lisbon. If the directions of the king of Spain had been punctually carried into execution, then the armada had kept along the coast of France, and had arrived in the road of Calais before being discovered by our fleet, which might have greatly endangered the queen and realm, our fleet being so far off at Plymouth. And, though the Prince of Parma had not been presently ready, yet he might have gained sufficient time to get in readiness, in consequence of our fleet being absent. Although the prince was kept in by the thirty sail of Hollanders, yet a sufficient number of the dukes fleet might have been able to drive them from the road of Dunkirk and to have possessed themselves of that anchorage, so as to have secured the junction of the armada and the land army; after which it would have been an easy matter for them to have transported themselves to England. What would have ensued on their landing may be well imagined.
But it was the will of HIM who directs all men and their actions, that the fleets should meet, and the enemy be beaten, as they were, and driven from their anchorage in Calais roads, the Prince of Parma blockaded in the port of Dunkirk, and the armada forced to go about Scotland and Ireland with great hazard and loss: Which shews how God did marvellously defend us against the dangerous designs of our enemies. Here was a favourable opportunity offered for us to have followed up the victory upon them: For, after they were beaten from the road of Calais, and all their hopes and designs frustrated, if we had once more offered to fight them, it is thought that the duke was determined to surrender, being so persuaded by his confessor. This example, it is very likely, would have been followed by the rest. But this opportunity was lost, not through the negligence or backwardness of the lord admiral, but through the want of providence in those who had the charge of furnishing and providing for the fleet: For, at that time of so great advantage, when they came to examine into the state of their stores, they found a general scarcity of powder and shot, for want of which they were forced to return home; besides which, the dreadful storms which destroyed so many of the Spanish fleet, made it impossible for our ships to pursue those of them that remained. Another opportunity was lost, not much inferior to the other, by not sending part of our fleet to the west of Ireland, where the Spaniards were of necessity to pass, after the many dangers and disasters they had endured. If we had been so happy as to have followed this course, which was both thought of and discoursed of at the time, we had been absolutely victorious over this great and formidable armada. For they were reduced to such extremity, that they would willingly have yielded, as divers of them confessed that were shipwrecked in Ireland.
By this we may see how weak and feeble are the designs of men, in respect of the great Creator; and how indifferently he dealt between the two nations, sometimes giving one the advantage sometimes the other; and yet so that he only ordered the battle.
SECTION VI.
_Account of the Relief of a part of the Spanish Armada, at Anstruther in Scotland, in 1588_[349].
However glorious and providential the defeat and destruction of the _Invincible Armada_, it does not belong to the present work to give a minute relation of that great national event. It seems peculiarly necessary and proper, however, in this work, to give a very curious unpublished record respecting the miserable fate of the Spanish armada, as written by a contemporary, the Reverend James Melville, minister of Anstruther, a sea-port town on the Fife, or northern, shore of the Frith of Forth.
[Footnote 349: From MS. Memoirs of James Melville, a contemporary.]
James Melville, who was born in 1556, and appears to have been inducted to the living of Anstruther only a short time before the year 1588, left a MS. history of his own life and times, extending to the year 1601. Of this curious unpublished historical document, there are several copies extant, particularly in the splendid library of the Faculty of Advocates, and in that belonging to the Writers to the Signet, both at Edinburgh. The present article is transcribed from a volume of MSS belonging to a private gentleman, communicated to the editor by a valued literary friend. It had formerly belonged to a respectable clergyman of Edinburgh, and has the following notice of its origin written by the person to whom it originally belonged.
“The following History of the Life of James Melville, was transcribed from an old MS. lent to me by Sir William Calderwood of Poltoun, one of the Judges of the Courts of Session and Justiciary, who had it among other papers that belonged to his grand-uncle, Mr David Calderwood, author of Altare Damascenum, History, &c.”
This MS. so far as it contains the Life of James Melville, extends to 360 folio pages; of which the present article occupies about three pages, from near the bottom of p. 184. to nearly the same part of p. 187. The orthography seems to have been considerably modernized by the transcriber, but without changing the antiquated words and modes of expression. Such of these as appeared difficult to be understood by our English readers, are here explained between brackets.–E.
* * * * *
That winter, [1587-8] the King [James VI. of Scotland] was occupied in commenting of the Apocalyps, and in setting out sermons thereupon, against the papists and Spaniards; and yet, by a piece of great oversight, the papists practiced never more busily in this land, and [nor] made greater preparation for receiving of the Spaniards, nor [than] that year. For a long time, the news of a Spanish navy and army had been blazed abroad; and about the lambastyde of the year 1588, this island had found a fearful effect thereof, to the utter subversion both of kirk and policy, if God had not wonderfully watched over the same, and mightily foughen and defeat that army, by his souldiers the elements, which he made all four most fiercely till afflict them, till almost utter consumption. Terrible was the fear, peircing were the preachings, earnest zealous and fervent were the prayers, sounding were the sighs and sabs, and abounding were the tears, at that fast and general assembly keeped at Edinburgh, when the news were credibly told, sometimes of their landing at Dunbar, sometimes at St Andrews and in Tay, and now and then at Aberdeen and Cromerty firth: and, in very deed, as we knew certainly soon after, the Lord of armies, who rides upon the wings of the wind, the Keeper of his own Israel, was in the mean time convying that monstrous navy about our coasts, and directing their hulks and galliasses to the islands, rocks and sands, whereupon he had distinat their wrack and destruction.
For, within two or three moneths thereafter, early in the morning by break of day, one of our baillies[350] came to my bed side, saying, but not with fray [fear], “I have to tell you news, Sir: There is arrived within our harbour this morning, a shipfull of Spaniards, but not to give mercy; but to ask.” And so shews me that the commander had landed, and he had commanded them to their ship again, and the Spaniards had humbly obeyed. He therefore desired me to rise and hear their petition with them. Up I got with diligence, and, assembling the honest men of the town, came to the tolbooth[351], and after consultation taken to hear them and what answer to make, there presented us a very venerable man of big stature, and grave and stout countenance, grey haired and very humble like, who, after much and very low courtesie, bowing down with his face near the ground, and touching my shoe with his hand, began his harangue in the Spanish tongue, whereof I understood the substance; and, I being about to answer in Latin, he having only a young man with him to be his interpreter, [who] began and told over again to us in good English.
[Footnote 350: The baillies of towns in Scotland are equivalent to aldermen in England. The author here refers to the town of Anstruther, a sea port town of Fife, on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth, of which he was minister. There are two Anstruthers, easter and wester, very near each other, and now separate parishes; but it does not appear to which of these the present historical document refers: Perhaps they were then one.–E.]
[Footnote 351: The town-house; but now generally applied to signify the prison, then, and even now, often attached to the town hall.–E.]
The sum was, That king Philip his master had rigged out a navy and army to land in England, for just causes to be avenged of many intollerable wrongs which he had received of that nation. But God, for their sins, had been against them, and by storm of weather had driven the navy _by_ [past] the coast of England, and him with certain captains, being the general of twenty hulks, upon an isle of Scotland called the Fair isle, where they had made shipwrack, and were, so many as had escaped the merciless seas and rocks, more nor [than] six or seven weeks suffered great hunger and cold, till conducting that bark out of Orkney, they were come hither as to their special friends and confederates, to kiss the kings majesties hand of Scotland, and herewith he _becked_ [bowed] even to the _yeard_ [ground]; and to find relief and comfort thereby to himself, these gentlemen, captains, and the poor souldiers, whose condition was for the present most miserable and pitiful.
I answered this much in sum, That, howbeit neither our friendship, which could not be great, seeing their king and they were friends to the greatest enemy of Christ, the pope of Rome, and our king and we defied him, nor yet their cause against our neighbours and special friends of England, could procure any benefit at our hands for their relief or comfort; nevertheless they should know by experience that we were men, and so moved by human compassion, and christians of better religion _nor_ [than] they, which should _kythe_ [appear manifest] in the fruits and effects plain contrary to theirs: For, whereas our people, resorting among them in peaceable and lawful affairs of merchandise, were violently taken and cast in prison, their goods and _gier_ [chattels] confiscate, and their bodies committed to the cruel flaming fire for the cause of religion, they should find nothing amongst us but Christian pity and works of mercy and alms, leaving to God to work in their hearts concerning religion as it pleased him. This being truly reported again to him by his townsmen, with great reverence he gave thanks and said, “He could not make answer for their _kirk_ [church], and the laws and order thereof, only for himself, that there were divers Scotsmen who knew him, and to whom he had shewn courtesy and favour at Calice[352], and as he supposed some of this same town of Anstruther.”
[Footnote 352: _Calice_ in this passage, and _Calais_ in one subsequent, certainly means Cadiz in Spain; which to this day is often called _Cales_ by English mariners.–E.]
So [I] shewed him that the bailies had granted him licence, with the captains, to go to their lodging for their refreshment, but to none of their men to land, till the overlord of the town were advertised, and understood the kings majesties mind _anent_ [concerning] them. Thus with great courtesie he departed.
That night the _laird_ [lord of the manor] being advertised, came; and, on the morn, with a good number of the gentlemen of the countrey round about, gave the said general and the captains _presence_, [audience] and after the same speeches in effect as before, received them in his house, and suffered the souldiers to come a land and ly altogether to the number of thirteen score, for the most part young beardless men, _silly_, [weak] travelled, and hungered; to the which, one day or two _kail pottage_[353] and fish was given; for my advice was conform to the prophet Elizeus [Elisha] his to the king of Israel in Samaria, _Give them bread and water, &c._
[Footnote 353: A mess formerly much used in Scotland among the commons, being a kind of soup maigre, composed of _kail_, a species of greens or coleworts, boiled in water, and thickened with oat-meal, grits, or shelled barley.–E.]
The names of the commanders were Jan [Juan] Gomes de Medina, general of twenty hulks, captain Patricio, captain de Lagaretto, captain de Luffera, captain Mauretio, and Seingour Serrano. But verily all the while, my heart melted within me for desire of thankfulness to God, when I remembered the prideful and cruel natural temper of the people, and how they would have used us, in case they had landed with their forces among us, and the wonderful work of Gods mercy and justice in making us see them, the chief commanders of them, to make such due-gard [submission] and courtesie to poor seamen, and their souldiers, so abjectly, to beg alms at our doors and in our streets.
In the mean time, they knew not of the wrack of the rest, but supposed that the rest of the army was safely returned [to Spain,] till one day I got in St Andrews, in print, the wrack of the gallies in particular, with the names of the principal men, and how they were used, in Ireland and our Highlands, in Wales and other parts of England. The which, when I recorded to Jan Gomes, by particular and special names, he cried out for grief, _bursted and grat_ [burst into tears.] This Jan Gomes shewed great kindness to a ship of our town, which he found arriested at _Calais_[354] at home coming, _rode_[355] to court for her, and made great _russe_ [praise] of Scotland to his king, took the honest men to his house, and inquired for the laird of Anstruther, for the minister, and his host, and sent home many commendations: But we thanked God in our hearts, that we had seen them in that form.
[Footnote 354: This must signify Cadiz, as mentioned before.–E.]
[Footnote 355: Perhaps ought to have been _wrote_.–E.]
SECTION VII.
_A cruising Voyage to the Azores in 1589, by the Earl of Cumberland_[356].
We learn from Hakluyt, II. 647, that this narrative was written by Mr Edward Wright, an eminent mathematician and engineer, who was the real author of that admirable invention for charts, commonly called _Mercators projection_, but unjustly, as Mr Wright complains in his work entitled _Vulgar Errors_, where he charges Mercator with plagiarism. From the narrative, Mr Wright appears to have been engaged in the expedition and on board the Victory[357].
[Footnote 356: Hakluyt, II. 647. Churchill, III. 161. Astley, I. 206.]
[Footnote 357: Astley, I. 206. a.]
* * * * *
The right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, intending to cruize against the enemy, prepared a small fleet of four ships only[358] at his own charges, one of which was the Victory[359] belonging to the queens royal navy. The others were the Meg and Margaret, two small ships, one of which was soon obliged to be sent home as unable to endure the sea, besides a small caravel. Having assembled about 400 men, sailors and soldiers, with several gentlemen volunteers, the earl and they embarked and set sail from Plymouth Sound on the 28th June 1589, accompanied by the following captains and gentlemen. Captain Christopher Lister, an officer of great resolution, Captain Edward Careless, _alias Wright_, who had been captain of the Hope in Sir Francis Drakes expedition to the West Indies against St Domingo and Carthagena; Captain Boswel, Mr Mervin, Mr Henry Long, Mr Partridge, Mr Norton; Mr William Monson, afterwards Sir William[360], who was captain of the Meg and vice-admiral, and Mr Pigeon, who was captain of the caravel.
[Footnote 358: Sir William Monson, in Churchills collection, says there were _five_ ships; and indeed we find a fifth, called the Saucy Jack, mentioned in the narrative.–E.]
[Footnote 359: The Victory was of 800 tons, carrying 32 guns and 400 men; of whom, according to Sir William Monson, 268 were mariners, and 100 sailors, the remaining 32 being probably soldiers, or as we now call them marines. The distinction between mariners and sailors is not obvious; perhaps what are now called ordinary and able seamen,–E.]
[Footnote 360: Sir William Monson was author of some curious Naval Tracts, giving an account of the Royal Navy of England in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James I. which are preserved in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. pp. 147–508.–E.]
About three days after our departure from Plymouth, we met with three French ships, one of which belonged to Newhaven[361], and another to St Maloes; and finding them to be leaguers[362], and therefore lawful prizes, we took them, and sent two of them home to England with all their loading, being mostly fish from Newfoundland, having first distributed among our ships as much of the fish as they could find stowage room for; and in the third ship we sent all the prisoners home to France. On that day and the next we met some other ships, but finding them belonging to Rotterdam and Embden, bound for Rochelle, we dismissed them. On the 28th and 29th, we met several of our English ships returning from an expedition to Portugal, which we relieved with victuals. The 13th July, being in sight of the coast of Spain in lat. 39 deg. N. we descried eleven ships, on which we immediately prepared to engage them, sending the Meg commanded by Captain Monson to ascertain what and whence they were. On the approach of the Meg some shots were exchanged, and as their admiral and vice-admiral displayed their flags, we perceived that some fighting was likely to follow. Having therefore prepared for battle, we made all haste towards them, always taking care to get to windward, and between ten and eleven o’clock A.M. we came up with them in the Victory, when they all yielded after a slight resistance. The masters all came on board our admiral, and shewed their several passports from Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, Pomerania, and Calais. They had certain bags of pepper and cinnamon, which they confessed to belong to a Jew in Lisbon, which they had charge of to deliver to his factor in their country; and finding this to be lawful prize by their own confession, the same was taken and divided among our whole company, the value being estimated at L.4500, at two shillings the pound[363]. We dismissed these ships on the 17th of July, but seven of their men, having volunteered as sailors in our fleet, were taken to reinforce our crew. After this we held on our course for the Azores or Western islands.
[Footnote 361: Probably that port now called Havre de Grace.–E.]
[Footnote 362: Alluding to the _Catholic League_, then in alliance with Spain, and in rebellious opposition to their lawful sovereign, for the purpose of excluding the king of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. from the crown of France.–E.]
[Footnote 363: Sir William Monson, who gives a short account of this expedition in the Naval Tracts already quoted, says that spices to the value of L.7000 were taken out of these vessels.–E.]
In the morning of the 1st August we got sight of St Michael, one of the eastermost of the Azores, towards which we made sail all that day; and, putting up a Spanish flag at our maintop that we might not be suspected for enemies, we approached at night to the chief town and road of the island, where we espied three ships and some other vessels at anchor, all of which we determined to take during the darkness of the night. Accordingly about ten or eleven o’clock P.M. our boats were sent well manned to cut their cables and hawsers and tow them out to sea. On coming to them, one of the largest of these ships was found to be the Falcon of London, commanded by a Scots pilot who passed her off as his own. But our men let loose three other smaller ships, which they towed towards us, most of their men leaping overboard and swimming on shore with loud outcries, which were answered from the town, which was all in an uproar on hearing what was going forwards. The castle discharged some shots at our boats, but being unable to see them by reason of the darkness, did us no harm. The Scotsman too, to make the Spaniards believe him their friend, fired a few shots in the air. Shortly after, he and some others came on board our admiral, offering their services. The three ships brought out were laden with wine and sallad oil from Seville. The same day our caravel chaced a Spanish caravel on shore, which carried letters by which we learnt that the caraks had departed from the island of Tercera eight days before.
The 7th of August we got sight of a small ship which we chased towards Tercera with our pinnace, the weather being calm, and overtook her towards evening, when we found in her 30 tons of good Madeira wine, besides woollen cloth, silk, taffeta, and other goods. Coming on the 14th to the island of Flores, it was determined to take in fresh water, and such fresh provisions as the island afforded; wherefore manning our boats with about 120 men, we rowed towards the shore, where the inhabitants, who were assembled at the watering-place, hung out a flag of truce, and we did the like. On coming to them, the earl gave them to understand, by means of his Portuguese interpreter, that he was a friend to their king Don Antonio, and came not with any intention to injure them, meaning only to procure water and fresh provisions, by way of exchange for oil wine and pepper, to which they readily agreed, and sent off some of their people immediately for beeves and sheep. In the meantime we marched southwards to their town of Santa Cruz, whence all the inhabitants had fled and carried off every thing of value. On demanding the reason of this, they answered it proceeded from fear, and that they always did so on the appearance of any ships near their coast. That part of the island was mostly composed of large rocky hills and barren mountains, and was little inhabited, being apt to be molested by ships of war; and even Santa Cruz, one of their principal towns, was all in ruins, having been burnt about two years before by some English ships of war, according to what we were told by the inhabitants. As we were rowing towards the Victory in the evening, a huge fish pursued us for nearly two miles, mostly distant about a spear length from the stern of the boat, and sometimes so near as to touch. The tips of his fins at the gills, appearing often above water, were by estimation four or five yards asunder, and his jaws gaping a yard and half wide, put us in fear he might overset our pinnace; but God be thanked, by rowing as hard as we could, we escaped.
When we were about the island of Flores, we got notice from a small vessel called the Drake[364], that the caraks were at Tercera, of which news we were very glad, and made sail thither with all the speed we could. By the way we came to Fayal road on the 27th August after sunset, where we saw some ships at anchor, towards which Captains Lister and Monson were sent in the skiff to see what they were, and lest any mischance should befall our boat, we sent in likewise the Saucy Jack and the small caravel; but as the wind was off shore, these vessels were not able to set up to where the Spanish ships were anchored. The skiff went on however, and endeavoured to board a ship of 250 tons, which carried 14 pieces of ordnance, and continued fighting with her for an hour, till our other boats came up to the rescue and aid of the skiff. A fresh boarding was then attempted, by one boat on the quarter and another on the bow, when we entered on one side while all the Spaniards leapt overboard on the other side, except Juan de Palma the captain, and two or three more. This ship was moored close to the castle, which fired at us all the time; but the only one wounded on the occasion was the master of our caravel, who had the calf of one of his legs shot away. This ship was from St Juan de Puerto Rico, laden with sugar ginger and hides. After we had towed her clear of the castle, our boats went in again and brought out five other small ships; one laden with hides, another with elephants teeth, grains[365], cocoa-nuts, and goats skins, come from Guinea; another with woad, and two with dog-fish, which two last were set adrift as of no value, but all the other four were sent for England on the 30th of August. At the taking of these prizes there were consorted with us some other small men of war, as Master John Davis, with his ship, pinnace, and boat; Captain Markesburie with his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Raleigh; and the bark of Lyme, which also was consorted with us before.
[Footnote 364: Sir William Monson says, from an English man of war.–E.]
[Footnote 365: Guinea Pepper.–E.]
The last of August we came in sight of Tercera in the morning, being about nine or ten leagues from shore, when we espied a small boat under sail coming towards us, which seemed strange at such a distance from land and no ship in sight; but on coming near, we found it to contain eight Englishmen, who had been prisoners in Tercera, and had committed themselves to the sea in this open boat in hopes to escape. Their mainyard consisted of two pipe-staves tied together by the ends, and they had no other provisions than what they had been able to carry off in their pockets and bosoms. When taken on board the Victory, they gave us certain assurance that the caraks had left Tercera about a week before. Being thus without any hopes of taking the caraks, it was resolved to return for Fayal, intending to surprise the town; but till the 9th of September, we had either the wind so contrary, or such calm weather, that in all that time we scarcely made nine or ten leagues way, lingering up and down near the island of Pico.
In the afternoon of the 10th September, we came again to Fayal road; upon which the earl sent Captain Lister, with a person from Graciosa whom Captain Monson had taken some time before, and some others, carrying a message to Fayal. He was met by some of the inhabitants in a boat, who were brought by Captain Lister to my lord, who gave them their choice, either to allow him to take possession of the platform or fort, when he and his company would remain quietly there for some space, without injury, till the inhabitants had compounded for the ransom of their town; or else to stand the chance of war. With this message they returned on shore; but those who had charge of the fort said, that it was contrary to their allegiance and the oath they had taken to king Philip, to deliver up their garrison without endeavouring to defend it. Upon this, the earl gave orders for all the boats of the different ships to be manned and armed, and he soon afterwards landed with all his men on the sandy beach under the side of a hill, about half a league from the fort. Certain troops both horse and foot were seen on the top of the hill, and two other companies appeared to oppose us with displayed ensigns, one on the shore in front of the town, which marched towards our landing place as if they meant to attack us; while the other was seen in a valley to the south of the fort, as if coming to assist in defending the town; and at the same time, the garrison in the fort fired upon us briskly from their cannon. In spite of all these demonstrations of resistance, having first marshalled his men in proper order, my lord marched along the sandy beach towards the fort, passing between the sea and the town for something more than a mile; and as the shore became rocky, so as to render any farther progress in that direction extremely difficult, he entered the town, and marched through the streets unopposed to the fort, these companies of the enemy, that seemed at first resolved to resist his progress, being soon dispersed. Those in the fort likewise fled at our approach, leaving my lord and his men to scale the walls and gain possession, without any resistance. In the meantime the ships continued to batter the town and fort, until they saw the _red cross_ of England floating from the walls.
Fayal is the principal town of this island, and is situated directly over against the high and mighty mountain of _Pico_, towards the north-west from that mountain, from which it is divided by a narrow sea or strait, which at that place is some two or three leagues broad, between the islands of Fayal and Pico. This town contained about 300 houses, which were handsomely and strongly built of stone and lime, their roofs being double covered with hollow tyles, much like those used in England, only that they are less at one end than at the other. Almost every house had a cistern or well in a garden behind, in which likewise there were vines with ripe grapes, forming pleasant arbours or shady walks; and in every garden there grew some tobacco, then hardly known, but now commonly used in England, with which the women of the place were then in use to stain their faces, to make them look young and fresh. In these gardens there likewise grew pepper, both Indian and common, fig-trees with fruit both white and red, peach-trees rather of humble growth, oranges, lemons, quinces, potatoes, and other fruits and roots. Sweet wood, which I think is cedar, is very common in that island, and is used both for building and fuel.
Having possessed himself of the town and fort, my lord issued orders that none of the soldiers or mariners should enter into any of the houses for plunder, and was especially careful that none of the churches or religious houses should suffer injury of any kind, all of which were preserved from violation by the appointment of guards for their protection. But the rest of the town, either from the want of that precaution, or owing to the cupidity of our people, was rifled and ransacked by the soldiers and mariners, who scarcely left a single house unsearched, taking out of them every thing that struck their fancy or seemed worth carrying away, such as chests of sweet wood, chairs, clothes, coverlets, hangings, bedding, and the like; besides many of our people ranged the country in search of plunder, where some of them were wounded by the inhabitants. The friery at this place contained Franciscan friars, not one of whom was able to speak pure Latin. It was built in 1506 by a friar of that order belonging to Angra in the island of Tercera. The tables in its hall or refectory had seats only on one side, and was always covered, as if ever ready for feasting. We continued in the town from the Wednesday afternoon, at which time we took possession, until the Saturday night, when the inhabitants agreed to pay 2000 ducats for its ransom, which was mostly paid in church plate. In the fort there were 58 pieces of iron ordnance, 23 of which, according to my remembrance, were mounted upon carriages, and placed between baricadoes or merlins on a platform by the sea side. Taking away all the ordnance, we set the platform on fire. On the Sunday following, my lord had invited as many of the inhabitants as chose to dine with him on board the Victory, save only Diego Gomez the governor, who only came once to confer about the ransom. Only four came, who were well entertained, and were afterwards honourably dismissed with the sound of drums and trumpets, and a salute from our cannon. To these persons my lord delivered a letter subscribed by himself, requesting all other Englishmen to abstain from any farther molestation of the place, save only to take such water and provisions as might be necessary.
The day after we came to Fayal, being the 11th September, two men came to us from Pico, who had been prisoners in that island; and we also set a prisoner at liberty who had been sent thither from St Jago, being cousin to a servant of Don Antonio king of Portugal, then residing in England. On Monday we sent our boats on shore for fresh water, having now abundance running down the hills in consequence of heavy rain the night before, which otherwise had been hard to be got. Next day we sent again on shore to complete our stock of water, which was not then so easily brought off, by reason of a strong gale, which increased so much in the afternoon that we did not think it safe to ride so near the land, for which reason we weighed anchor, and stood N.W. by W. along the coast of Fayal. Some of the inhabitants came on board this day, who told us that the wind usually blew strong at W.S.W. at this time of the year on this coast. While near St Georges Island we saw a huge fish of a black colour right ahead of our ship, a little under water, or rather even with its surface, on which the sea broke in such manner that we supposed it a rock; and as we were going directly stem on, we were in great fear for a time how to avoid the seeming danger, till at length we saw it move out of our way.
It lightened much in the night of the 16th September, which was followed by heavy rains and violent gales till the 21st. On the 23d we returned to Fayal road, to weigh an anchor which we had left in our haste to depart. We went on shore to the town, whence many of the people ran away, or were preparing to depart with their goods, till assured by my lord that they had nothing to fear, as we only came for fresh water and other necessaries, for all of which they should be paid to their satisfaction. We then went quietly about the town, purchasing such things as we needed as peaceably as if we had been in England; and the people helped us to fill our water casks, for which they received what satisfied them. We were forced by a heavy tempest to depart on the 25th, before we had completed our water; and the tempest came on so suddenly that my lord himself had to raise the people from their beds to weigh the anchors, himself assisting at the capstans, and cheering the men with wine. Next day, the caravel and the Saucy Jack were sent to the road of St Michaels to see what was there, and we followed on the 27th, plying to and fro; but by contrary winds on the 28th, 29th, and 30th, we were driven to leeward, and could not get near the island. The 1st October, we sailed along the island of Tercera, and at Cape Brazil, near Angra, the strongest town of that island, we espied some boats going towards the town, which we attempted to intercept; but being near land, they ran on shore and escaped.
Coming near Graciosa in the afternoon, my lord sent Captain Lister on shore, to inform the islanders that he only wanted water, wine, and some fresh provisions, and would not otherwise trouble them. They sent back word that they could give no positive answer, until the governors of the island had consulted on the subject, and desired therefore to send for an answer next day. The 2d October, early in the morning, we dispatched our long-boat and pinnace, with 50 or 60 men, together with the Margaret and Captain Davis in his ship to protect them, as we now wanted our other consorts; but when our people endeavoured to land, they were fired at by the islanders, who would not permit them to go on shore, several troops of armed men being drawn up to oppose us with displayed ensigns. Our boats rowed along shore, seeking some place where they might land, without the enemy having too much advantage, our ships and boats firing all the while upon the islanders. No convenient place being found for landing, we were under the necessity of retiring without any answer, as had been promised. After some negociation and delay, they agreed to let us have sixty butts of wine, together with fresh provisions to refresh our men; but declared we could not have water, having little or none for themselves, except what they had saved in tanks or cisterns, insomuch that they would rather give us two tons of wine than one of water. They requested that our soldiers might not come on shore, as they would themselves bring all they had promised to the water side; which request was granted, one of their messengers remaining on board as an hostage for the fulfilment of their promise, while the other went ashore with our empty casks and some of our men to assist in filling them and bringing them away, with such other provision as was promised.
The Margaret, the ship of Captain Davis, and another belonging to Weymouth remained at anchor before the town, to take in our wine and provisions. This ship of Weymouth came to us only the day before, having taken a rich prize said to be worth sixteen thousand pounds, and brought us news that the West India fleet had not yet gone past, but was shortly expected. We put to sea in the Victory, and on Saturday the 4th October, we took a French ship of St Maloes, a city belonging to the league, laden with fish from Newfoundland, which had been forced to cut away her mast in a tempest, and was now bound to Gracioso for repairs. Taking out her principal people, we put some of our own mariners and soldiers on board, and sent her off for England. At night on the following Sunday, having received all the supplies promised us at Gracioso, we parted from the islanders in a friendly manner, and saluted them with our ordnance.
The three next days we plyed to and fro among these western islands, having very rough weather. On Thursday night, being driven to within three or four leagues of Tercera, we saw fifteen sail of the West India fleet going into the haven of Angra in that island; but, though we lay as close to windward as possible during the four following days, we were unable to get near them. At this time we lost sight of our French prize, which was not able to lay so close to the wind as our ships, and heard no more of her till our return to England, where she arrived safe. Getting at length on the fifth day near the mouth of Angra harbour, we inclined to have run among the West India fleet, on purpose to have cut out some of them if possible; but this enterprize was deemed too hazardous, considering the strength of the place, as the ships were hauled close to the town on our approach, under protection of the castle of Brazil on one side, having 25 pieces of ordnance, and a fort on the other side with 13 or 14 large brass cannon. Besides which, on nearing the land, the wind proved too scanty for the attempt.
On Thursday the 14th October, we sent our boat into the road of Angra to take the soundings, and to endeavour to find some proper place for us to anchor, beyond the shot of the castle and within shot of some of the ships, that we might either force them to come out to us or sink them where they lay. Our boat found a fit place for us, but the wind would not suffer us to get to it; and besides, if we had anchored there, it was more likely that they would have run their ships on shore, to save their lives and liberties and some of their goods, than have resigned all to us by coming out. We therefore discharged a few guns at them, but our shot fell far short; upon which we departed, as it was not likely they would come out while we watched before the mouth of the harbour, or remained within sight. We accordingly put to sea, where we cruized for five days, sending a pinnace to watch them close in shore but out of sight, to bring us word when they set sail. After some time the pinnace brought us notice that all the ships had taken down their sails and struck their top-masts, so that we concluded they would remain till sure of our departure. Wherefore, having heard there were some Scots ships at St Michael, we sailed thither on the 20th October, and found there one Scots _roader_, and two or three more at Villa-franca, the next road, a league or two east from St Michaels. From these we received five or six butts of wine and some fresh water, but by no means sufficient to serve our wants. The 21st October, we sent our long-boat on shore to procure fresh water at a brook a short way west from Villa-franca; but the inhabitants came down with about 150 armed men, having two ensigns displayed, and our boat was forced to return without water, having spent all its powder in vain, and being unable to prevail against such great odds.
Learning that the island of St Mary was a place of no great strength, we made sail for that place, intending to take in water there, and to go thence to the coast of Spain. On the Friday following, my lord sent captain Lister and captain Amias Preston, afterwards Sir Amias, with our long-boat and pinnace, with between 60 and 70 arquebusiers, carrying a friendly letter to the islanders, desiring leave to procure water, in exchange for which he engaged to do them no harm. Captain Preston had come on board the Victory not long before from his own ship, which lost company with us in the night, so that he was under the necessity of remaining with us. We departed from the Victory in our boats about nine in the morning, rowing for the land, and by three in the afternoon had got within a league or two of the shore, being then four or five leagues from the Victory, and our men sore spent with hard rowing. At this time we perceived, to our great joy, two ships at anchor close under the town; upon which we shifted six or seven of our men into the boat belonging to captain Davis, being too much crowded, and retaining about 20 arquebusiers in the pinnace, we made towards these two ships with all possible haste.
While proceeding towards them, we saw several boats passing between the _roaders_[366] and the shore, and many men in their shirts swimming and wading on shore, who, as we afterwards learnt, were endeavouring to get the ships fast aground; and the inhabitants were at the same time busied in preparing to defend the ships and themselves against us. On coming near them, captain Lister commanded the trumpets to be sounded, but prohibited any firing till farther orders; yet some of the people, either not hearing, or disregardful of these orders, began firing as soon as the trumpets sounded, though with small injury to the islanders, who mostly lay under the cover of trenches or other means of defence. Captain Lister then urged on the rowers, who began to shrink at the shot from the enemy which flew thick about their ears, and was himself the first to board one of the ships which lay farther from shore than the other, while we speedily followed, still plying the enemy with our shot, and having cut her cables and hawsers, we towed her out to sea. In the mean time, captain Davis came up in his boat, and boarded the other ship, both having been abandoned by their crews; but, as she was quite fast aground, he was under the necessity of quitting her, exposed to shot and stones even from the shore. At this time, the towns-people made an attempt to capture captain Davis and his boats crew, which were but few in number; but they joined us, and we jointly towed off our prize, which was a ship from Brazil laden with sugar. In this exploit we had two men slain and sixteen wounded, while it is probable that the enemy suffered small loss, as they were mostly sheltered behind stone walls, many of which were built above one another on the end of the hill on which the town stands, between two vallies. On the top of the hill they had some large cannon, from which they fired leaden bullets, one only of which went through the side of our prize, but did no other injury.
[Footnote 366: This uncommon word seems merely to signify, ships lying at anchor in an open road.–E.]
Next day we made another attempt to get fresh water at this island, but as we were ignorant of the landing-place, where we found many inconveniences and disadvantages, we were unable to effect our purpose. Wherefore we departed on the night of the 25th October for the island of St George, in quest of fresh water, and got there on the 27th. Observing a stream of water running down into the sea, the pinnace, and long-boat were sent under captains Preston and Manson, by whom a letter was sent by my lord to the islanders, desiring leave to take water quietly, and no farther injury should be done them. On getting to the shore, our men found some of the poor islanders hid among the rocks, being afraid of us. On the 29th, our boats returned with fresh water, bringing only six tons to the Victory, alleging they could get no more; thinking, as was afterwards supposed, as he had only 12 tons of water and wine, that my lord would now return direct for England, as many of our men greatly desired. My lord, was very unwilling to do this, and meant next day to have taken in more water, but from the roughness of the sea, and the wind freshening, and owing to the unwillingness of the people, no more water was procured: yet my lord would not return with so much provision unspent, especially as the expedition had not hitherto produced such fruits as might reasonably satisfy himself and others. Wherefore, with consent of the whole ships companies, it was agreed to go for England by way of the coast of Spain, to endeavour to make more captures, the whole people being reduced to half allowance of water, except such as were sick or wounded, who were to have whole allowance. On Saturday, the 31st October, as the Margaret was very leaky, she was sent off direct for England in charge of the Brazil ship, and in them our sick and wounded men were sent home; but captain Monson was taken out of the _Megge_ into the Victory[367].
[Footnote 367: In the commencement of this voyage, the Meg and Margaret are named as distinct ships, one of which is said to have been sent home soon after, as unfit for sea. In this passage the Margaret and Megge are evidently different names for the same ship.–E.]
We now shaped our course for the coast of Spain, having the wind fair and large, which had seldom been the case hitherto. On the 4th November we saw a sail right before us, to which we gave chase, and coming up with her about 3 P.M. we took possession of her, being a ship of about 110 tons burden, from _Pernambucke_ or Fernambucco, in Brazil, bound for Portugal, having on board 410 chests of sugar, and 50 quintals of Brazil wood, each quintal being 100 pounds weight. We took her in lat. 29 deg. N. about 200 leagues west from Lisbon. Captain Preston was sent on board the prize, who brought her principal people into the Victory, certain of our seamen and soldiers being appointed to take charge of her. The Portuguese reported, that they had seen another ship that day before them about noon; wherefore, when all things were properly disposed respecting our prize, we left her under the charge of captain Davis, with whom likewise we left our long-boat, taking his smaller boat with us, and made all sail due east after this other ship, leaving orders for captain Davis and the prize to follow us due east, and if he had not sight of us next morning, to bear away direct for England. Next morning we could not see the vessel of which we were in chase, neither was the prize or the ship of captain Davis to be seen.
On the 6th November, being then in lat. 38 deg. 30′ N. and about 60 leagues west from Lisbon, captain Preston descried a sail early in the morning two or three leagues a-head of us, which we came up with about 8 or 9 o’clock A.M. She was lastly from St Michaels, but originally from Brazil laden with sugar. While employed shifting the prisoners into the Victory, one of our men in the main-top espied another sail some three or four leagues a-head, on which we immediately sent back our boat with men to take charge of the prize, and made all sail in chase, so that we overtook the other ship about 2 P.M. She made some preparation to resist us, hanging many hides all round her sides, so that musquetry could not have injured her; but by the time we had fired two cannon shot at her, she lowered her sails and surrendered. She was of between 300 and 400 tons, bound from Mexico and St John de Lowe, (San Juan de Ulloa) her cargo consisting of 700 dry hides; worth 10s. apiece, six chests of cochineal, every chest holding 100 pounds weight, and every pound worth L. 1, 6s. 8d., besides which she had several chests of sugar, some packages of China ware, with some wrought plate and silver in coin. The captain was an Italian, a grave, wise, and civil person, who had to the value of 25,000 ducats adventure in this ship. He and some of the principal Spanish prisoners were taken on board the Victory; and captain Lister was sent into the prize, with some 20 of our best mariners, soldiers, and sailors. In the meantime our other prize came up with us, and having now our hands full, we joyfully shaped our course for England, as we had so many Portuguese, Spanish, and French prisoners, that we could not well have manned any more prizes with safety to ourselves. Wherefore, about 6 P.M. when our other prize came up, we made sail for England. But as our two prizes were unable to keep up with us without sparing them many of our own sails, our ship rolled and wallowed so that it was both exceedingly troublesome, and put our main-mast in great danger of being carried away. Having accordingly acquainted them with these circumstances, and taken back our sails, we directed them to keep their course following us, so as to make for Portsmouth.
We took this last prize in lat. 39 deg. N. about 46 leagues west from the Rock of Lisbon. She was one of the 16 ships we saw going into the harbour of Angra in the island of Tercera on the 8th October. Some of the prisoners taken from this ship told us, that while we were plying off and on before that harbour in waiting for their coming out, three of the largest of these ships were unloaded of all their treasure and merchandize, by order of the governor of Tercera, and were each manned with 300 soldiers, on purpose to have come out and boarded the Victory; but by the time these preparations were made, the Victory was gone out of sight.
We now went merrily before the wind with all the sails we could carry, insomuch that between the noons of Friday and Saturday, or in 24 hours, we sailed near 47 leagues, or 141 English miles, although our ship was very foul, and much grown with sea grass, owing to our having been long at sea. This quick sailing made some of our company expect to be present at the tilting on the queens birth-day at Whitehall, while others were flattering themselves with keeping a jolly Christmas in England from their shares in the prizes. But it was our lot to keep a cold Christmas with the Bishop and his Clerks, rocks to the westwards of Scilly; for soon after the wind came about to the east, the very worst wind for us which could blow from the heavens, so that we could not fetch any part of England. Upon this our allowance of drink, before sufficiently scanty, was now still farther curtailed, owing to the scarcity in our ship, each man being confined to half a pint of cold water at a meal, and that not sweet. Yet this was an ample allowance in comparison, as our half pint was soon reduced to a quarter, and even at this reduced rate our store was rapidly disappearing, insomuch that it was deemed necessary for our preservation to put into some port in Ireland to procure water. We accordingly endeavoured to do this, being obliged, when near that coast, to lie to all night, waiting for day light; but when it appeared we had drifted so far to leeward in the night that we could fetch no part of Ireland, we were therefore constrained to return again, with heavy hearts, and to wait in anxious expectation till it should please God to send us a fair wind either for England or Ireland.
In the mean time we were allowed for each man two or three spoonfuls of vinegar at each meal, having now no other drink, except that for two or three meals we had about as much wine, which was wrung out of the remaining lees. Under this hard fare we continued near a fortnight, being only able to eat a very little in all that time, by reason of our great want of drink. Saving that now and then we enjoyed as it were a feast, when rain or hail chanced to fall, on which occasions we gathered up the hail-stones with the most anxious care, devouring them more eagerly than if they had been the finest comfits. The rain-drops also were caught and saved with the utmost careful attention; for which purpose some hung up sheets tied by the four corners, having a weight in the middle, to make the rain run down there as in a funnel into some vessel placed underneath. Those who had no sheets hung up napkins or other clouts, which when thoroughly wet they wrung or sucked to get the water they had imbibed. Even the water which fell on the deck under foot, and washed away the filth and soil of the ship, though as dirty as the kennel is in towns during rain, was carefully watched and collected at every scupper-hole, nay, often with strife and contention, and caught in dishes, pots, cans, and jars, of which some drank hearty draughts, mud and all, without waiting for its settlement or cleansing. Others cleaned it by filtrating, but it went through so slowly that they could ill endure to wait so long, and were loath to lose so much precious liquid. Some licked the water like dogs with their tongues from the decks, sides, rails, and masts of the ship. Others, that were more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes about the masts, daubing tallow between these and the mast, that the rain might not run down between; and making one part of these girdles lower than the rest, fixed spouts of leather at these lower parts, that the rain running down the masts might meet and be received at these spouts. He who was fortunate enough to procure a can of water by these means, was sued to, and envied as a rich man.
_Quem pulchrum digito monstrari, et dicere hic est_.
Some of the poor Spaniards who were prisoners, though having the same allowance with our own men, often begged us for the love of God to give them as much water as they could hold in the hollow of their hands: And, notwithstanding our own great extremity, they were given it, to teach them some humanity, instead of their accustomed barbarity both to us and other nations. Some put leaden bullets into their months, to slack their thirst by chewing them. In every corner of the ship, the miserable cries of the sick and wounded were sounding lamentably in our ears, pitifully crying out and lamenting for want of drink, being ready to die, yea many dying for lack thereof. Insomuch, that by this great extremity we lost many more men than in all the voyage before; as before this, we were so well and amply provided for, that we lived as well and were as healthy as if we had been in England, very few dying among us; whereas now, some of our men were thrown overboard every day.
The 2d of December 1589 was with us a day of festival, as it then rained heartily, and we saved some considerable store of water, though we were well wet for it, and that at midnight, and had our skins filled with it besides. This went down merrily, although it was bitter and dirty, with washing the ship, but we sweetened it with sugar, and were happy to have our fill. Besides our other extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiled with stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had to hold fast his can or dish, and to fasten himself by the ropes, rails, or sides of the ship, to prevent falling on the deck. Our main-sail was torn from the yard, and blown away into the sea; and our other sails so rent and torn that hardly any of them remained serviceable. The raging waves and foaming surges of the sea came rolling upon us in successive mountains, breaking through the waste of the ship like a mighty river; although in fine weather our deck was near twenty feet above water. So that we were ready to cry out, with the royal prophet, Psalm 107, verses 26 and 27. “They mount up to heaven, and go down again to the depths: Their soul is melted because of trouble. They reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wits end.” In this extremity of foul weather, the ship was so tossed and shaken, that, by its creaking noise, and the leaking which was now more than ordinary, we were in great fear that it would have shaken asunder, and had just cause to pray, a little otherwise than the poet, though marring the verse, yet mending the meaning:
Deus maris et caeli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt; Solvere quassatae parcito membra ratis.
Yet it pleased God of his infinite goodness to deliver us out of this danger. We made a new main-sail, which we fastened to the yard, and repaired our other damages as well as we could. This was hardly done when we were reduced to as great extremity as before, so that we had almost lost our new main-sail, had not William Antony, the master of our ship, when no one else would venture for fear of being washed overboard, by crawling along the main-yard, then lowered close down upon the rails, and with great danger of drowning, gathered it up out of the sea and fastened it to the yard; being in the mean time often ducked overhead and ears in the sea. So terrible were these storms, that some of our company, who had used the sea for twenty years, had never seen the like, and vowed, if ever they got safe to land, that they would never go to sea again.
At night on the last day of November, we met with an English ship, and because it was too late that night, it was agreed that they were to give us two or three tons of wine next morning, being, as they said, all the provision of drink they had, save only a butt or two which they must reserve for their own use: But, after all, we heard no more of them till they were set on ground on the coast of Ireland, where it appeared they might have spared us much more than they pretended, as they could very well have relieved our necessities, and had sufficient for themselves remaining to bring them to England. The first of December we spoke with another English ship, and had some beer out of her for our urgent necessities, but not sufficient to carry us to England, wherefore we were constrained to put into Ireland, the wind so serving. Next day we came to an anchor under the land, not far from the S. Kelmes, under the land and wind, where we were somewhat more quiet. But as that was not a safe place to ride in, we endeavoured next morning to weigh our anchor, when having some of our men hurt at the capstan, we were forced to leave it behind, holding on our course for Ventrie Haven, [Bantry Bay?] where we safely arrived the same day, and found that place a safe and convenient harbour for us, so that we had just cause to sing with the Psalmist, _They that go down to the sea in ships_, &c.
As soon as we had anchored, my lord went forthwith on shore, and presently after brought off fresh provisions and water; such as sheep, pigs, fowls, &c. to refresh his ships company, though he had lately been very weak himself, and had suffered the same extremity with the rest: For, in the time of our former want, having only a little water remaining by him in a pot, it was broken in the night and all the water lost. The sick and wounded were soon afterwards landed and carried to the principal town, called _Dingenacush_[368], about three miles distant from the haven, and at which place our surgeons attended them daily. Here we well refreshed ourselves, while the Irish harp sounded sweetly in our ears, and here we, who in our former extremity were in a manner half dead, had our lives as it were restored.
[Footnote 368: Called otherwise Dingle Icouch by the editor of Astleys collection.–E.]
This Dingenacush is the chief town in all that part of Ireland, consisting but of one street, whence some smaller ones proceed on either side. It had gates, as it seemed, in former times at either end, to shut and open as a town of war, and a castle also. The houses are very strongly built, having thick stone walls and narrow windows, being used, as they told us, as so many castles in time of troubles, among the wild Irish or otherwise. The castle and all the houses in the town, except four, were taken and destroyed by the Earl of Desmond; these four being held out against him and all his power, so that he could not win them. There still remains a thick stone wall, across the middle of the street, which was part of their fortification. Some of the older inhabitants informed us, that they were driven to great extremities during their defence, like the Jews of old when besieged by the Roman emperor Titus, insomuch that they were constrained by hunger to feed on the carcasses of the dead. Though somewhat repaired, it still remains only the ruins of their former town. Except in the houses of the better sort, they have no chimnies, so that we were very much incommoded by the smoke during our stay at that place. Their fuel is turf, which they have very good, together with whins or furze. As there grows little wood hereabout, building is very expensive; as also they are in want of lime, which they have to bring from a far distance. But they have abundance of stone, the whole country appearing entirely composed of rocks and stones, so that they commonly make their hedges of stone, by which each mans ground is parted from his neighbour. Yet their country is very fruitful, and abounds in grass and grain, as appears by the abundance of cattle and sheep; insomuch that we had very good sheep, though smaller than those of England, for two shillings, or five groats a-piece, and good pigs and hens for threepence each.
The greatest want is of industrious and husbandly inhabitants, to till and improve the ground; for the common sort, if they can only provide sufficient to serve them from hand to mouth, take no farther care. Good land was to be had here for fourpence an acre of yearly rent. They had very small store of money among them, for which reason, perhaps, they doubled and trebled the prices of every thing we bought, in proportion to what they had been before our arrival. They have mines of alum, tin, brass, and iron; and we saw certain natural stones, as clear as crystal, and naturally squared like diamonds. That part of the country is full of great mountains and hills, whence run many pleasant streams of fine water. The native hardiness of the Irish nation may be conceived from this, that their young children, even in the midst of winter, run about the streets with bare legs and feet, and often having no other apparel than a scanty mantle to cover their nakedness. The chief officer of their town is called the sovereign, who hath the same office and authority among them with our mayors in England, having his Serjeants to attend upon him, and a mace carried before mm as they have. We were first entertained at the sovereigns house, which was one of the four that withstood the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion.
They have the same form of common prayer, word for word, that we have, only that it is in Latin. On Sunday, the sovereign goeth to church having his Serjeant before him, and accompanied by the sheriff and others of the town. They there kneel down, every one making his prayers privately by himself. They then rise up and go out of the church again to drink. After this, they return again to church, and the minister makes prayers. Their manner of baptising differs somewhat from ours, part of the service belonging to it being in Latin and part in Irish. The minister takes the child on his hands, dipping it first backwards and then forwards, over head and ears into the cold water even in the midst of winter. By this the natural hardiness of the people may appear, as before specified. They had neither bell, drums, nor trumpet, to call the parishioners together, but wait for the coming of the sovereign, when those that have devotion follow him. Their bread is all baked in cakes, and the bakers bake for all the town, receiving a tenth part for their trouble. We had of them some ten or eleven tons of beer for the Victory; but it acted as a severe purge upon all who drank it, so that we chose rather to drink water.
Having provided ourselves with fresh water, we set sail from thence on the 20th December, accompanied by Sir Edward Dennie and his lady, with two young sons. In the morning of that day, my lord went on shore to hasten the dispatch of some fresh water for the Victory, and brought us news that sixty Spanish prizes were taken and brought to England. For two or three days after we sailed, we had a fair wind; but it afterwards scanted, so that we were fain to keep a cold Christmas with the bishop and his clerks, as I said before. After this, meeting with an English ship, we received the joyful news that ninety-one Spanish prizes were come to England; and along with that, the sorrowful intelligence that our last and best prize was cast away on the coast of Cornwal, at a place the Cornish men call _Als-efferne_, that is Hell-cliff, where Captain Lister and all the people were drowned, except five or six, half English and half Spaniards, who saved their lives by swimming. Yet much of the goods were saved and preserved for us, by Sir Francis Godolphin and other worshipful gentlemen of the country. My lord was very sorry for the death of Captain Lister, saying that he would willingly have lost all the fruits of the voyage to have saved his life.
The 29th December we met another ship, from which we learned that Sir Martin Frobisher and Captain Reymond had taken the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet we had seen going into the haven of Tercera; but that the admiral had sunk, in consequence of much leaking, near the Eddystone, a rock over against Plymouth sound, all the people however being saved. We were likewise informed by this ship, that Captain Preston had captured a ship laden with silver. My lord took his passage in this last ship to land at Falmouth, while we held on our course for Plymouth.
Towards night we came near the Ram-head, the next cape westwards from Plymouth sound, but we feared to double it in the night, by reason of the scantness of the wind: so we stood out to seawards for half the night, and towards morning had the wind more large. But we made too little to spare thereof; partly for which reasons and partly mistaking the land, we fell so much to leeward that we could not double the cape. For this reason we turned back again and got into Falmouth haven, where we grounded in 17 feet water; but as it was low ebb, the sea ready again to flow, and the ground soft, we received no harm. Here we gladly set our feet again on the long desired English ground, and refreshed ourselves by keeping part of Christmas on our native soil.
SECTION VIII.
_Valiant Sea Fight, by Ten Merchant Ships of London against Twelve Spanish Gallies in the Straits of Gibraltar, on the 24th April_ 1590[369].
In 1590, sundry ships belonging to the merchants of London, some freighted for Venice, some for Constantinople, and some to divers other parts, met on their homeward course within the Straits of Gibraltar, having escaped all danger hitherto. The first of these was the Salomon, belonging to Mr Alexander Barnam of London, and Messrs Bond and Tweed of Harwich, which had sailed on the first of February last. The second was the Margaret and John, belonging to Mr Wats of London. The third was the Minion; the fourth the Ascension; the fifth the Centurion, belonging to Mr Cordal; the sixth the Violet; the seventh the Samuel; the eighth the Crescent; the ninth the Elizabeth; the tenth the Richard belonging to Mr Duffield. All these ships, being of notable and approved service, and coming near the mouth of the Straits hard by the coast of Barbary, they descried twelve tall gallies bravely furnished, and strongly provided with men and ammunition of war, ready to intercept and seize them. Being perceived by our captains and masters, we made speedy preparation for our defence, waiting the whole night for the approach of the enemy.
[Footnote 369: Hakluyt, II. 660.]
Next morning early, being Tuesday in Easter week, the 24th of April 1590, we had service according to our usual custom, praying to Almighty God to save us from the hands of the tyrannous Spaniards, whom we justly imagined and had always found to be our most mortal enemies on the sea. Having finished our prayers, and set ourselves in readiness, we perceived them coming towards us, and knew them indeed to be the Spanish gallies, commanded by Andrea Doria, viceroy for the king of Spain in the Straits of Gibraltar, and a notable enemy to all Englishmen. When they came near us, they _waved us amain_ for the king of Spain, and in return we waved them amain for the Queen of England[370]; at which time it pleased the Almighty so to encourage our hearts, that the nearer they came we the less feared their great strength and huge number of men; they having to the amount of two or three hundred in each galley. It was concluded among us, that our four largest and tallest ships should be placed in the rear, the weaker and smaller ships going foremost; and so it was performed, every one of us being ready to take part in such successes as it should please God to send.
[Footnote 370: This waving amain seems to have been some salutation of defiance, then usual at sea.–E.]
The gallies came upon us very fiercely at the first encounter, yet God so strengthened us that, even if they had been ten times more, we had not feared them at all. The Salomon, being a hot ship with sundry cast pieces in her, gave the first shot in so effectual a manner on their headmost galley, that it shared away so many of the men that sat on one side of her, and pierced her through and through, insomuch that she was ready to sink: Yet they assaulted us the more fiercely. Then the rest of our ships, especially the four chiefest, the Salomon, Margaret and John, Minion, and the Ascension, gave a hot charge upon them, and they on us, commencing a hot and fierce battle with great valour on both sides, which continued for the space of six hours. About the commencement of this fight, our fleet was joined by two Flemish vessels. Seeing the great force of the gallies, one of these presently struck his sails and yielded to the enemy; whereas, had they exerted themselves on our side and in their own defence, they needed not to have been taken in this cowardly manner. The other was ready also to have yielded immediately, and began to lower his sails: But the trumpeter of that ship drew his faulcion, and stepping up to the pilot at the helm, vowed that he would put him instantly to death, if he did not join and take part with the English fleet: This he did, for fear of death, and by that means they were defended from the tyranny which they had otherwise assuredly found among the Spaniards.
When we had continued the fight somewhat more than six hours, God gave us the upper hand, so that we escaped the hands of so many enemies, who were constrained to flee into harbour to shelter themselves from us. This was the manifest work of God, who defended us in such sort from all danger, that not one man of us was slain in all this long and fierce assault, sustaining no other damage or hurt than this, that the shrouds and back-stays of the Salomon, which gave the first and last shot, and sore galled the enemy during the whole battle, were clean shot away. When the battle ceased, we were constrained for lack of wind to stay and waft up and down, and then went back again to _Tition_ [Tetuan] in Barbary, six leagues from Gibraltar, where we found the people wondrously favourable to us; who, being but Moors and heathen people, shewed us where to find fresh water and all other necessaries. In short, we had there as good entertainment as if we had been in any place in England. The governor favoured us greatly, to whom we in return presented such gifts and commodities as we had, which he accepted of very graciously: And here we staid four days.
After the cessation of the battle, which was on Easter Tuesday, we remained for want of wind before Gibraltar till the next morning, being all that time becalmed, and therefore expected every hour that they would have sent out a fresh force against us: But they were in no condition to do so, all their gallies being so sore battered that they durst not come out of harbour, though greatly urged thereunto by the governor of that town; but they had already met with so stout resistance, that they could not be prevailed on to renew the fight.
While we were at Tetuan, we received a report of the hurt we had done the gallies; as we could not well discern any thing during the fight, on account of the great smoke. We there heard that we had almost spoiled those twelve gallies, which we had shot clean through, so that two of them were on the point of sinking; and we had slain so many of their men, that they were not able to fit out their gallies any more all that year. After going to Tetuan, we attempted three several times to pass the straits, but could not: Yet, with the blessing of God, we came safely through on the fourth attempt; and so continued on our voyage with a pleasant breeze all the way to the coast of England, where we arrived on the beginning of July 1590.
SECTION IX.
_A valiant sea fight in the Straits of Gibraltar, in April_ 1591, _by the Centurion of London, against five Spanish gallies_.
In the month of November 1590, sundry ships belonging to different