pitch is marvellous to behold, and a thing almost incredible, as from a hole in the earth the pitch is continually thrown into the air with a constant great smoke; and being hot it falls as it were sprinkled all over the plain, in such abundance that the plain is always full of pitch[123]. The Moors and Arabs of the neighbourhood allege that this hole is the mouth of Hell; and in truth it is a very memorable object From this native pitch or bitumen the whole people of that country derive great benefit, as with it they pay or serve their barks, which they call _Daneck_ and _Saffin_.
[Footnote 122: In imitation of the original translator Hickocke and Hakluyt, this word must be left untranslated and unexplained.–E.]
[Footnote 123: This account of the hole which discharges pitch or native bitumen mixed with water is most true; the water and pitch running into the valley _or island_, where the pitch remains, and the water runs into the Euphrates, when it occasions the water for a long way to have a brackish taste with the smell of pitch and brimstone.–Hakl.]
When the river Tigris is well replenished with water, the passage from Babylon or Bagdat to Basora may be made in eight or nine days, less or more according to circumstances; we were fourteen or fifteen days, because the water was low, and when the waters are at the lowest it requires eighteen days. Having no rocks or shoals in the river, the voyage may be continued day and night. There are some places by the way at which you have to pay so many medins for each bale, as toll or custom. Basora, Bussora, or Busrah, [in lat. 30 deg. 20′ N. long. 47 deg. 40′ E.] is a city on the Arabian side of the united rivers Euphrates and Tigris, which was governed of old by those Arabs called _Zizarij_, but is now under the dominion of the grand Turk, who keeps an army there at great charge. The tribe of Arabs called Zizarij still have possession of a large extent of country, and cannot be overcome by the Turks, as the sea divides their country into islands by many channels, so that the Turks are unable to bring an army against them either by land or sea, and likewise because the inhabitants are brave and warlike. A days sail before coming to Basora, we pass a small castle or fort called _Corna_, on the point of land where the Euphrates and Tigris join; whence the united waters of these two rivers form a very large river that runs into the gulf of Persia.
Basora is fifty miles from the sea, and it a place of great trade in spices and drugs, which are brought from Ormuz. It is abundantly supplied with corn, rice, and dates, from the surrounding country. At Basora I shipped myself for Ormuz, to which I sailed through the Persian gulf 600 miles, which is the distance between Basora and Ormuz. We sailed in small ships built of board fastened together with small ropes or cords, and, instead of caulking, a certain kind of straw is laid between the boards at their junctions, and they are sewed together; owing to which imperfect construction, these vessels are very dangerous, and take in much water. On departing from Basora we sailed 200 miles along the left shore of the gulf, having the open sea on our right hand, till we came to an island called _Carichij_ or _Karak_, whence we continued our voyage to Ormuz, always keeping the Persian shore in sight on our left, and seeing many islands on our right hand towards Arabia.
SECTION IV.
_Of Ormuz._
The island of Ormuz is twenty-five or thirty miles in circuit, being the driest and most barren island in the world, producing nothing but salt-water and wood. All things necessary for the life of man are brought here from Persia, which is twelve miles off, and from islands adjoining to Persia, and in such abundance that the city has always a great store of every necessary. Near the shore there stands a fair castle, in which resides the commander appointed by the king of Portugal, with a good band of Portuguese soldiers. The married men belonging to the garrison dwell in the city, in which there are merchants of almost every nation, among whom are many Moors and Gentiles. This city has a vast trade for all kinds of spices, drugs, silk, cloth of silk, brocades, and various kinds of merchandise from Persia. The trade in horses is very great, being transported from hence to India. The island has a Mahometan or Moorish king of the Persian race, who is created and set up by the Portuguese commander in the name of the king of Portugal. Being present on one of these occasions, I shall set down the ceremonies as I saw them.
The old king being dead, the Portuguese commander proceeds with much pomp and ceremony to elect a new one in the castle; and when he is chosen from the blood-royal, the new king is sworn to be true and faithful to the king of Portugal, as his lord-paramount, after which the captain presents him with the royal sceptre. The newly elected king is then conducted in great pomp to the royal palace, amid great feasts and rejoicings, and attended by a numerous and splendid retinue. The king keeps a good train of attendants, and has sufficient revenues to maintain his state and dignity, with very little of the cares of royalty, as the captain of the castle defends the kingdom. When the king and captain ride out together, the king is treated with much ceremony and respect, yet cannot ride abroad with his train without having first received permission of the captain, which precaution is necessary because of the great trade carried on at this place. The native language in this island is the Persian. I embarked at Ormuz for Goa in India, in a ship on board of which were fourscore horses. All merchants proceeding from Ormuz for Goa ought to go in ships carrying horses, because every ship carrying twenty horses or upwards is privileged from the payment of customs on all their other goods, whereas all ships having no horses have to pay eight per centum on their goods and commodities.
SECTION V.
_Of Goa, Diu, and Cambaya._
Goa is the chief city of the Portuguese in India, in which reside the viceroy and his court, being many officers of the crown of Portugal. From Ormuz it is 990 miles to Goa, on which passage the first city you come to in India is Diu, situated in a small island of the kingdom of Cambaia; and, though a small city, is the strongest fortified of any of those possessed by the Portuguese in India, having great trade, and loading many great ships with merchandise for Ormuz and the Red Sea. These ships belong both to Moors and Christians; but the Moors can neither trade nor navigate in these seas, unless they have a pass or licence from the Portuguese viceroy, without which they we liable to be captured. The merchandise loaded at Diu comes from _Cambaietta_, a port in the kingdom of Cambaia, about 180 miles up a strait or gulf called _Macareo_, which signifies _a race of the tide_, because the water runs there with immense rapidity, such as is not to be seen anywhere else, except in the kingdom of Pegu, where there is another _Macareo_ or race of the tide still more violent. On this account, and because no large vessels can go to _Cambaietta_ or _Cambay_, by reason of the shallowness of the water in the gulf for 80 or 100 miles, the principal city of Cambaia or Guzerat is _Amadaver_ or _Amedabad_, a day and a half journey from Cambay, being a great and populous city, and for a city of the Gentiles it is well built with handsome houses and wide streets. In it there is a fine bason or canul, having many ships, so that it resembles Cairo, but not so large.
Cambay is situated on the sea at the head of the gulf of the same name, and is a handsome city. While I was there it was suffering great calamity, owing to a scarcity, insomuch that the Gentiles offered their sons and daughters for sale to the Portuguese, and I have seen them sold for 8 or 10 _larines_ each, which is of our money about 10s. or 13s. 4d.[124]. Yet if I had not actually seen it, I could not have believed that Cambay had so great a trade. Every new and full moon, when the tides are at the highest, the small barks that come in and go out are quite innumerable. These barks are laden with all kinds of spices, with silks of China, sandal-wood, elephants teeth, velvets of _Vercini_, great quantities of _Pannina_, which comes from Mecca, _chequins_ or gold coins worth 7s. each sterling, and various other commodities. These barks carry out an infinite quantity of cloth of all sorts made of _bumbast_ or cotton, some white, others stamped or painted; large quantities of indigo, dried and preserved ginger, dry and confected myrabolans, _boraso_ or borax in paste, vast quantities of sugar, cotton, opium, asafoetida, _puchio?_ and many other kinds of drugs, turbans made at Delhi, great quantities of carnelians, garnets, agates, jaspers, calcedonies, _hematitis_, or bloodstones, and some natural diamonds.
[Footnote 124: This comparison seems made by the translator between _larines_ and sterling money.–E.]
It is customary at Cambay, though no one is obliged, to employ brokers, of whom there are great numbers at this place, all Gentiles and of great repute, every one of whom keeps fifteen or twenty servants. All the Portuguese, and more other merchants who frequent this place, employ these brokers, who purchase and tell for them; and such as come there for the first time are informed by their friends of this custom, and what broker they ought to employ. Every fifteen days, when the great fleet of barks comes into port, these brokers come to the water side, and the merchants immediately on landing give charge of their cargoes to the broker who transacts their business, with the marks of all their bales and packages. After this the merchant carries on shore all the furniture for his dwelling, it being necessary for every one who trades to India to carry a sufficient provision of household staff for his use, as none such are to be procured. Then the broker who takes charge of his cargo, makes his servants carry the merchant’s furniture to some empty house in the city, every broker having several such for the accommodation of their merchants, where there are only bedsteads, tables, chairs, and empty water jars. Then the broker says to the merchant, go and repose yourself and take your rest in the city. The broker remains at the water-side in charge of the cargo, causes all the goods to be discharged from the bark, pays the customs, and causes every thing to be carried to the house in which the merchant has taken up his residence, the merchant having no trouble with any thing. After this, the broker inquires if the merchant is disposed to sell his goods at the rate then current; and if he desires it, the broker sells the goods immediately, and informs the merchant how much money comes to him after payment of all charges. If the merchant is disposed to lay out his money in the purchase of other commodities, the broker informs him at what rate the different articles may be put free on board, all charges paid. Being thus properly instructed, the merchant makes his calculations, and if he is satisfied to buy or sell at the current prices he directs the broker accordingly; so that if he have even to the value of 20,000 ducats or more, every thing will be sold off or bartered in fifteen days, without giving himself any trouble or concern about the matter. Should the merchant not be disposed to sell the goods at the then current prices, he may tarry as long as he pleases, but the goods cannot be sold for him by any other person than the broker who has taken them in hand, and has paid the duties. Sometimes, by delaying the sale of their commodities for a time, the merchants make good profit, and at other times they lose; but those articles which do not ordinarily come every fifteen days, frequently produce great profit by delaying to sell till the prices rise.
The barks that lade at Cambay go to Diu to supply the ships at that port which are taking in goods for the Red Sea and Ormuz, and some go to Chaul and Goa. These ships are either well armed, or are protected by Portuguese ships of war, as there are many corsairs or pirates continually cruizing along that coast, robbing and plundering whatever they are able to master. The kingdom of Cambaia or Guzerat has great trade, though it has long been in the hands of tyrants and usurpers, ever since the lawful sovereign, then 75 years of age, named Sultan Badur, was slain, at the assault of Diu, at which time four or five principal officers of his army divided the kingdom among themselves, all tyrannizing in their several shares as in emulation of each other. Twelve years before my coming, the great Mogul, who is the Mahometan king of Delhi and Agra, 40 days journey inland from Amedabad, reduced all the provinces of Guzerat under his authority without resistance, his power being so great that none of the usurpers dared to oppose him. While I dwelt in Cambay, I saw many curious things. There were a prodigious number of artificers who made ivory bracelets called mannij, of, various colours, with which the Gentile women are in use to decorate their arms, some covering their arms entirely over with them. In this single article there are many thousand crowns expended yearly, owing to this singular custom, that, when any of their kindred die, they break all their bracelets in token of grief and mourning, so that they have immediately to purchase new ones, as they would rather go without meat as not have these ornaments.
SECTION VI.
_Of Damann, Bassen, Tana, Chaul, and some other places_.
Leaving Diu, I went on to Damann, the second city belonging to the Portuguese in the territory of Guzerat, and distant from Diu 120 miles. This place has no trade of any importance, except in rice and wheat, and has many dependent villages, where in time of peace the Portuguese enjoy the pleasure of a country retirement, but in time of war they are all spoiled and plundered by the enemy, so that then they derive very small benefit from them. The next place is Bassen, a small dirty place in comparison with Damann, which supplies Goa with rice and wheat, besides timber for the construction of ships and gallies. At a small distance from Bassen is a small island named Tana, well peopled with Portuguese, Moors, and Gentiles. This place affords nothing but rice, but contains many manufacturers of _armesies_? and weavers of girdles made of wool and cotton, black and red like _moocharie_?
Beyond this is Chaul on the continent, where there are two cities, one belonging to the Portuguese, and the other to the Moors; that which belongs to the Portuguese is lower than the other, commands the mouth of the harbour, and is very strongly fortified. About a mile and a half from this city is that of the Moors, belonging to their king _Zamaluco_, or Nizam-al-mulk. In time of war no large ships can go to the city of the Moors, as they must necessarily pass under the guns of the Portuguese castles, which would sink them. Both cities of Chaul are sea-ports, and have great trade in all kinds of spices, drugs, raw silk, manufactures of silk, sandal-wood, _Marsine, Versine_[125], porcelain of China, velvets and scarlets, both from Portugal and Mecca[126], with many other valuable commodities. Every year there arrive ten or fifteen large ships, laden with great nuts called _Giagra_[127], which are cured or dried, and with sugar made from these nuts. The tree on which these nuts grow is called the _Palmer_ tree, and is to be found in great abundance over all India, especially between this place and Goa. This tree very much resembles that which produces dates, and no tree in the world is more profitable or more useful to man; no part of it but serves for some useful purpose, neither is any part of it so worthless as to be burnt. Of its timber they build ships, and with the leaves they make sails. Its fruit, or nuts, produce wine, and from the wine they make sugar and _placetto_[128]. This wine is gathered in the spring of the year from the middle of the tree, where there is then a continual stream of clear liquor like water, which they gather in vessels placed on purpose under each tree, and take them away full every morning and evening. This liquor being distilled by means of fire, is converted into a very strong liquor, which is then put into buts with a quantity of white or black _Zibibs_, and in a short time it becomes a perfect wine. Of the nuts they make great quantities of oil. The tree is made into boards and timbers for building houses. Of the bark cables and other ropes are made for ships which are said to be better than those made of hemp. The branches are made into bed-steads after the Indian fashion, and into _Sanasches_? for merchandise. The leaves being cut into thin slips are woven into sails for all kinds of ships, or into thin mats. The outer rhind of the nut stamped serves as oakum for caulking ships, and the hard inner shell serves for spoons and other utensils for holding food or drink. Thus no portion whatever of this _Palmer_ tree is so worthless as to be thrown away or cast into the fire. When the nuts are green, they are full of a sweet water, excellent to drink, and the liquor contained in one nut is sufficient to satisfy a thirsty person. As the nut ripens, this liquor turns all into kernel.
[Footnote 125: Formerly noticed as a species of velvet; but the words marsine and versine were inexplicable in the days of Hakluyt, and must so remain.–E.]
[Footnote 126: The velvets and scarlet cloths from Mecca were probably Italian manufactures, brought through Egypt and the Red Sea.–E.].
[Footnote 127: These great nuts must necessarily be the cocoa nuts, and the palmer tree, on which they grow, the cocoa palm.–E.]
[Footnote 128: Possibly molasses are here meant.–E.]
From Chaul, an infinite quantity of goods are exported for other parts of India, Macao, Portugal, the coast of Melinda, Ormuz, and other parts; such as cloth of _bumbast_ or cotton, white, painted, and printed, indigo, opium, silk of all kinds, borax in paste, asafoetida, iron, corn, and other things. Nizam-al-Mulk, the Moorish king, has great power, being able to take the field with 200,000 men, and a great store of artillery, some of which are made in pieces[129], and are so large that they are difficultly removed, yet are they very commodiously used, and discharge enormous stone bullets, some of which have been sent to the king of Portugal as rarities. The city of _Abnezer[130]_, in which Nizam-al-Mulk resides, is seven or eight days journey inland from Chaul. Seventy miles[131] from Chaul toward the Indies, or south, is Dabul, a haven belonging to Nizam-al-Mulk, from whence to Goa is 150 miles[132].
[Footnote 129: Probably meaning that they were formed of bars hooped or welded together, in the way in which the famous _Mons meg_, long in Edinburgh Castle, and now in the tower of London, was certainly made.–E.]
[Footnote 130: Perhaps that now called Assodnagur in the Mahratta country, about 125 miles nearly east from Chaul.–E.]
[Footnote 131: In fact only about half that distance.–E.]
[Footnote 132: About 165 English miles–E.]
SECTION VII.
_Of Goa._
Goa, the principal city of the Portuguese in India, in which the viceroy resides with a splendid court, stands in an island about 25 or 30 miles in circuit. The city, with its boroughs or suburbs, is moderately large, and is sufficiently handsome for an Indian city; but the island is very beautiful, being full of fine gardens, and adorned with many trees, among which are the _Palmer_, or cocoa-nut trees, formerly mentioned. Goa trades largely in all kinds of merchandise usual in these parts, and every year five or six large ships come directly thither from Portugal, usually arriving about the 6th or 10th of September. They remain there 40 or 50 days, and go from thence to Cochin, where they finish their lading for Portugal; though they often load one ship at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugal. Cochin is 420 miles from Goa. The city of Goa stands in the kingdom of _Dial-can_, or Adel Khan, a Moorish or Mahometan king, whose capital, called Bejapour or Visiapour, is eight days journey inland from Goa[133]. This sovereign has great power; for, when I was at Goa in 1570, he came to attack that city, encamping with 200,000 men at a river side in the neighbourhood, where he remained fourteen months, at the end of which a peace was concluded. It was reported in Goa that a great mortality prevailed in his army during the winter, which also killed many of his elephants. When I went in 1567 from Goa to _Bezenegur_ or Bijanagur, the capital city of the kingdom of _Narsinga,_ eight days journey inland from Goa[134], I travelled in company with two other merchants, who carried with them 300 Arabian horses for sale to that king; the horses of the country being of small stature, occasioning Arabian horses to sell at high prices in that part of India. Indeed it is necessary that the merchants should get good prices, as they are at great charges in bringing them from Persia to Ormuz and thence to Goa. At going out of Goa, 42 pagodas are paid of duty for each horse; the pagoda being a small gold coin worth about 6s. 8d. sterling. In the inland country of Narsinga, the Arabian horses sell for 300, 400, and 500 ducats each, and some very superior horses sell as high as 1000 ducats.
[Footnote 133: About 175, N.E. from Goa. In the original it is called Bisapor.–E.]
[Footnote 134: The ruins of the royal city of Bijanagur are 190 English miles nearly due east from Goa.–E.]
SECTION VIII.
_Of the City of Bijanagur._
In the year 1565, the city of Bijanagur was sacked by four Moorish kings of great power: Adel-Khan, Nizam-al-Mulk, Cotub-al-Mulk, and Viriday-Khan; yet with all their power they were unable to overcome this city and its king but by means of treachery. The king of Bijanagur was a Gentile, and among the captains of his numerous army had two famous Moors, each of whom commanded over seventy or eighty thousand men. These two captains being of the same religion with the four Moorish kings, treacherously combined with them to betray their own sovereign. Accordingly, when the king of Bijanagur, despising the power of his enemies, boldly faced them in the field, the battle had scarcely lasted four hours, when the two treacherous captains, in the very heat of the battle, turned with their followers against their own sovereign, and threw his army into such disorder that it broke and fled in the utmost confusion.
This kingdom of Bijanagur had been governed for thirty years by the usurpation of three brothers, keeping the lawful king a state prisoner, and ruling according to their own pleasure, shewing the king only once a year to his subjects. They had been principal officers under the father of the king whom they now held a prisoner, who was very young when his father died, and they assumed the government. The eldest brother was called _Ram rajah_, who sat in the royal throne and was called king; the second was named _Temi rajah_, who held charge of the civil government of the country; and the third, _Bengatre_, was general in chief of the army. In the great battle against the four Mahometan kings all the three brothers were present, but the first and the last were never heard of more, neither dead nor alive. Temi rajah alone escaped from the battle, with the loss of one eye. On the news of this great defeat coming to the city of Bijanagur, the wives and children of the three tyrants fled with the imprisoned king, and the four Mahometan kings entered the city in great triumph, where they remained for six months, searching everywhere for money and valuable effects that had been hidden. After this they departed, being unable to retain possession of so extensive a dominion at such a distance from their own territory[135].
[Footnote 135: The reason in the text for evacuating the kingdom of Narsinga, or Bijanagur, is very unsatisfactory, as it in fact bordered on their dominions. More probably they could not agree on the partition, each being afraid of the others acquiring an ascendancy, and they satisfied themselves with the enormous spoils of the capital. This event has been before mentioned from De Faria.–E.]
After the retreat of the four kings, Temi rajah returned to Bijanagur, which he repeopled, and sent word to the merchants of Goa to bring all the horses to him that they had for sale, promising good prices; and it was on this occasion that the two merchants went up with their horses, whom I accompanied. This tyrant also issued a proclamation, that if any merchant happened to have any of the horses which were taken in the late battle, even although they happened to have the Bijanagur mark upon them, that he would pay for them their full values, and give safe conduct for all who had such to come to his capital. When by this means he had procured a great number of horses, he put off the merchants with fair promises, till he saw that no more horses were likely to come, and he then ordered the merchants to depart without giving them any thing for the horses. I remained in Bijanagur seven months, though I might have concluded my whole business in one; but it was necessary for me to remain until the ways were cleared of thieves and robbers, who ranged up and down in whole troops.
While I rested there I saw many strange and barbarous deeds done among these Gentiles. When any noble man or woman dies, the dead body is burned. If a married man die, his widow must burn herself alive for the love of her husband, and along with his body; but she may have the respite of a month, or even of two or three, if she will. When the appointed day arrives on which she is to be burnt, she goeth out from her house very early in the morning, either on horseback or on an elephant, or on a stage carried by eight men, apparelled like a bride, and is carried in triumph all round the city, having her hair hanging down about her shoulders, garnished with jewels and flowers, according to her circumstances, and seemingly as joyful as a bride in Venice going to her nuptials. On this occasion, she carries a mirror in her left hand, and an arrow in her right, and sings during the procession, saying, that she is going to sleep with her dear husband. In this manner she continues, surrounded by her kindred and friends till about one or two in the afternoon, when the procession goes out of the city to the side of the river called _Nigondin_ or _Toombuddra_, which runs past the walls of the city, to a certain spot where this ceremony is usually performed, where there is prepared a large square pit full of dried wood, having a little pinnacle or scaffold close to one side four or five steps up. On her arrival, a great banquet is prepared, where the victim eats with as much apparent joy as if it were her wedding-day; and at the end of the feast there is dancing and singing so long as she thinks fit. At length she gives orders of her own accord to kindle the dry wood in the square pit; and when told that the fire is kindled, she takes the nearest kinsman of her husband by the hand, who leads her to the bank of the river, where she puts off her jewels and all her clothes, distributing them among her parents or relations; when, putting on a cloth, that she may not be seen naked by the people, she throweth herself into the river, saying, O! wretches wash away your sins. Coming out of the water, she rolls herself up in a yellow cloth, fourteen yards long, and again taking the nearest kinsman of her husband by the hand, they go together to the pinnacle at the funeral pile. From this place she addresses the people, to whom she recommends her children and relations. Before the pinnacle it is usual to place a mat, that she may not see the fierce fire; yet there are many who order this to be removed, as not afraid of the sight. When the silly woman has reasoned with the people for some time, another woman takes a pot of oil, part of which she pours on the head of the devoted victim, anointing also her whole body with the same, and then throws the pot into the fire, which the widow immediately follows, leaping into the fiercest of the fire. Then those who stand around the pile throw after her many great pieces of wood, by the blows from which, and the fierce fire in which she is enveloped, she quickly dies and is consumed. Immediately the mirth of the people is changed to sorrow and weeping, and such howling and lamentation is set up as one is hardly able to bear. I have seen many burnt in this manner, as my house was near the gate where they go out to the place of burning; and when a great man dies, not only his widow, but all the female slaves with whom he has had connection, are burnt along with his body. Also when the baser sort of people die, I have seen the dead husband carried to the place of sepulchre, where he is placed upright; then cometh his widow, and, placing herself on her knees before him, she clasps her arms about his neck, till the masons have built a wall around both as high us their necks. Then a person from behind strangles the widow, and the workmen finish the building over their heads, and thus they remain immured in one tomb. Inquiring the reason of this barbarous custom, I was told that this law had been established in ancient times as a provision against the slaughters which the women were in use to make of their husbands, poisoning them on every slight cause of displeasure; but that since the promulgation of this law they have been more faithful to their husbands, reckoning their lives as dear to them as their own, because after the death of their husband their own is sure soon to follow. There are many other abominable customs among these people, but of which I have no desire to write.
In consideration of the injury done to Bijanagur by the four Mahometan kings, the king with his court removed from that city in 1567, and went to dwell in a castle named _Penegonde_, eight days journey inland from Bijanagur. Six days journey from Bijanagur is the place where diamonds are got[136]. I was not there, but was told that it is a great place encompassed by a wall, and that the ground within is sold to the adventurers at so much per square measure, and that they are even limited as to the depth they may dig. All diamonds found of a certain size and above belong to the king, and all below that size to the adventurers. It is a long time since any diamonds have been got there, owing to the troubles that have distracted the kingdom of Narsinga: For the son of Temi rajah having put the imprisoned king to death, the nobles and great men of the kingdom refused to acknowledge authority of the tyrant, so that the kingdom has fallen into anarchy, every one setting up for themselves.
[Footnote 136: The diamond mines of Raolconda are about 90 miles direct north from the ruins of Bijanagur, on the Kisma. The castle of Penegonde is not now to be found in the maps of Indostan; but indeed the names of this ingenious traveller an often unintelligible, and almost always extremely corrupt.–E.]
The city of Bijanagur is not altogether destroyed, as the houses are said to be still standing, but entirely void of population, and become the dwellings of tigers, and other wild beasts. The circuit of this great city is twenty-four miles round the walls, within which are several hills. The ordinary dwellings are of earthen walls, and sufficiently mean, but the three palaces of the tyrant brothers, and the pagodas or idol temples, are built of fine marble, cemented with lime. I have seen many kings courts, yet have never seen any thing to compare with the greatness of the royal palace of Bijanagur, which hath nine gates. First, when you go into that part where the king lodged, there are five great gates kept by captains and soldiers: Within these are four lesser gates, which are kept by porters. On the outer side of the first gate is a small porch or lodge, where there is a captain and twenty-five soldiers, who keep watch day and night; and within that another, with a similar guard. Through this you enter into a very fair court, at the end of which is another porch like the first, with a similar guard, and within that another court. Thus the first five gates are each guarded by their respective captains. Then each of the lesser gates within are kept by a separate guard of porters. These gates stand open the greatest part of the night, as it is the custom of the Gentiles to transact business and make their feasts during the night, rather than in the day. This city is very safe from thieves, insomuch that the Portuguese merchants sleep under porches open to the street, and yet never meet with any injury.
At the end of two months, I determined to go for Goa, in company with two Portuguese merchants, who were making ready to depart in two palankins or small litters, which are very convenient vehicles for travelling, being carried by eight _falchines_, or bearers, four at a time, and other four as reliefs. For my own use I bought two bullocks, one to ride upon and the other to carry my provisions. In that country they ride upon bullocks, having pannels fastened with girths, and guide them with bridles. In summer, the journey from Bijanagur to Goa takes only eight days; but we went in July, which is the middle of winter in that country, and were fifteen days in going to _Ancola_, on the sea coast. On the eighth day of the journey I lost both my bullocks. That which carried my provisions was weak, and could not proceed; and on passing a river by means of a small foot bridge, I made my other bullock swim across, but he stopt on a small island in the middle of the river where he found pasture, and we could devise no means to get him out. I was under the necessity therefore to leave him, and was forced to go on foot for seven days, during which it rained almost incessantly, and I suffered great fatigue. By good fortune I met some _falchines_[137] by the way, whom I hired to carry my clothes and provisions. In this journey we suffered great troubles, being every day made prisoners, and had every morning at our departure to pay four or five _pagies?_ a man as ransom. Likewise, as we came almost every day into the country of a new governor, though all tributary to the king of Bijanagur, we found that every one of them had their own copper coin, so that the money we got in change one day was not current on the next. At length, by the mercy of God, we got safe to _Ancola_, which is in the country of the queen of _Gargopam_[138], a tributary to the king of Bijanagur.
[Footnote 137: These _falchines_ of Cesar Frederick are now denominated _coolies_.–E.]
[Footnote 138: These names of Ancola and Gargopam are so unintelligibly corrupted, as not be even conjecturally referable to any places or districts in our best maps.–E.]
The merchandise sent every year from Goa to Bijanagur consists of Arabian horses, velvets, damasks, satins, armoisins of Portugal, porcelain of China, saffron, and scarlet cloth; and at Bijanagur, they received in exchange or barter, jewels and pagodas, which are the gold ducats of the country. At Bijanagur, according to the state and condition of the wearers, the apparel is of velvet, satin, damask, scarlet cloth, or white cotton; and they wear long hats on their heads, called _colae_, made of similar materials; having girdles round their bodies of fine cotton cloth. They wear breeches made like those used by the Turks; having on their feet plain high things called _aspergh_. In their ears they wear great quantities of golden ornaments.
Returning to my journey. When we got to _Ancola_, one of my companions having nothing to lose, took a guide and set out for Goa, which is only at the distance of four days journey; but as the other Portuguese was not inclined to travel any farther at this season, he and I remained there for the winter[139], which beginning on the 15th of May, lasts to the end of October. While we tarried there, another horse-merchant arrived in a palanquin, together with two Portuguese soldiers from Ceylon, and two letter-carriers, who were Christians born in India. All these persons agreed to go in company to Goa, and I resolved to go with them; for which purpose, I got a sorry palanquin made for me of canes, and in the hollow of one of these I concealed all my jewels. According to the usual custom, I hired eight _falchines_ or bearers, and we set off one day about eleven o’clock. About two o’clock the same day, as we were passing a mountain which separates the territory of _Ancola_ from that belonging to Abel Khan, and while I was a little way behind the rest of the company, I was assaulted by eight robbers, four of whom were armed with swords and targets, and the others with bows and arrows. My bearers immediately let fall the palanquin and ran off, leaving me alone on the ground wrapped up in my clothes. The robbers instantly came up and rifled me of every thing I had, leaving me stark naked. I pretended to be sick and would not quit the palanquin, in which I had made a kind of bed of my spare clothes. After searching with great industry, the thieves found two purses in which I had tied up some copper money I had got in change for four pagodas at Ancola; and thinking this treasure consisted of gold coin, they searched no farther, and went away, throwing all my clothes into a bush. Fortunately at their departure they dropped a handkerchief which I noticed, and getting up I wrapped it up in my palaquin[140]. In this forlorn condition, I had resolved to pluck the hollow cane from my palanquin in which my jewels were hid, and to have endeavoured to make my own way on foot to Goa, using the cane as a walking stick. But my bearers were so faithful that they returned to look for me after the robbers departed, which indeed I did not expect, as they were paid before hand, according to the custom of India. We got to Goa in four days, during which I fared very badly, as the robbers had left me no money of any kind, and all I had to eat was given me by my bearers for God’s sake; but after my arrival in Goa, I paid them royally for what they gave me.
[Footnote 139: This winter of our author, on the coast of Canara, in about the lat. of 15 deg. N. when the sun is nearly vertical, must be understood as the rainy season.–E.]
[Footnote 140: This incident in the text is given as fortunate, and perhaps it ought to have been expressed, “He wrapped it about his loins and returned to his palanquin.”–E.]
From Goa I departed for Cochin, a voyage of 300 miles, there being several strong-holds belonging to the Portuguese between these two cities, as Onore, Barcelore, Mangalore, and Cananore. Onore, the first of these, is in the dominions of the queen of _Battacella_, or _Batecolah_, who is tributary to the king of Bijanagur. There is no trade at this place, which is only a military post held by a captain with a company of soldiers. After this you go to another small castle of the Portuguese called Mangalore, in which there is only a small trade in rice. Thence you go to a little fort called Bazelore[141], whence a great deal of rice is transported to Goa. From thence you go to a city named Cananore, which is within a musket-shot of the capital of the king of Cananore who is a Gentile[142]. He and his people are wicked and malicious, delighting in going to war with the Portuguese; yet when at peace they find their interest in trading with them. From this kingdom of Cananore is procured great store of cardomums, pepper, ginger, honey, cocoa-nuts, and _archa_ or _areka_. This is a fruit about the size of a nutmeg, which is chewed in all the Indies, and even beyond them, along with the leaf of a plant resembling ivy called _betel_. The nut is wrapped up in a leaf of the betel along with some lime made of oyster shells, and through all the Indies they spend a great deal of money; on this composition, which they use daily, a thing I could not have believed if I had not seen it continually practised. A great revenue is drawn from this herb, as it pays custom. When they chew this in their mouths, it makes their spittle as red as blood, and it is said to produce a good appetite and a sweet breath; but in my opinion, they eat it rather to satisfy their filthy lusts, for this herb is moist and hot, and causes a strong expulsion.
[Footnote 141: This must be Barcelore, and ought to have been named before Managalore, as above 50 miles to the north, between Goa and Managalore.–E.]
[Footnote 142: This passage ought to have stood thus “The fort of Cananore belonging to the Portuguese, only a musket-shot from the city of that name, the capital of” &c.–E.]
From Cananore you go Cranganore, which is a small fort of the Portuguese in the country of the king of Cranganore, another king of the Gentiles. This is a country of small importance of about a hundred miles extent, full of thieves, subject to the king of Calicut, who is another king of the Gentiles and a great enemy to the Portuguese, with whom he is continually engaged in war. This country is a receptacle of foreign thieves, and especially of those Moors called _Carposa_, on account of their wearing long red caps. These thieves divide the spoil they get with the king of Calicut, who gives them leave to go a-roving; so that there are so many thieves all along this coast, that there is no sailing in those seas except in large ships well armed, or under convoy of Portuguese ships of war. From Cranganore to Cochin is 15 miles[143].
[Footnote 143: The direct distance is twenty geographical miles.–E.]
SECTION IX.
_Of Cochin._
Cochin, next to Goa, is the chief place in India belonging to the Portuguese, and has a great trade in spices, drugs, and all other kinds of merchandise for Portugal. Inland from that place is the pepper country, which pepper is loaded by the Portuguese in bulk not in sacks. The pepper which is sent to Portugal is not so good as that which goes up the Red Sea; because in times past the officers of the king of Portugal made a contract with the king of Cochin for all the pepper, to be delivered at a fixed price, which is very low; and for which reason the country people deliver it to the Portuguese unripe and full of dirt. As the Moors of Mecca give a better price, they get it clean and dry and in much better condition; but all the spices and drugs which they carry to Mecca and the Red Sea are contraband and stolen or smuggled. There are two cities at Cochin, one of which belongs to the Portuguese and the other to the native king; that of the Portuguese being nearer the sea, while the native city is a mile and a half farther up the same river. They are both on the banks of the same large river, which comes from the mountains in the pepper country[144], in which are many Christians of the order of St Thomas. The king of Cochin is a Gentile and a steadfast friend to the king of Portugal, and to all the Portuguese who are married and have become citizens of Cochin. By the name of Portuguese, all the Christians are known in India who come from Europe, whether they be Italians, Frenchmen, or Germans. All those who marry and settle at Cochin get some office according to the trades they are off, by which they have great privileges. The two principal commodities in which they deal are silk which comes in great quantities from China, and large quantities of sugar, which comes from Bengal. The married citizens pay no customs for these two commodities; but pay 4s. per centum for all other goods to the king of Cochin, rating their own goods almost at their own valuation. Those who are not married pay to the king of Portugal 8s. per centum for all kinds of commodities. While I was in Cochin, the viceroy used his endeavours to break the privileges of these married citizens, that they might pay the same rates of customs with others. On this occasion the citizens were glad to weigh their pepper in the night to evade the customs. When this came to the knowledge of the king of Cochin, he put a stop to the delivery of pepper, so that the viceroy was glad to allow the merchants to do as formerly.
[Footnote 144: In the version of Cesar Frederick in Hakluyt, it is said “to come from the mountains of the king of the pepper country, who is a Gentile, and in whose dominions there are many Christians,” &c. as in the text. This king of the pepper country is probably meant for the rajah of Travancore. The great river of the text is merely a sound, which reaches along the coast from Cochin to beyond Coulan, a distance of above 90 miles, forming a long range of low islands on the sea-coast, and receiving numerous small rivers from the southern gauts.–E.]
The king of Cochin has small power in comparison with the other sovereigns of India as he is unable to send above 70,000 men into the field. He has a great number of gentlemen, some of whom are called _Amochi_[145] and others _Nairs_. These two sorts of men do not value their lives in any thing which tends to the honour of their king, and will run freely into any danger in his service, even if sure to lose their lives in the attempt. These men go naked from the waist upwards, and barefooted, having only a cloth wrapped about their thighs. Their hair is long and rolled up on the top of their heads, and they go always armed, carrying bucklers and naked swords. The Nairs have their wives in common among themselves, and when any of them goes into the house of one of these women, he leaves his sword and buckler at the door, and while he is within no other dare enter the house. The king’s children never inherit the kingdom after their fathers, lest perchance they may have been begotten by some other man; wherefore the son of the king’s sisters, or of some female of the royal-blood succeeds, that they may be sure of having a king of the royal family. Those Naires and their wives have great holes in their ears by way of ornament, so large and wide as is hardly credible, holding that the larger these holes are, so much the more noble are they. I had leave from one of them to measure the circumference of the hole in one of his ears with a thread; and within that circumference I put my arm up to the shoulder with my clothes on, so that in fact they are monstrously large. This is begun when they are very young, at which time a hole is made in each ear, to which they hang a piece of gold or a lump of lead, putting a certain leaf into the hole which causes the hole to increase prodigiously. They load ships at Cochin both for Portugal and Ormuz: but all the pepper that is carried to Ormuz is smuggled. Cinnamon and all other spices and drugs are permitted to be exported to Ormuz or Cambaia, as likewise all other kinds of merchandise from other parts of India. From Cochin there are sent yearly to Portugal great quantities of pepper, dry and preserved ginger, wild cinnamon, areka nuts and large store of cordage made of _cayro_, that is from the bark of the cocoa-nut tree, which is reckoned better than that made of hemp. The ships for Portugal depart every season between the 5th of December and the 5th of January.
[Footnote 145: On former occasions these _amochi_ have been explained as devoted naires, under a vow to revenge the death of their sovereign.–E.]
From Cochin I went to Coulan, at which is a small fort belonging to the Portuguese, 72 miles from Cochin. This is a place of small trade, as every year a ship gets only half a lading of pepper here, and then goes to Cochin to be filled up. From Cochin to Cape Comorin is 72 miles, and here ends the Indian coast. Along this coast, and also at Cape Comorin, and down to the low lands of _Chialon_[146], which is about 200 miles, there are great numbers of the natives converted to the Christian faith, and among them are many churches of the order of St Paul, the friars of which order do much good in these places, and take great pains to instruct the natives in the Christian faith.
[Footnote 146: These geographical notices are inexplicable, unless by _Chialon_ is meant the low or maritime parts of Ceylon, which Cesar Frederick afterwards calls Zeilan.–E.]
SECTION X.
_Of the Pearl Fishery in the Gulf of Manaar_.
The men along the coast which extends from Cape Comorin to the low land of _Chioal_[147], and the island of _Zeilan_ or Ceylon, is called the pearl-fishery. This fishery is made every year, beginning in March or April, and lasts fifty days. The fishery is by no means made every year at one place, but one year at one place, and another year at another place; all however in the same sea. When the fishing season approaches, some good divers are sent to discover where the greatest quantities of oysters are to be found under water; and then directly facing that place which is chosen for the fishery, a village with a number of houses, and a bazar all of stone, is built, which stands as long as the fishery lasts, and is amply supplied with all necessaries. Sometimes it happens near places already inhabited, and at other times at a distance from any habitations. The fishers or divers are all Christians of the country, and all are permitted to engage in this fishery, on payment of certain duties to the king of Portugal, and to the churches of the friars of St Paul on that coast. Happening to be there one year in my peregrinations, I saw the order used in fishing, which is as follows.
[Footnote 147: This word is unintelligible, having no similar name in modern geography. From the context, it seems to signify the maritime coast of Tinnevelly and Marwar, or the most southern part of the Carnatic, opposite to Ceylon; and may possibly be that called _Chialon_ immediately before–E.]
During the continuance of the fishery, there are always three or four armed foists or galliots stationed to defend the fishermen from pirates. Usually the fishing-boats unite in companies of three or four together. These boats resemble our pilot boats at Venice, but are somewhat smaller, having seven or eight men in each. I have seen of a morning a great number of these boats go out to fish, anchoring in 15 or 18 fathoms water, which it the ordinary depth all along this coast. When at anchor, they cast a rope into the sea, having a great stone at one end. Then a man, having his ears well stopped, and his body anointed with oil, and a basket hanging to his neck or under his left arm, goes down to the bottom of the sea along the rope, and fills his basket with oysters as fast as he can. When that is full, he shakes the rope, and his companions draw him up with the basket. The divers follow each other in succession in this manner, till the boat is loaded with oysters, and they return at evening to the fishing village. Then each boat or company makes their heap of oysters at some distance from each other, so that a long row of great heaps of oysters are seen piled along the shore. These are not touched till the fishing is over, when each company sits down beside its own heap, and fails to opening the oysters, which is now easy, as the fish within are all dead and dry. If every oyster had pearls in them, it would be a profitable occupation, but there are many which have none. There are certain persons called _Chitini_, who are learned in pearls, and are employed to sort and value them, according to their weight, beauty, and goodness, dividing them into four sorts. The _first_ sort, which are round, are named _aia_ of Portugal, as they are bought by the Portuguese: The _second_, which are not round, are named _aia_ of Bengal: The _third_, which are inferior to the second, are called _aia_ of Canara, which is the name of the kingdom of Bijanagur or Narsinga, into which they are sold: And the _fourth_, or lowest kind, is called _aia_ of Cambaia, being sold into that country[148]. Thus sorted, and prices affixed to each, there are merchants from all countries ready with their money, so that in a few days all the pearls are bought up, according to their goodness and weight.
[Footnote 148: Pearls are weighed by _carats_, each of which is four grains. The men who sort and price them have a copper instrument with holes of various sizes, by which they estimate their several values.–_Hakluyt_.]
In this sea of the pearl-fishery there is an island called _Manaar_, over-against Ceylon, inhabited by Christians who were formerly Gentiles, and in which island there is a small fort belonging to the Portuguese. Between this island and Ceylon there is a narrow channel with a small depth of water, through which only small ships can pass at the full and change of the moon, when the tides are high, and even then they must put their cargoes into lighters to enable them to pass the shoals, after which they take in their goods again, and proceed on their voyage. But large ships going for the eastern coast of India pass by the coast of Coromandel, on the other side of this gulf, beside the land of _Chilao_[149], which is between the firm land and the isle of Manaar. On this voyage ships are sometimes lost, but they are empty, as ships going this way discharge their cargoes at _Periapatam_ into small flat-bottomed boats named _Tane_, which can run over any shoal without danger, as they always wait at Periapatam for fine weather. On departing from Periapatam, the small ships and flat-bottomed boats go always together, and on arriving at the shoals about thirty-six miles from that place, they are forced through by the winds, which always blow so forcibly that they have no means of taking shelter during the passage. The flat boats go through safely; but if the small ships happen to miss the proper channel, they get fast on the shoals, by which many of them are lost. In coming back from the Indies, instead of this passage, they take the channel of Manaar, which has an ouze bottom, so that even in case of grounding they are generally got off again without damage. The reason of not using this passage on the outward voyage is, that the prevailing winds between Ceylon and Manaar frequently occasion that channel to have so little water that it cannot be navigated. From Cape Comorin to the island of Ceylon, the distance is 120 miles.
[Footnote 149: By this account of the matter, the land of _Chilao_ appears to be the island of Ramiseram, between which and the island of Manaar extends a reef of rocks called _Adams Bridge_. The deep channel is between Ramiseram and the point of _Tanitory_ on the Coromandel coast.–E.]
SECTION XI.
_Of the Island of Ceylon_
In my judgment, the island of Ceylon is a great deal larger than Cyprus. On the west side, facing India, is the city of Columba, the principal hold of the Portuguese, but without walls or enemies. In this city, which has a free port, dwells the lawful king of the whole island, who has become a Christian, and is maintained by the king of Portugal, having been deprived of his kingdom. The heathen king to whom this island formerly belonged was named _Madoni_, who had two sons named _Barbinas_ and _Ragine_. By acquiring the favour of the soldiers, the younger son Ragine usurped the kingdom, in prejudice of his father and elder brother, and became a great warrior. Formerly there were three kingdoms in this island. Those were, the kingdom of Cotta, with other dependent or conquered provinces: The kingdom of Candy, which had considerable power, and was allied to the Portuguese, the king being supposed a secret Christian: The third was the kingdom of _Gianisampatam_, or Jafnapatam. During thirteen years that _Ragine_ ruled over this island, he became a great tyrant.
The island of Ceylon produces fine cinnamon and abundance of pepper, with great quantities of _nuts_ and _aroche_[150]. They here make great quantities of _cayre_ of which ropes are manufactured, as formerly noticed. It likewise produces great store of that kind of crystal called _ochi de gati_ or cats eyes, and it is said to produce some rubies; but on my return thither from Pegu, I sold some rubies here for a good price, which I had bought in that country. Being desirous to see how the cinnamon is gathered from the trees, and happening to be there during the season when it is gathered, which is in the month of April; at this time the Portuguese were in the field making war on the king of the country, yet to satisfy my curiosity, I took a guide and went out into a wood about three miles from the city, where there grew great numbers of cinnamon trees intermixed among other wild trees. The cinnamon is a small tree not very high, and has leaves resembling those of the bay tree. In March or April, when the sap rises, the cinnamon or bark is taken from the trees. They cut the bark of the trees round about in lengths, from knot to knot, or from joint to joint, both above and below, and then easily strip it off with their hands, after which it is laid in the sun to dry. Yet for all this the tree does not die, but recovers a new bark by the next year. That which is gathered every year is the best cinnamon, as what remains upon the trees for two or three years becomes thick and coarse, and not so good as the other. In these woods there grows much pepper.
[Footnote 150: The author probably here means cocoa-nuts and areka.–E.]
SECTION XII.
_Of Negapatam._
From the island of Ceylon a trade is carried on in small ships to Negapatam on the continent, and 72 miles off is a very great and populous city, full of Portuguese and native Christians, with many Gentiles.[151] Almost the only trade here is for rice and cotton cloth, which is carried to various countries. It formerly abounded in victuals, on which account many Portuguese resorted thither and built houses, as they could live there at small expense, but provisions have now become scarcer and dearer. This city belongs to a Gentile nobleman of the kingdom of Bijanagur, yet the Portuguese and other Christians are well treated, and have built churches, together with a monastery of the Franciscans. They live with great devotion, and are well accommodated with houses; yet are they among tyrants who may always do them much harm at their pleasure, as in reality happened to them in the year 1565. At that time the _nayer_ or lord of the city sent to demand from the citizens certain Arabian horses, which they refused; whereupon this lord gave out that he proposed to take a view of the sea, so that the poor citizens doubted some evil was meant against them by this unusual circumstance, dreading that he would plunder the city. Accordingly they embarked as fast as they could with all their goods and moveables, merchandise, jewels, and money, and put off from the shore. But to their great misfortune, a great storm arose next night, by which all their ships were driven on shore and wrecked, and all their goods which came to land were seized by the troops of this great lord, who had come down with his army to see the sea.
[Footnote 151: It is not easy to say whether the author means to express that Negapatam is this great city 72 miles from Ceylon, or if he refers to another city 72 miles from Negapatam.–E.]
SECTION XIII.
_Of Saint Thome and other places._
Following my voyage from Negapatam 150 miles towards the east, I came to the house of the blessed apostle St Thomas[152], which is a church held in great devotion, and is even much reverenced by the Gentiles, for the great miracles which they have heard were performed by that holy apostle. Near to this church the Portuguese have built a city, which stands in the country that is subject to the king of Bijanagur. Though not large, this city, in my judgment, is the handsomest in all that part of India, having many good houses with fine gardens in the environs. The streets are large and in straight lines, with many well frequented churches; and the houses are built contiguous, each having a small door, so that every house is sufficiently defensible by the Portuguese against the natives. The Portuguese have no other property here beyond their houses and gardens, as the sovereignty, together with the customs on trade, belong to the king of Bijanagur. These customs are small and easy, and the country is very rich and has great trade. Every year there come to this port two or three very large and rich ships, besides many other small ships. One of these great ships goes to Pegu and the other to Malacca, laden with fine _bumbast_ or cotton cloth of all kinds, many of them being beautifully painted, and as it were _gilded_ with various colours, which grow the livelier the oftener they are washed. There is also other cotton cloth that is woven of divers colours and is of great value. They also make at St Thome a great quantity of red yarn, dyed with a root called _saia_, which never fades in its colour, but grows the redder the oftener it is washed. Most of this red yarn is sent to Pegu, where it is woven into cloth according to their own fashion, and at less cost than can be done at St Thome.
[Footnote 152: St Thome, about 5 miles south from Madras, is about 160 English miles nearly north from Negapatam.–E.]
The shipping and landing of men and merchandise at St Thome is very wonderful to those who have not seen it before. The place is so dangerous that ordinary small barks or ships boats cannot be used, as these would be beaten to pieces; but they have certain high barks made on purpose, which they call _Masadie_ or _Mussolah_, made of small boards sewed together with small cords, in which the owners will embark either men or goods. They are laden upon dry land, after which the boatmen thrust the loaded boat into the stream, when with the utmost speed they exert themselves to row her out against the huge waves of the sea which continually best on that shore, and so carry them out to the ships. In like manner these _Masadies_ are laden at the ships with men and merchandise; and when they come near the shore, the men leap out into the sea to keep the bark right, that she may not cast athwart the shore, and keeping her right stem on, the surf of the sea sets her with her lading high and dry on the land without hurt or danger. Yet sometimes these boats are overset; but there can be but small loss on such occasions, as they lade but little at a time. All the goods carried outwards in this manner are securely covered with ox hides, to prevent any injury from wetting.
In my return voyage in 1566, I went from Goa to Malacca in a ship or galleon belonging to the king of Portugal, which was bound for Banda to lade nutmegs and mace. From Goa to Malacca it is 1800 miles. We passed without the island of Ceylon and went through the channel of _Nicobar_, and then through the channel of _Sombrero_, past the island of Sumatra, called in old times _Taprobana_.[153] Nicobar, off the coast of Pegu, consists of a great multitude of islands, many of which are inhabited by a wild people. These islands are likewise called _Andemaon_ or Andaman.[154] The natives are savages who eat each other, and are continually engaged in war, which they carry on in small boats, chiefly to make prisoners for their cannibal feasts. When by any chance a ship happens to be cast away on those islands, as many have been, the men are sure to be slain and devoured. These savages have no trade or intercourse with any other people, but live entirely on the productions of their own islands. In my voyage from Malacca through the channel of Sombrero, two boats came off from these islands to our ship laden with fruit, such as _Mouces_ which we call Adams apples, with fresh cocoa nuts, and another fruit named _Inani_, much like our turnips, but very sweet and good to eat. These people could not be prevailed on to come on board our ship, neither would they accept payment for their fruit in money, but bartered them for old shirts or old trowsers. These rags were let down from the ship into their boats by a rope, and when they had considered what they were worth in their estimation, they tied as much fruit as they thought proper to give in exchange to the rope, which they allowed us to hale up. I was told that sometimes a man may get a valuable piece of amber for an old shirt.
[Footnote 153: The Taprobana or Sielendive of the ancients certainly was Ceylon, not Sumatra.–E.]
[Footnote 154: The Andaman and Nicobar islands, in long. 93 deg. East from Greenwich, reach from the lat. of 6 deg. 45′ to 15 deg. N.–E.]
SECTION XIV.
_Of the Island of Sumatra and the City of Malacca_.
The island of Sumatra is very large and is governed by many kings, being divided by many channels through which there is a passage[155]. Towards the west end is the kingdom of _Assi_ or _Acheen_, under a Mahometan king who has great military power, besides a great number of _foists_[156] and gallies. This kingdom produces large quantities of pepper, besides ginger and benzoin. The king is a bitter enemy to the Portuguese, and has frequently gone against Malacca, doing great injury to its dependent towns, but was always bravely resisted by the citizens, with great injury to his camp and navy, done by their artillery from the walls and batteries.
[Footnote 155: This assertion is unintelligible, unless the author means to include a number of small islands off the coast as belonging to Sumatra.–E.]
[Footnote 156: Foists are described as a kind of brigantines, rather larger than half gallies, and much used by the Turks and other eastern nations in those days for war. _Maons_, formerly mentioned among the ships of Soliman Pacha in the siege of Diu, are said to have been large flat-bottomed vessels or hulks, of 700 or 800 tons burden, having sometimes _seven_ mizen sails.–_Hakluyt_.]
Leaving Sumatra on the right hand, I came to Malacca, which is a city of wonderful trade in all kinds of merchandise from various parts, as all ships frequenting those seas whether large or small must stop at Malacca to pay customs, even though they do not load or unload any part of their cargoes at that place, just as all ships in Europe frequenting the Baltic must do at Elsineur. Should any pass under night without paying the dues at Malacca, they fall into great danger afterwards, if found any where in India without the _seal of Malacca_, having in that case to pay double duties.
I have not gone beyond Malacca during my Indian peregrinations. Indeed the trade to the east of Malacca, particularly to China and Japan, is not free for all, being reserved by the king of Portugal to himself and his nobles, or to those who have special leave for this purpose from the king, who expects to know what voyages are made from Malacca eastwards. The royal voyages from Malacca eastwards are as follow. Every year two galleons belonging to the king depart from Malacca, one of which is bound for the Moluccas to lade cloves, and the other goes to Banda for nutmegs and mace. These two are entirely laden on the kings account, and do not take any goods belonging to individuals, saving only the privilege of the mariners and soldiers. Hence these voyages are not frequented by merchants, who would have no means of transporting their return goods, and besides the captains of these ships are not permitted to carry any merchants thither. There go however to these places some small ships belonging to the Moors from the coast of Java, who exchange or barter their commodities in the kingdom of Acheen. These are mace, cloves, and nutmegs, which are sent from Acheen to the Red Sea. The voyages which the king of Portugal grants to his nobles, are those from China to Japan and back to China, from China to India, and those of Bengal, the Moluccas, and Sunda, with fine cloth and all kinds of cotton goods.
Sunda is an island of the Moors near the coast of Java, whence pepper is curried to China. The ship which goes yearly from India to China is called the _drug ship_, because she carries various drugs of Cambaia, but her principal lading consists of silver. From Malacca to China the distance is 1800 miles; and from China there goes every year a large ship to Japan laden with silk, in return for which she brings back bars of silver which are bartered in China for goods. The distance between Japan and China is 2400 miles, in which sea there are several islands of no great size, in which the friars of St Paul, by the blessing of God, have made many Christians _like themselves_: But from these islands the seas have not been fully explored and discovered, on account of the great numbers of shoals and sand banks [157].
[Footnote 157: The text in this place it erroneous or obscure. The indicated distance between China and Japan is enormously exaggerated, and probably ought to have been stated as between Malacca and Japan. The undiscovered islands and shoals seem to refer to the various islands between Java and Japan, to the east and north.–E.]
The Portuguese have a small city named Macao on an island near the coast of China, in which the church and houses are built of wood. This is a bishopric, but the customs belong to the king of China, and are payable at the city of Canton, two days journey and a half from Macao, and a place of great importance. The people of China are heathens, and are so fearful and jealous that they are unwilling to permit any strangers to enter their country. Hence when the Portuguese go there to pay their customs and to buy goods, they are not allowed to lodge within the city, but are sent out to the suburbs. This country of China, which adjoins to great Tartary, is of vast size and importance, as may be judged by the rich and precious merchandise which comes from thence, than which I believe there are none better or more abundant in quantity in all the world besides. In the first place it affords great quantities of gold, which is carried thence to the Indies made into small plates _like little ships_, and in value 23 _carats_ each[158]; large quantities of fine silk, with damasks and taffetas; large quantities of musk and of _occam_[159] in bars, quicksilver, cinabar, camphor, porcelain in vessels of divers sorts, painted cloth, and squares, and the drug called Chinaroot. Every year two or three large ships go from China to India laden with these rich and precious commodities. Rhubarb goes from thence over land by way of Persia, as there is a caravan every year from Persia to China, which takes six months to go there and as long to return. This caravan arrives at a place called _Lanchin_, where the king and his court reside. I conversed with a Persian who had been three years in that city of _Lanchin_, and told me that it was a city of great size and wealth.
[Footnote 158: Perhaps the author may have expressed _of 23 carats fine_.–E.]
[Footnote 159: Perhaps the mixed metal called tutenag may be here meant.–E.]
The voyages which are under the jurisdiction of the captain of Malacca are the following. Every year he sends a small ship to Timor to load white sandal wood, the best being to be had in that island. He also sends another small ship yearly to Cochin-China for aloes wood, which is only to be procured in that country, which is on the continent adjoining to China. I could never learn in what manner that wood grows, as the people of Cochin-China will not allow the Portuguese to go into the land except for wood and water, bringing provisions and merchandise and all other things they want to their ships in small barks, so that a market is held daily on the deck of the ship till she is laden. Another ship goes yearly from Malacca for Siam to lade _Verzino_[160]. All these voyages belong exclusively to the captain of Malacca, and when he is not disposed to make them on his own account he sells them to others.
[Footnote 160: From another part of this voyage it appears that this is some species of seed from which oil was expressed.–E.]
SECTION XV.
_Of the City of Siam_.
Siam was the imperial seat of the kingdom of that name and a great city, till the year 1567, when it was taken by the king of Pegu, who came by land with a prodigious army of 1,400,000 men, marching for four months, and besieged Siam for twenty-two mouths, during which he lost a vast number of men, and at lost won the city. I happened to be in the city of Pegu about six months after his departure on this expedition, and saw the governors left by him in the command of Pegu send off 500,000 men, to supply the places of those who were slain in this siege. Yet after all he would not have won the place unless for treachery, in consequence of which one of the gates was left open, through which he forced his way with great trouble into the city. When the king of Siam found that he was betrayed and that his enemy had gained possession of the city, he poisoned himself. His wives and children, and all his nobles that were not slain during the siege, were carried captives to Pegu. I was there at the return of the king in triumph from this conquest, and his entry into Pegu was a goodly sight, especially the vast number of elephants laden with gold, silver, and jewels, and carrying the noblemen and women who were made captives at Siam.
To return to my voyage. I departed from Malacca in a great ship bound for St Thome on the coast of Coromandel, and as at that time the captain of Malacca had intelligence that the king of Acheen meant to come against Malacca with a great fleet and army, he refused to allow any ships to depart. On this account we departed from Malacca under night without having made any provision of water; and being upwards of 400 persons on board, we proposed to have gone to a certain island for water, but by contrary winds we were unable to accomplish this, and were driven about by the tempests for forty-two days, the mountains of _Zerzerline_ near the kingdom of _Orissa_, 500 miles beyond St Thome, being the first land we got sight of. So we came to Orissa with many sick, and had lost a great number for want of water. The sick generally died in four days illness. For the space of a year after, my throat continued sore and hoarse, and I could never satisfy my insatiable thirst. I judged the reason of this hoarseness to be from the continual use of sippets dipped in vinegar and oil, on which I sustained my life for many days. We had no scarcity of bread or wine; but the wines of that country are so hot that they cannot be drank without water, or they produce death. When we began to want water, I saw certain Moors who were officers in the ship who sold a small dish of water for a ducat, and I have afterwards seen a _bar_ of pepper, which is two quintals and a half, offered for a small measure, and it could not be had even at that price. I verily believe I must have died, together with my slave, whom I had bought at a high price, had I not sold him for half his value, that I might save his drink to supply my own urgent wants, and save my own life.
SECTION XVI.
_Of the Kingdom of Orissa and the River Ganges_.
This was a fair and well regulated kingdom, through which a man might have travelled with gold in his hand without danger, so long as it was governed by its native sovereign who was a Gentile, and resided in the city of _Catecha_[161] six days journey inland. This king loved strangers, especially merchants who traded in his dominions, insomuch that he took no customs from them, neither did he vex them with any grievous impositions, only that each ship that came thither paid some small affair in proportion to her tonnage. Owing to this good treatment twenty-five ships, great and small, used to lade yearly in the port of Orissa, mostly with rice and with different kinds of white cotton cloths, oil of _zerzerline_ or _verzino_ which is made from a seed, and answers well for eating or frying fish, lac, long pepper, ginger, dry and candied mirabolans, and great store of cloth made from a kind of silk which grows on trees requiring no labour or cultivation, as when the _bole_ or round pod is grown to the size of an orange, all they have to do is to gather it. About sixteen years before this, the Pagan king of Orissa was defeated and slain and his kingdom conquered, by the king of _Patane_[162], who was also king of the greatest part of Bengal. After the conquest of Orissa, this king imposed a duty of 20 per centum on all trade, as had been formerly paid in his other dominions. But this king did not enjoy his acquisitions long, being soon conquered by another tyrant, who was the great Mogul of Delhi, Agra, and Cambaia, against whom the king of Patane made very little resistance.
[Footnote 161: Cuttack, at the head of the Delta of the Mahamuddy or Gongah river, in lat. 20 deg. 32′ N. lon. 86 deg. 9′ E. is probably here meant, It is only about 45 miles from the sea, but might have been six days journey from the port where the author took shelter, which probably was Balasore.–E.]
[Footnote 162: Probably so called from residing at Patna, called Patane in the text.–E.]
Departing from Orissa I went to the harbour of _Piqueno_ in Bengal, 170 miles to the east from Orissa. We went in the first place along the coast for 54 miles when we entered the river Ganges. From the mouth of this river to a place called _Satagan_, where the merchants assemble with their commodities, are 100 miles, to which place they row up the river along with the flood tide in _eighteen_ hours. This river ebbs and flows as it does in the Thames, and when the ebb begins, although their barks are light and propelled with oars like foists, they cannot row against the ebb tide, but must make fast to one of the banks of the river and wait for next flood. These boats are called _bazaras_ and _patuas_, and row as well as a galliot or any vessel I have ever seen. At the distance of a good tide rowing before reaching _Satagan_ we come to a place called _Buttor_, which ships do not go beyond, as the river is very shallow upwards. At _Buttore_ a village is constructed every year, in which all the houses and shops are made of straw, and have every necessary convenience for the use of the merchants. This village continues as long as the ships remain there; but when they depart for the Indies, every man goes to his plot of houses and sets them on fire. This circumstance seemed very strange to me; for as I passed up the river to _Satagan_, I saw this village standing, having a great multitude of people with many ships and bazars; and at my return along with the captain of the last ship, for whom I tarried, I was amazed to see no remains of the village except the appearance of the burnt houses, all having been razed and burnt.
Small ships go up to _Satagan_ where they load and unload their cargoes. In this port of _Satagan_ twenty-five or thirty ships great and small are loaded yearly with rice, cotton cloths of various kinds, lac, great quantities of sugar, dried and preserved mirabolans, long pepper, oil of _Verzino_, and many other kinds of merchandise. The city of Satagan is tolerably handsome as a city of the Moors, abounding in every thing, and belonged formerly to the king of _Patane_ or _Patna_, but is now subject to the great Mogul. I was in this kingdom four months, where many merchants bought or hired boats for their convenience and great advantage, as there is a fair every day in one town or city of the country. I also hired a bark and went up and down the river in the prosecution of my business, in the course of which I saw many strange things.
The kingdom of Bengal has been long under the power of the Mahomedans, yet there are many Gentile inhabitants. Wherever I speak of Gentiles I am to be understood as signifying idolaters, and by Moors I mean the followers of Mahomet. The inhabitants of the inland country do greatly worship the river Ganges; for if any one is sick, he is brought from the country to the banks of the river, where they build for him a cottage of straw, and every day they bathe him in the river. Thus many die at the side of the Ganges, and after their death they make a heap of boughs and sticks on which they lay the dead body and then set the pile on fire. When the dead body is half roasted, it is taken from the fire, and having an empty jar tied about its neck is thrown into the river. I saw this done every night for two months as I passed up and down the river in my way to the fairs to purchase commodities from the merchants. On account of this practice the Portuguese do not drink the water of the Ganges, although it appears to the eye much better and clearer than that of the Nile.
“Of _Satagan, Buttor_, and _Piqueno_, in the kingdom of Bengal, no notices are to be found in the best modern maps of that country, so that we can only approximate their situation by guess. Setting out from what the author calls the port of _Orissa_, which has already been conjectured to be Balasore, the author coasted to the river Ganges, at the distance of 54 miles. This necessarily implies the western branch of the Ganges, or _Hoogly_ river, on which the English Indian capital, _Calcutta_, now stands. _Satagan_ is said to have been 100 miles up the river, which would carry us up almost to the city of _Sautipoor_, which may possibly have been _Satagan_. The two first syllables of the name are almost exactly the same, and the final syllable in Sauti_poor_ is a Persian word signifying town, which may have been _gan_ in some other dialect. The entire distance from _Balasore_, or the port of Orissa, to _Piqueno_ is stated at 170 miles, of which 154 have been already accounted for, so that Piqueno must have been only about 16 miles above Satagan, and upon the Ganges[163].”–ED.
[Footnote 163: These observations, distinguished by inverted commas, are placed in the text, as too long for a note.–E.]
SECTION XVII.
_Of Tanasserim and other Places_.
In continuation of my peregrinations, I sailed from the port of _Piqueno_ to Cochin, from whence I went to Malacca, and afterwards to Pegu, being 800 miles distant. That voyage is ordinarily performed in twenty-five or thirty days; but we were four months on the way, and at the end of three months we were destitute of provisions. The pilot alleged that, according to the latitude by his observation, we could not be far from _Tanassery_, or _Tanasserim_, a city in the kingdom of Pegu. In this he was mistaken, as we found ourselves in the middle of many islands and uninhabited rocks, yet some Portuguese who were on board affirmed that they knew the land, and could even point out where the city of Tanasserim stood. This city belongs of right to Siam, and is situated on the side of a great river, which comes from the kingdom of Siam. At the month of this river there is a village called _Mirgim, Merghi_, or _Morgui_, at which some ships load every year with _Verzino_, _Nypa_, and Benzoin, with a few cloves, nutmegs, and mace, that come from Siam; but the principal merchandise are _Verzino_ and _Nypa_. This last is an excellent wine, which is made from the flower of a tree called _Nyper_. They distil the liquor prepared from the _Nyper_, and make therewith an excellent drink, as clear as crystal, which is pleasant to the taste, and still better to the stomach, as it has most excellent virtues, insomuch that if a person were rotten with the lues, and drinks abundantly of this wine, he shall be made whole, as I have seen proved: For when I was in Cochin, the nose of a friend of mine began to drop off with that disease, on which he was advised by the physicians to go to Tanasserim at the season of the new wines, and to drink the _Nyper_ wine day and night, as much as he was able. He was ordered to use it before being distilled, when it is most delicate; for after distillation it become much stronger, and is apt to produce drunkenness. He went accordingly, and did as he was directed, and I have seen him since perfectly sound and well-coloured. It is very cheap in Pegu, where a great quantity is made every year; but being in great repute in the Indies, it is dear when carried to a distance.
I now return to my unfortunate voyage, where we were among the uninhabited rocks and islands far from Tanasserim, and in great straits for victuals. From what was said by the pilot and two Portuguese, that we were directly opposite the harbour of Tanasserim, we determined to go thither in out boat to bring provisions, leaving orders to the ship to await our return. Accordingly, twenty-eight of us went into the boat, and left the ship about noon one day, expecting to get into the harbour before night; but, after rowing all that day and the next night, and all the ensuing day, we could find no harbour nor any fit place to land; for, trusting to the ignorant counsel of the pilot and the two Portuguese, we had overshot the harbour and left it behind us. In this way we twenty-eight unfortunate persons in the boat lost both our ship and the inhabited land, and were reduced to the utmost extremity, having no victuals along with us. By the good providence of God, one of the mariners in the boat had brought a small quantity of rice along with him, intending to barter it for some other thing, though the whole was so little that three or four men might have eaten it all at one meal. I took charge of this small store, engaging, with God’s blessing, that it should serve to keep us all in life, till it might please God to send us to some inhabited place, and when I slept I secured it in my bosom, that I might not be robbed of my precious deposit. We were nine days rowing along the coast, finding nothing but an uninhabited country and desert islands, where even grass would have been esteemed a luxury in our miserable state. We found indeed some leaves of trees, but so hard that we could not chew them. We had wood and water enough, and could only row along with the flood tide, as when it ebbed we had to make fast our boat to one of the desert islands. On one of these days, it pleased God that we discovered a nest or hole, in which were 144 tortoise eggs, which proved a wonderful help to us, as they were as large as hens eggs, covered only by a tender skin, instead of a shell. Every day we boiled a kettle full of these eggs, mixing a handful of rice among the broth. At the end of nine days, it pleased God that we discovered some fishermen in small barks, employed in catching fish. We rowed immediately towards them with much delight and thankfulness, for never were men more glad than we, being so much reduced by famine that we could hardly stand on our legs; yet, according to the allotment we had made of our rice, we still had as much as would have served four days. The first village we came to was in the gulf of _Tavay_, on the coast of Tanasserim, in the dominions of Pegu, where we found plenty of provisions; yet for two or three days after our arrival none of us could eat much, and most of us were at the point of death. From Tavay to _Martaban_, in the kingdom of Pegu, the distance is 72 miles[164]. We loaded our boat at Tavay with provisions sufficient for six months, and then went in our boat to the city and port of Martaban, in the kingdom of Pegu, and arrived there in a short time. But not finding our ship there as we hoped, we dispatched two barks in search of her. They found her in great calamity at an anchor, with a contrary wind, which was exceedingly unfortunate for the people, especially as they had been a whole month without a boat, which prevented them from making any provision of wood and water. The ship, however, arrived safe, by the blessing of God, in the harbour of Martaban.
[Footnote 164: On the coast of Tanasserim, in lat. 13 deg. N. is an island called _Tavay_, so that the gulf of Tavay in the text was probably in that neighbourhood. Martaban is in lat. 16 deg. 40′ N. So that the difference of latitude is 8 deg. 40′, and the distance cannot be less than 250 miles.–E.]
SECTION XVIII
_Of Martaban and the Kingdom of Pegu._
On our arrival at Martaban we found about ninety Portuguese there, including merchants and lower people, who had fallen at variance with the governor of the city, because certain vagabond Portuguese had slain five _falchines,_ or porters, belonging to the king of Pegu. According to the custom of that country, when the king of Pegu happens to be at a distance from his capital, a caravan, or company of _falchines_, is dispatched every fifteen days, each of them having a basket on his head full of fruit or some other delicacy, or clean clothes for the king’s use. It accordingly happened, about a month after the king of Pegu had gone against Siam, with 1,400,000 men, that one of these caravans stopt at Martaban, to rest for the night. On this occasion a quarrel ensued between them and some Portuguese, which ended in blows, and the Portuguese being worsted, returned upon the _falchines_ in the night, while they were asleep, and cut off five of their heads. There is a law in Pegu, that whosoever sheds the blood of a man, shall pay the price of blood according to the rank of the person slain: but as these _falchines_ were the servants of the king, the governor of Martaban durst not do any thing in the matter without the king’s orders. The king was accordingly informed of the affair, and gave orders that the malefactors should be kept in custody till his return, when he would duly administer justice, but the captain of the Portuguese refused to deliver up these men to the governor, and even armed himself and the other Portuguese, marching every day about the city, with drums beating and displayed colours, as in despite of the governor, who was unable to enforce his authority, as the city was almost empty of men, all who were fit for war having gone with the vast army against Siam.
We arrived at Martaban in the midst of this difference, and I thought it a very strange thing to see the Portuguese behave themselves with such insolence in the city of a sovereign prince. Being very doubtful of the consequences, I did not think proper to land my goods, which I considered in greater safety on board ship than on shore. Most part of the goods on board belonged to the owner, who was at Malacca; but there were several merchants in the ship who had goods, though none of them had to any great value, and all of them declared they would not land any of their goods unless I landed mine; yet they afterwards neglected my advice and example, and landed their goods, all of which were accordingly lost. The governor and intendant of the custom-house sent for me, and demanded to know why I did not land my goods, and pay the duties like the rest; on which I said that I was a stranger, only new to the country, and observing so much disorder among the Portuguese, I was afraid to lose my goods, which I was determined not to bring on shore, unless the governor would promise me in the king’s name that no harm should come to me or my goods, whatever might happen to the Portuguese, with whom I had taken no part in the late tumult. As what I said seemed reasonable, the governor sent for the _Bargits_, who are the councillors of the city, who engaged, in the name of the king, that neither I nor my goods should meet with any injury, and of which they made a notarial entry or memorandum. I then sent for my goods, and paid the customs, which is ten per centum of the value at that port; and for my greater security I hired a house for myself and my goods, directly facing the house of the governor.
In the sequel, the captain of the Portuguese and all the merchants of that nation, were driven out of the city, in which I remained, along with twenty-one poor men, who were officers in the ship I came in from Malacca. The Gentiles had determined on being revenged of the Portuguese for their insolence, but had delayed till all the goods were landed from our ship; and the very next night there arrived four thousand soldiers from Pegu, with some war elephants. Before these made any stir in the city, the governor issued orders to all the Portuguese, in case of hearing any noise or clamour in the city, not to stir from their houses on pain of death. About four hours after sunset, I heard a prodigious noise and tumult of men and elephants, who were bursting open the doors of the Portuguese warehouses, and overturning their houses of wood and straw, in which tumult some of the Portuguese were wounded, and one of them slain. Many of those who had before boasted of their courage, now fled on board some small vessels in the harbour, some of them fleeing naked from their beds. That night the Peguers carried all the goods belonging to the Portuguese from the suburbs into the city, and many of the Portuguese were likewise arrested. After this, the Portuguese who had fled to the ships resumed courage, and, landing in a body, set fire to the houses in the suburbs, and as these were entirely composed of boards covered with straw, and the wind blew fresh at the time, the entire suburbs were speedily consumed, and half of the city had like to have been destroyed. After this exploit, the Portuguese had no hopes of recovering any part of their goods, which might amount to the value of 16,000 ducats, all of which they might assuredly have got back if they had not set the town on fire.
Understanding that the late seizure of their goods had been done by the sole authority of the governor of Martaban, without authority from the king of Pegu, they were sensible of the folly of their proceedings in setting the town on fire; yet next morning they began to discharge their cannon against the town, and continued their cannonade for four days, yet all in vain, as their balls were intercepted by the top of a small hill or rising ground which intervened, and did no harm to the city. At this time the governor arrested the twenty-one Portuguese who were in the city, and sent them to a place four miles up the country, where they were detained till such time as the other Portuguese departed with their ships, after which they were allowed to go where they pleased, having no farther harm done them. During all these turmoils I remained quietly in my house, under the protection of a strong guard appointed by the governor, to prevent any one from doing harm to me or my goods. In this manner he effectually performed the promise he had made me in the king’s name; but he would on no account permit me to depart till the king returned from Siam to Pegu, which was greatly to my hindrance, as I remained twenty-one months under sequestration, during all which time I could neither buy nor sell any kind of goods whatever. Those commodities which I had brought with me were pepper, sandal wood, and porcelain of China. At length, when the king came back to Pegu, I made my supplication to him, and had liberty to go when and where I pleased. Accordingly, I immediately departed from Martaban for Pegu, the capital city of the kingdom of that name, being a voyage by sea of three or four days. We may likewise go by land between these two places, but it is much better and cheaper for anyone that has goods to transport, as I had, to go by sea.
In this short voyage we meet with the _Macareo_, or _bore_ of the sea, which is one of the most marvellous of the works of nature, and one of these hardest to be believed if not seen. This consists in the prodigious increase and diminution of the water of the sea all at one push or instant, and the horrible noise and earthquake which this Macareo produces when it makes its approach. We went from Martaban in barks like our pilot boats, taking the flood tide along with us, and they went with the most astonishing rapidity, as swift as an arrow from a bow as long as the flow lasts. Whenever the water is at the highest, these barks are carried out of the mid-channel to one or other bank of the river, where they anchor out of the way of the stream of the ebb, remaining dry at low water; and when the ebb is completely run out, then are the barks left on high above the water in the mid-channel, as far as the top of a house is from the foundation. The reason of thus anchoring so far from the mid-stream or channel is, that when the first of the flood, Macareo or bore, comes in, any ship or vessel riding in the fair way or mid-channel would surely be overthrown and destroyed. And even with this precaution of anchoring so far above the channel, so that the bore has lost much of its force before rising so high as to float them, yet they always moor with their bows to the stream, which still is often so powerful as to put them in great fear; for if the anchor did not hold good, they would be in the utmost danger of being lost. When the water begins to increase, it comes on with a prodigious noise as if it were an earthquake. In its first great approach it makes three great waves. The first wave washes over the bark from stem to stem: The second is not so strong; at the third they raise the anchor and resume their voyage up the river, rowing with such swiftness that they seem to fly for the space of six hours, while the flood lasts. In these tides there must be no time lost, for if you arrive not at the proper station before the flood is spent, you must turn back from whence you came, as there is no staying at any place except at these stations, some of which are more dangerous than others, according as they happen to be higher or lower. On returning from Pegu to Martaban they never continue more than half ebb, that they may have it in their power to lay their barks high upon the bank, for the reason already given. I could never learn any reason for the prodigious noise made by the water in this extraordinary rise of the tide. There is another Macareo in the gulf of Cambay, as formerly mentioned, but it is nothing in comparison of this in the river of Pegu.
With the blessing of God we arrived safe at Pegu, which consists of two cities, the old and the new, all the merchants of the country and stranger merchants residing in the old city, in which is far the greatest trade. The city itself is not very large, but it has very great suburbs. The houses are all built of canes, and covered with leaves or straw; but every merchant has one house or magazine, called _Godown_, built of bricks, in which they secure their most valuable commodities, to save them from fire, which frequently happens to houses built of such combustible materials.
In the new city is the royal palace, in which the king dwells, with all his nobles and officers of state, and attendants. While I was there the building of the new city was completed. It is of considerable size, built perfectly square upon an uniform level, and walled round, having a wet ditch on the outside, filled with crocodiles, but there are no draw-bridges. Each side of the square has five gates, being twenty in all; and there are many places on the walls for centinels, built of wood, and gilded over with gold. The streets are all perfectly straight, so that from any of the gates you can see clear through to the opposite gate, and they are so broad that 10 or 12 horsemen may ride abreast with ease. The cross streets are all equally broad and straight, and on each side of all the streets close to the houses there is a row of cocoa-nut trees, making a most agreeable shade. The houses are all of wood, covered with a kind of tiles, in the form of cups, very necessary and useful in that country. The palace is in the middle of the city, walled round like a castle, the lodgings within being built of wood, all over gilded, and richly adorned with pinnacles of costly work, covered all over with gold, so that it may truly be called a king’s house. Within the gate is a large handsome court, in which are lodges for the strongest and largest elephants, which are reserved for the king’s use, among which are four that are entirely white, a rarity that no other king can boast of; and were the king of Pegu to hear that any other king had white elephants, he would send and demand them as a gift. While I was there two such were brought out of a far distant country, which cost me something for a sight of them, as the merchants were commanded to go to see them, and every one was obliged to give something to the keepers. The brokers gave for every merchant half a ducat, which they call a _tansa_, and this produced a considerable sum, as there were a great many merchants in the city. After paying the _tansa_, they may either visit the elephants or not as they please, as after they are put into the king’s stalls, every one may see them whenever they will. But before this, every one mast go to see them, such being the royal pleasure. Among his other titles, this king is called _King of the White Elephants_; and it is reported that if he knew of any other king having any white elephants who would not resign them to him, he would hazard his whole kingdom to conquer them. These white elephants are so highly esteemed that each of them has a house gilded all over, and they are served with extraordinary care and attention in vessels of gold and silver. Besides these white elephants, there is a black one of most extraordinary size, being _nine cubits high_. It is reported that this king has four thousand war elephants, all of which have teeth. They are accustomed to put upon their uppermost teeth certain sharp spikes of iron, fastened on with rings, because these animals fight with their teeth. He has also great numbers of young elephants, whose teeth are not yet grown.
In this country they have a curious device for hunting or taking elephants, which is erected about two miles from the capital. At that place there is a fine palace gilded all over, within which is a sumptuous court, and all round the outside there are a great number of places for people to stand upon to see the hunting. Near this place is a very large wood or forest, through which a great number of the king’s huntsmen ride on the backs of female elephants trained on purpose, each huntsman having five or six of these females, and it is said that their parts are anointed with a certain composition, the smell of which so powerfully attracts the wild males that they cannot leave them, but follow them wheresoever they go. When the huntsmen find any of the wild elephants so entangled, they guide the females towards the palace, which is called a _tambell_, in which there is a door which opens and shuts by machinery, before which door there is a long straight passage having trees on both sides, so that it is very close and dark. When the wild elephant comes to this avenue, he thinks himself still in the woods. At the end of this avenue there is a large field, and when the hunters have enticed their prey into this field, they immediately send notice to the city, whence come immediately fifty or sixty horsemen, who beset the field all round. Then the females which are bred to this business go directly to the entry of the dark avenue, and when the wild male elephant has entered therein, the horsemen shout aloud and make as much noise as possible to drive the wild elephant forward to the gate of the palace, which is then open, and as soon as he is gone in, the gate is shut without any noise. The hunters, with the female elephants and the wild one, are all now within the court of the palace, and the females now withdraw one by one from the court, leaving the wild elephant alone, finding himself thus alone and entrapped, he is so madly enraged for two or three hours, that it is wonderful to behold. He weepeth, he flingeth, he runneth, he jostleth, he thrusteth under the galleries where the people stand to look at him, endeavouring all he can to kill some of them, but the posts and timbers are all so strong that he cannot do harm to any one, yet he sometimes breaks his teeth in his rage. At length, wearied with violent exertions, and all over in a sweat, he thrusts his trunk into his mouth, and sucks it full of water from his stomach, which he then blows at the lookers on. When he is seen to be much exhausted, certain people go into the court, having long sharp-pointed canes in their hands, with which they goad him that he may enter into one of the stalls made for the purpose in the court, which are long and narrow, so that he cannot turn when once in. These men must be very wary and agile, for though their canes are long, the elephants would kill them if they were not swift to save themselves. When they have got him into one of the stalls, they let down ropes from a loft above, which they pass under his belly, about his neck, and round his legs, to bind him fast, and leave him there for four or five days without meat or drink. At the end of that time, they loosen all the cords, put one of the females in beside him, giving them meat and drink, and in eight days after he is quite tame and tractable. In my opinion, there is not any animal so intelligent as the elephant, nor of so much capacity and understanding, for he will do every thing that his keeper desires, and seems to lack nothing of human reason except speech.
It is reported that the great military power of the king of Pegu mainly depends on his elephants; as, when he goes to battle, each elephant has a castle set on his back, bound securely with bands under his belly, and in every castle four men are placed, who fight securely with arquebusses, bows and arrows, darts, and pikes, or other missile weapons; and it is alleged that the skin of the elephant is so hard and thick as not to be pierced by the ball of an arquebuss, except under the eyes, on the temples, or in some other tender part of the body. Besides this, the elephants are of great strength, and have a very excellent order in time of battle, as I have seen in their festivals, which they make every year, which is a rare sight worth mention, that among so barbarous a people there should be such goodly discipline as they have in their armies; which are drawn up in distinct and orderly squares, of elephants, horsemen, pikemen, and arquebuseers, the number of which is infinite and beyond reckoning; but their armour and weapons are worthless and weak. Their pikes are very bad, and their swords worse, being like long knives without points; yet their arquebusses are very good, the king having 80,000 men armed with that weapon, and the number is continually increasing. They are ordained to practise daily in shooting at a mark, so that by continual exercise they are wonderfully expert. The king of Pegu has also great cannon made of very good metal; and, in fine, there is not a king in the world who has more power or strength than he, having twenty-six crowned kings under his command, and he is able to take the field against his enemies with a million and a half of soldiers. The state and splendour of this kingdom, and the provisions necessary for so vast a multitude of soldiers, is a thing incredible, except by those who know the nature and quality of the people and government. I have seen with my own eyes these people, both the commons and soldiers, feed upon all kinds of beasts or animals, however filthy or unclean, everything that hath life serving them for food: Yea, I have even seen them eat scorpions and serpents, and all kinds of herbs, even grass. Hence, if their vast armies can only get enough of water, they can maintain themselves long even in the forests, on roots, flowers, and leaves of trees; but they always carry rice with them in their marches, which is their main support.
The king of Pegu has no naval force; but for extent of dominion, number of people, and treasure of gold and silver, he far exceeds the Grand Turk in power and riches. He has various magazines full of treasure in gold and silver, which is daily increased, and is never diminished. He is also lord of the mines of rubies, sapphires, and spinels. Near the royal palace there is an inestimable treasure, of which he seems to make no account, as it stands open to universal inspection. It is contained in a large court surrounded by a stone wall, in which are two gates that stand continually open. Within this court there are four gilded houses covered with lead, in each of which houses are certain heathen idols of very great value. The first house contains an image of a man of vast size all of gold, having a crown of gold on his head enriched with most rare rubies and sapphires, and round about him are the images of four little children, all likewise of gold. In the second house is the statue of a man in massy silver, which seems to sit on heaps of money. This enormous idol, though sitting, is as lofty as the roof of a house. I measured his feet, which I found exceeded that of my own stature; and the head of this statue bears a crown similar to that of the former golden image. The third house has a brazen image of equal size, having a similar crown on its head. In the fourth house is another statue as large as the others, made of gansa, or mixed metal of copper and lead, of which the current money of the country is composed, and this idol has a crown on its head as rich and splendid as the others. All this valuable treasure is freely seen by all who please to go in and look at it, as the gates are always open, and the keepers do not refuse admission to any one.
Every year the king of Pegu makes a public triumph after the following manner. He rides out on a triumphal car or great waggon, richly gilded all over, and of great height, covered by a splendid canopy, and drawn by sixteen horses, richly caparisoned. Behind the car walk twenty of his nobles or chief officers, each of whom holds the end of a rope, the other end being fastened to the car to keep it upright and prevent it from falling over. The king sits on high in the middle of the car, and on the same are four of his most favoured nobles surrounding him. Before the car the whole army marches in order, and the whole nobles of the kingdom are round about the car; so that it is wonderful to behold so many people and so much riches all in such good order, especially considering how barbarous are the people. The king of Pegu has one principal wife, who lives in a seraglio along with 300 concubines, and he is said to have 90 children. He sits every day in person to hear the suits of his people, yet he nor they never speak together. The king sits up aloft on a high seat or tribunal in a great hall, and lower down sit all his barons round about. Those that demand audience enter into the great court or hall in presence of the king, and sit down on the ground at forty paces from the king, holding their supplications in their hands, written on the leaves of a tree three quarters of a yard long and two fingers broad, on which the letters are written or inscribed by means of a sharp stile or pointed iron. On these occasions there is no respect of persons, all of every degree or quality being equally admitted to audience. All suitors hold up their supplication in writing, and in their hands a present or gift, according to the importance of their affairs. Then come the secretaries, who take the supplications from the petitioners and read them to the king; and if he thinks good to grant the favour or justice which they desire, he commands to have the gifts taken from their hands; but if he considers their request not just or reasonable, he commands them to depart without receiving their presents.
There is no commodity in the Indies worth bringing to Pegu, except sometimes the opium of Cambay, and if any one bring money he is sure to lose by it. The only merchandise for this market is the fine painted calicos of San Thome, of that kind which, on being washed, becomes more lively in its colours. This is so much in request, that a small bale of it will sell for 1000 or even 2000 ducats. Also from San Thome they send great store of cotton yarn, dyed red by means of a root called _saia_, which colour never washes out. Every year there goes a great ship from San Thome to Pegu laden with a valuable cargo of these commodities. If this ship depart from San Thome by the 6th of September, the voyage is sure to be prosperous; but if they delay sailing till the 12th, it is a great chance if they are not forced to return; for in these parts the winds blow firmly for certain times, so as to sail for Pegu with the wind astern; and if they arrive not and get to anchor before the wind change, they must perforce return back again, as the wind blows three or four months with great force always one way. If they once get to anchor on the coast, they may save their voyage with great labour. There also goes a large ship from Bengal every year, laden with all kinds of fine cotton cloth, and which usually arrives in the river of Pegu when the ship of San Thome is about to depart. The harbour which these two ships go to is called _Cosmin_. From Malacca there go every year to Martaban, which is a port of Pegu, many ships, both large and small, with pepper, sandal-wood, porcelain of China, camphor, _bruneo_[165], and other commodities. The ships that come from the Red Sea frequent the ports of Pegu and Ciriam, bringing woollen cloths, scarlets, velvets, opium, and chequins, by which last they incur loss, yet they necessarily bring them wherewith to make their purchases, and they afterwards make great profit of the commodities which they take back with them, from Pegu. Likewise the ships of the king of Acheen bring pepper to the same ports.
[Footnote 165: Perhaps we ought to read in the text _camphor of Perneo_.–E.]
From San Thome or Bengal, _out of the sea of Bara_? to Pegu, the voyage is 300 miles, and they go up the river, with the tide of flood in four days to the city of _Cosmin_, where they discharge their cargoes, and thither the _customers_ of Pegu come and take notes of all the goods of every one, and of their several marks; after which they transport the goods to Pegu to the royal warehouses, where the customs of all the goods are taken. When the _customers_ have taken charge of the goods, and laden them in barks for conveyance to Pegu, the governor of the city gives licences to the merchants to accompany their goods, when three or four of them club together to hire a bark for their passage to Pegu. Should any one attempt to give in a wrong note or entry of his goods, for the purpose of stealing any custom, he is utterly undone, as the king considers it a most unpardonable offence to attempt depriving him of any part of his customs, and for this reason the goods are all most scrupulously searched, and examined three several times. This search is particularly rigid in regard to diamonds, pearls, and other articles of small bulk and great value, as all things, in Pegu that are not of its own productions pay custom both in or out. But rubies, sapphires, and spinels, being productions of the country, pay no duties. As formerly mentioned respecting other parts of India, all merchants going to Pegu or other places, must carry with them all sorts of household furniture of which they may be in need, as there are no inns or lodging-houses in which they can he accommodated, but every man must hire a house when he comes to a city, for a month or a year, according to the time he means to remain. In Pegu it is customary to hire a house for six months.
From Cosmin to Pegu they go up the river with the flood in six hours[166]; but if the tide of ebb begin it is necessary to fasten the bark to the river side, and to remain there till the next flood. This is a commodious and pleasant passage, as there are many large villages on both sides of the river which might even be called cities, and in which poultry, eggs, pigeons, milk, rice, and other things may be had on very reasonable terms. The country is all level and fertile, and in eight days we get up to _Macceo_ which is twelve miles from. Pegu, and the goods are there landed from the barks, being carried thence to Pegu in carts or wains drawn by oxen. The merchants are conveyed from _Macceo_ to Pegu in close palanquins, called _delings_ or _doolies_, in each of which one man is well accommodated, having cushions to rest upon, and a secure covering from the sun or rain, so that he may sleep if he will. His four _falchines_ or bearers carry him along at a great rate, running all the way, changing at intervals, two and two at a time. The freight and customs at Pegu may amount to 20, 22, or 23 per centum, according as there may be more or less stolen of the goods on paying the customs. It is necessary therefore for one to be very watchful and to have many friends; for when the goods are examined for the customs in the great hall of the king, many of the Pegu gentlemen go in accompanied by their slaves, and these gentlemen are not ashamed when their slaves rob strangers, whether of cloth or any other thing, and only laugh at it when detected; and though the merchants assist each other to watch the safety of their goods, they cannot look so narrowly but some will steal more or less according to the nature or quality of the goods. Even if fortunate enough to escape being robbed by the slaves, it is impossible to prevent pilfering by the officers of the customs; for as they take the customs in kind, they oftentimes take the best, and do not rate each sort as they ought separately, so that the merchant is often, made to pay much more than he ought. After undergoing this search and deduction of the customs, the merchant causes his goods to be carried home to his house, where he may do with them what he pleases.
[Footnote 166: From subsequent circumstances the text is obviously here incorrect, and ought to have been translated, that the flood tides run six hours; as it will be afterwards seen that the voyage to a place 12 miles short of Pegu requires eight days of these tide trips of six]
In Pegu there are eight brokers licenced by the king, named _tareghe_, who are bound to sell all the merchandise which comes there at the current prices; and if the merchants are willing to sell their goods at these rates they sell them out of hand, the brokers having _two per centum_ for their trouble, and for which they are bound to make good all debts incurred for the goods sold by them, and often the merchant does not know to whom his goods are sold. The merchants may indeed sell their own goods if they will; but in that case the broker is equally intitled to his two per centum, and the merchant must run his own risk of recovering his money. This however seldom happens, as the wife, children, and slaves of the debtor are all liable in payment. When the agreed time of payment arrives, if the debt is not cleared, the creditor may seize the person of the debtor and carry him home to his house, and if not immediately satisfied, he may take the wife, children, and slaves of the debtor and sell them. The current money through all Pegu is made of _ganza_, which is a composition of copper and lead, and which every one may stamp at his pleasure, as they pass by weight; yet are they sometimes falsified by putting in too much lead, on which occasions no one will receive them in payment. As there is no other money current, you may purchase gold, silver, rubies, musk, and all other things with this money. Gold and silver, like other commodities, vary in their price, being sometimes cheaper and sometimes dearer. This _ganza_ money is reckoned by _byzas_, each _byza_ being 100 _ganzas_, and is worth about half a ducat of our money, more or less according as gold is cheap or dear.
When any one goes to Pegu to buy jewels, he will do well to remain there a whole year; for if he would return by the same ship, he can do very little to purpose in so short a time. Those who come from San Thome usually have their goods customed about Christmas, after which they must sell their goods, giving credit for a month or two, and the ships depart about the beginning of March. The merchants of San Thome generally take payment for their goods in gold and silver, which are always plentiful in Pegu. Eight or ten days before their departure they are satisfied for their goods. They may indeed have rubies in payment, but they make no account of them. Such as propose to winter in the country ought to stipulate in selling their goods for payment in two or three months, and that they are to be paid in so many _ganzas_, not in gold or silver, as every thing is most advantageously bought and sold by means of this _ganza_ money. It is needful to specify very precisely both the time of payment, and in what weight of ganzas they are to be paid, as an inexperienced person may be much imposed upon both in the weight and fineness of the _ganza_ money; for the weight rises and falls greatly from place to place, and he may be likewise deceived by false _ganzas_ or too much alloyed with lead. For this reason, when any one is to receive payment he ought to have along with him a public weigher of money, engaged a day or two before he commences that business, whom he pays two _byzas_ a-month, for which he is bound to make good all your money and to maintain it good, as he receives it and seals the bags with his own seal, and when he has collected any considerable sum he causes it to be delivered to the merchant to whom it belongs. This money is very weighty, as forty _byzas_ make a porters burden. As in receiving, so in paying money, a public weigher of money must be employed.
The merchandises exported from Pegu are gold, silver, rubies, sapphires, spinels, great quantities of benzoin, long-pepper, lead, lac, rice, wine, and some sugar. There might be large quantities of sugar made in Pegu, as they have great abundance of sugar-canes, but they are given as food to the elephants, and the people consume large quantities of them in their diet. They likewise spend many of these sugar-canes[167] in constructing houses and tents for their idols, which they call _varely_ and we name pagodas. There are many of these idol houses, both large and small, which are ordinarily constructed in a pyramidical form, like little hills, sugar-loaves or bells, some of them being as high as an ordinary steeple. They are very large at the bottom, some being a quarter of a mile in compass. The inside of these temples are all built of bricks laid in clay mortar instead of lime, and filled up with earth, without any form or comeliness from top to bottom; afterwards they are covered with a frame of canes plastered all over with lime to preserve them from the great rains which fall in this country. Also about these _varely_ or idol-houses they consume a prodigious quantity of leaf gold, as all their roofs are gilded over, and sometimes the entire structure is covered from top to bottom; and as they require to be newly gilded every ten years, a prodigious quantity of gold is wasted on this vanity, which occasions gold to be vastly dearer in Pegu than it would be otherwise.
[Footnote 167: This is certainly an error, and Cesar Frederick has mistaken the bamboo cane used in such erections for the sugar-cane.–E.]
It may be proper to mention, that in buying jewels or precious stones in