A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 10 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (page 8)

200,000 dollars on board. Also, that they had left signior Morel at Payta, in a ship laden with dry goods, who was expected to sail shortly for Lima; and that a stout French-built ship richly laden, and having a bishop on board, was shortly expected at Payta. This is the common place for refreshments, and is frequented by most ships from Lima or other parts to windward, on their way to Panama or other ports on the western coast of Mexico. On this information, we determined to spend as much time as possible cruising off Payta, so as not to discover that we were in these seas lest we should thereby hinder our other designs.

In pursuance of this plan, we took a galleon on the 1st April, of 500 tons burden, commanded by two brothers, Joseph and Juan Morel, laden with dry goods and negroes; and next day we took another prize. We now determined to make an attack on the town of _Guayaquil_; and on the 11th April, in a grand consultation, this enterprize was fully resolved upon, and a paper of instructions was drawn up for the guidance of the officers who were to command, so that each might be taught and kept to his duty. This enterprize was to be conducted by the three captains, Rogers, Courtney, and Dover. Captain Dover was to command the van division, consisting of seventy marines; Rogers the centre company, of seventy-one men, mostly officers and sailors; and Courtney the rear-guard, of seventy-three men; while Captain Dampier, with a reserve of twenty-two men, was to bring up some pieces of cannon, to be employed if necessary. Our force therefore on this occasion consisted of 238 men.[221] Captain Cooke was to remain in the Duchess with forty-two men, and Captain Fry in the Duke with forty, our entire force being 320 men, while we had about 266 prisoners in both ships, including Indians and Negroes.

[Footnote 221: The enumeration in the text gives only 236 men.–E.]

Every thing being arranged, we bore in for Cape _Blanco_ on the 13th, of which we had sight about noon, bearing E.S.E. ten leagues off. On the 15th in the morning we saw a ship near the shore, and having little wind, the Duke’s boat, commanded by Captain Fry, and that of the Duchess by Captain Cooke, rowed directly for her, going off in such haste that neither of them had the swivel guns commonly used in the boats, neither had they their full complement of men, and only ten muskets and four pistols, with not much powder and shot, and no water. They rowed very hard for six leagues to get up with the ship, and on Mr Fry getting near, she hoisted Spanish colours. We could plainly see that she was French-built, and therefore concluded that it must be the ship we had long looked for, which was to carry the bishop. Our ships being almost out of sight, and the chase near the coast, making the best of her way to run ashore in a sandy bay, we resolved to lay her on board, one of our boats on each bow, I[222] being then on her weather quarter, and Captain Fry on her lee. It was our intention to pretend that we were friends, till we should get out of the way of her stern-chase guns; but the Duke’s men, conceiving the Spaniards were going to give us a volley, poured in their shot. We then laid in our oars, and fell to with our small arms. We kept up a constant fire for a long time, which was returned by the Spaniards, who killed two of Captain Fry’s men, and wounded one of his and two of mine. One of the dead men was John Rogers, our second lieutenant, and brother to Captain Woods Rogers, who had behaved himself gallantly. Finding the enterprize too difficult, Captain Fry drew off his boat, as I did soon after. Captain Fry then put some of his men aboard my boat, giving us some powder and shot, and taking in our wounded men, on which he stood away towards our ships, while I resolved to keep the chase if possible from running on shore, and rather than fail to clap her on board. Seeing our design, the enemy edged off to sea, and we after them. Our ships came up apace, while we kept close to the Spaniard, sometimes firing at him. At length the Duchess got up and fired a shot or two, on which she struck, and we immediately boarded. The men begged for quarter, and we promised them all civility. This ship was of 270 tons, commanded by Don Joseph Arizabella, and had come from Panama bound for Lima, where she was to have been fitted out as a man of war, the captain having his commission on board for that purpose. She had seventy negroes on board, with many passengers. The loading was bale goods, with some things belonging to the bishop, and a considerable quantity of pearls; but the bishop had been landed at Point St Helena, whence he was to go by land to Guayaquil. Many of the passengers were considerable merchants at Lima, and the briskest Spaniards I ever saw. After the capture of this ship, Captain Cooke remained on board, sending her captain and the rest of the prisoners to the Duke and Duchess.

[Footnote 222: This particular action is related by Harris in the words of Captain Cooke, who commanded the boat from the Duchess.–E.]

We now proceeded on our intended expedition against Guayaquil, sending the _Beginning_ ahead to _Punta arena_, or Sandy Point, on the island of Puna, to see if there was any force to oppose us; but she only found a Spanish bark, quite empty, riding close under the point. She had been sent to load salt, but her men had abandoned her on seeing us approach. At five in the afternoon, our whole force intended for the attack upon Guayaquil, being embarked in boats, rowed for that place; and at eleven at night we could see a light in the town, on which we rowed as easy as we could and in silence, for fear of being discovered; till we were within a mile of the place. We then heard a sentinel call to another, and after conversing for some time, bid him bring fire. Perceiving we were now discovered, we rowed to the other side of the river, opposite the town, whence we saw a fire lighted up at the place where the centinels had talked, and soon after we could see lights all over the town and at the water side, heard them ring the alarm bell, fire several vollies, and saw a fire lighted on the hill where the beacon was kept, all on purpose to give notice to the town and neighbourhood that we were come into the river.

Our boats were now moored with grapplings, and so hot a dispute took place among some of our officers, that they were heard on shore; but as the Spaniards did not understand what they said, an English prisoner was brought to the shore to interpret what they heard. By the time he came, the dispute was over; but this Englishman afterwards joined us, and gave us this account. We held a council in the stern sheets of one of our boats, to consider whether we should land immediately or wait till day-light; and, as the barks were not come up, in which were the artillery and half of our men, and as we did not know the ground sufficiently to act in the dark, it was agreed to wait till day, by which time it was hoped the barks would join. We accordingly fell down the river a short way, to meet our barks, hearing several musket shots by the way. On the 23d April at day-break, we saw one of our barks at anchor within a mile of the town, close under the shore, and the other coming up the river with the tide of flood. We then rowed up to our bark, which had fired the shots we heard in the night at some fishermen passing by, whom they took.

All our force being now joined, we proceeded up the river, and sent a flag of truce on shore, accompanied by Don Joseph Arizabella, the governor of Puna, and another prisoner; and then towed up our barks over against the town, where we came to an anchor. When Captain Arizabella came with our flag of truce before the corregidor or mayor of Guayaquill, he enquired our numbers, which the captain magnified, on which the corregidore said we were boys, not men. To this the captain answered, he would find them men, and brave ones too, for they had fought him gallantly in their open boats, although he had slain the brother of their commander and others; and therefore advised him to agree for the ransom of the town, as even if he had 3000 men he would be unable to withstand the English. To this the corregidore replied, _My horse is ready_.

After bringing our barks to anchor, we went up the river after some vessels, six of which we secured and brought to anchor beside our barks. We also took possession of two new ships of about 400 tons burden each. Soon after this, the governor came on board one of the prizes, to treat for the ransom of the town and ships, but could not then agree, but promised to meet the captains again at seven in the evening, but did not keep his sword. This evening our boats took some canoes having silver on board. On the 24th in the morning, the governor came off again to treat, but no agreement could be made; and at four in the afternoon we landed all our men in good order, when the Spaniards only fired one volley and then fled. Our men pursued them to where their cannon were placed, which they soon gained possession of, only one gunner, an Irishman, remaining by them till he was wounded in four places, of which he soon afterwards died. We marched through both towns in a compact body, driving the enemy before us, and then placed three guards in the three churches, setting fire to five or six houses which stood near to a wood into which the Spaniards had fled, that they might not have the cover of these houses to annoy our guard, which stood within pistol shot. All night they kept firing at our sentinels from the woods, yet without doing us any harm. Several parties also of horse and foot came out of the wood, as if to attack us, but made no attempt. In the mean time, the pinnace belonging to the Duchess, in which was Lieutenant Connely and twenty-two men, went up the river, landed at every house near its banks, and brought away all the plate and other articles of value they could find. In this service, they had some skirmishing with the enemy, in which one of our men was wounded.

On the 25th the enemy appeared numerous in the woods, whence they sometimes came out and skirmished with our guards, in which one of our men was wounded. We spent the afternoon in sending off provisions from the town to our ships, and in disposing all things in readiness in case of being attacked in the night, as the enemy appeared numerous about the outskirts. For this reason, all the captains concentrated our whole force at the main guard, where we had our cannon in readiness. Messengers arrived with a flag of truce in the morning of the 26th, to treat for ransoming the town, but could not agree; but in the afternoon it was at length agreed to pay 30,000 dollars for its ransom, giving three hostages, and we were to remain at Puna till they had time to raise the sum, as the inhabitants had carried away their money, and being so dispersed that it was impossible to collect the money while we were there, even the inhabitants of the adjacent country having carried off their valuable effects into the interior.

In the morning of the 27th, the hostages for the ransom were sent on board one of our barks, together with a boatload of brandy; and, as agreed upon with the Spaniards, we took down our union jack, hoisted a flag of truce, and fired a signal gun, that the Spaniards might come freely into the town, and that no hostilities should take place on either side during the time we had agreed to wait for the money. The purpose of admitting the Spanish inhabitants was to prevent the Indians and Negroes from robbing; and I am apt to believe they had already robbed as much as we had plundered, for we had taken many of them loaded with goods, while going our rounds, which they confessed to have stolen; and we were afterwards informed, that the inhabitants, in their hurry, had given much plate and money to Negroes to carry out of town, which they could never hear of afterwards.

The 29th in the morning we took a small Spanish bark, coming from Cheripe to Guayaquil, on board of which were 330 bags of meal, and 140 arobas or hundred-weights of sugar, with some onions, quinces, and pomegranates. This, with the six barks and two great ships ransomed with the town of Guayaquil, made 14 prizes taken in the South Sea. The plunder taken in Guayaquil, exclusive of the ransom, was very considerable. We found 230 bags of flour, beans, peas, and rice; 15 jars of oil, besides 160 jars of other liquor; some cordage, iron ware, and nails; about four half jars of powder; about a ton of pitch and tar; 150 bales of dry goods; a few packs of indigo, cacao, and arnotto; about a ton of loaf-sugar; a considerable parcel of clothes and other necessaries, and to the value of about L1200 in plate, ear-rings, and other trinkets; besides four pieces of cannon, and about 200 useless muskets. We left abundance of goods in the town, besides liquors of all sorts, and a variety of naval stores, and several warehouses full of cacao. We left also several ships on the stocks, and two new ships still unrigged, of above 400 tons each, which cost upwards of 80,000 crowns; and we also restored four barks, leaving two others to bring down the ransom. Thus it appears that the Spaniards had a good bargain; but the agreed ransom, though small, was far better for us than to burn what we could not carry away. The hostages informed us, that during our treaty 80,000 dollars belonging to the king had been sent out of the town, besides plate, jewels, and other things of the greatest value. Hence it is certain, if we had landed at the first, giving them no time at all, that we had been much greater gainers, and might have made 200,000 dollars, in ready money, plate, and jewels. Yet Guayaquil had not been so poor for forty years as now, there having been a great fire about a year and half before we took it, in which the best part of the town was burnt down, and had occasioned great expence for its rebuilding.

As it was, we thought ourselves well off, and great care was taken that all concerned in the expedition should be satisfied, by which our people were much gratified, and afterwards shewed great alacrity in executing our other enterprizes. This is of the utmost consequence with privateers; for, if the men have the smallest jealousy of being ill treated in this respect, disputes arise which do infinitely more mischief than the value of what can be got by such sinister practices. Among all the men who landed in this enterprize, the only man who drank a cup too much was one John Gabriel, a Dutchman, who served in the company commanded by Captain Rogers. When we were evacuating the town, he was missing, and was supposed to be either taken or slain. But he had found some excellent brandy in the house where he was quartered, of which he drank so liberally that he fell fast asleep on the floor, and was in that condition when we evacuated the town. The master of the house returned soon after, and found the Dutchman stretched out at full length, and so dead asleep that he could hardly distinguish whether he were living. Calling in some of his neighbours, and securing the Dutchman’s weapons, they set him on his feet, and with some difficulty brought him to his senses, when he was not a little alarmed at finding himself in such company. At length the Spaniard restored his arms, and desired him to make all the haste he could after his comrades, who were not yet embarked.

On the 2d May, which was the day appointed for payment of the ransom, no boat appeared, and we began to be uneasy for our money; but at length the boat arrived, and brought us 22,000 dollars. We received the money, and sent back a message that we proposed to sail from Puna next morning, and should carry away the hostages, if the rest of the money were not then sent. We staid however till the 6th, when Captain Courtney was anxious to depart, lest we should be attacked by the French and Spanish ships from Lima. I endeavoured in vain to convince him that we were in no danger, as they could not by this time have received notice at Lima, and have fitted out a force sufficient to attack us. We sailed however, and came to anchor in the afternoon a few leagues from Point Arena. Next morning, when we were preparing to sail, Mr Morel, a gentleman from Puna related to our prisoners, and another gentleman from Guayaquil, brought us 3500 dollars, in farther payment of our ransom. This put us into such good humour, that we discharged all our prisoners except the Morels, the three hostages, and three or four more. The gentleman from Guayaquil had a gold chain and some other things of value, for which we sold him our bark, the _Beginning_, having no farther use for her. We also gave Captain Arizabella three negro women, and another to Mr Morel, and returned their wearing apparel to most of our prisoners who were now liberated, so that we parted good friends.

_Guayaquil_ is divided into two parts, called the old and new towns, which together contain about 500 houses, and are joined by a long wooden bridge for foot passengers, near half a mile long. It is situated in low boggy ground, so dirty in winter that it is difficult to go from house to house. There is but one regular street along the river side, leading to the bridge, and from it along the old town. Besides this, there is a handsome parade or square in front of the church of St Jago, but that church is in ruins. Besides this, there are three other churches, St Augustin, St Francis, and St Dominic; before which last is another parade, and a half-moon battery fitted for mounting six guns, but there were none while we were there. There is also a chapel, and there had been a church dedicated to St Ignatius, belonging to the jesuits, but it was burnt down in the great fire. These were all decently adorned with altars, carved work, and pictures, and that dedicated to St Augustin had an organ, but all their plate had been carried away by the priests and students, who fled into the woods. Some of the houses were of brick, particularly about the parades, and the rest of timber or split bamboos, and some of them were decently furnished. Some of the inhabitants had calashes, but I know not what use they could be of, all the neighbourhood being so boggy that there was not road for them.

The boggy ground about Guayaquil was full of the largest toads I ever saw, some being as big as an English two-penny loaf. The town was said to contain 2000 inhabitants of all sorts, including Indians, Negroes, and Mulattoes. An Englishman who joined us here, told us that, in the preceding December, on occasion of a public rejoicing for the birth of the prince of the Asturias, which lasted for three weeks, they had mustered 1100 foot and 500 horse, all armed, which came from the surrounding country, besides a much greater number unarmed, the greater part of whom must have been Indians. Guayaquil is well situated for trade and ship-building, being fourteen leagues from Point Arena and seven from Puna, up a large river, into which fall several smaller ones, and on which there are many villages and farms. The water of this river is fresh for four leagues below the city, and all along its banks grow great quantities of mangroves and _sarsaparillas_, and on account of this last the water is thought salutary against the lues. But during floods, when it brings down many poisonous plants from the mountains, among which is the _manchinilla_ apple, it is not reckoned wholesome. All birds that eat of this apple are sure to die, and we saw hundreds of them dead, floating on the water.

The seasons here are very improperly denominated summer and winter. The winter is reckoned from the beginning of December to the end of May, in all which season it is sultry, hot, wet, and unhealthy. From the end of May to the beginning of December, which they call summer, the weather is serene, dry, and healthy, and not so violently hot as in what they denominate winter. The cacao is ripe and mostly gathered between June and August. Of the other fruits of this country, some are ripe and others green during the whole course of the year. Guayaquil is the chief city of a province of that name in the kingdom of Peru, governed by a president with five or six orders of judges, forming a royal _audiencia_, or chief court of judicature, and accountable only to the viceroy in military affairs,[223] and every province has a government of the same nature. The governors are appointed, or more properly purchase their offices, at the court of Old Spain, and are for life or good behaviour. If any one die or misbehave, the viceroy may name another during his time, which ought only to be for five years; but he sometimes gets those of his own placing confirmed by an order from Spain, by which means he derives a considerable portion of his unknown profits. The late viceroy of Peru continued in office fourteen years, several intended successors having died on the way. Scarcely does the king of Spain live in greater splendour than the viceroy does at Lima, where the chief courts of judicature are held, to which appeals are brought from all the courts and provinces of this extensive kingdom. I was told on good authority that the last viceroy, who died about four years ago, left at least eight millions of dollars to his widow and family, besides vast sums given in charity during his life, and building many churches, friaries, and nunneries. He left a better character than any viceroy had done for an age past.

[Footnote 223: This province is now in the kingdom or viceroyalty of New Granada, and audiencia of Quito.–E.]

The province of Guayaquil abounds in excellent timber of several kinds, so that it is the chief place in all Peru for building and repairing ships, of which there are seldom less than seven or eight on the stocks here at one time. Its chief commodity is cacao, with which it supplies most parts on the South Sea, and we were told it never exported less than 30,000 _carguas_ yearly, and sometimes double that quantity, a _cargua_ being eighty-one pounds weight, which only costs here two dollars and a half. They have also a considerable trade in salt and salt-fish, from Cape St Helena, which is mostly sent to Quito and other places of the inland country. It exports also a vast quantity of timber to Truxilo, Chana, Lima, and other places, where it is scarce. They export also from hence rice and cotton, with some dried or jerked beef. This province has no mines of gold or silver, but abounds in all sorts of cattle, which are very cheap, especially on the island of Puna, where we amply supplied ourselves. Their only grain is maiz, so that all their wheat flour is brought from Truxilo, Cherisse, and other places to windward, or to the south, as the wind blows here always from the south. They procure several kinds of woollen cloth, among which, are very strong and good bags, from Quito. Their wines, brandy, olives, oil, and sugar, come from Piscola, Nasca, and other places to windward. All kinds of European goods are brought from Panama, being brought there overland from Portobello on the Gulf of Mexico; and the trade of this port is so considerable as to employ forty sail every year, besides coasters. A market is also held daily on bark logs, or boats, every day, on the river before the town, containing every thing afforded by the interior country in great plenty.

The other towns in the province are governed by lieutenants, or deputies, appointed by the corregidore. Above half of these towns border on the same river or its branches, so that their inhabitants can all come to the capital in two tides, though some are many leagues distant. _Porto Vaco_ was formerly the capital. In the whole province, the Spaniards reckon 10,000 inhabitants, but I believe there are many more, including all the mixed races between Spaniards, Indians, and negroes, which they divide and subdivide into eleven denominations. Few of the prisoners who fell into our hands were healthy or sound, and nearly half of the native Spaniards applied to our doctors for remedies against the French disease, which is so common here that it is reckoned no scandal.

On the 11th May, with a strong gale at S.S.W. we bore away for the Gallepagos islands, being in a very sad condition; for we had upwards of twenty men ill in the Duke, and near fifty in the Duchess, seized with a malignant fever, contracted, as I suppose, at Guayaquil, where a contagious disease had reigned a month or five weeks before we took it; which swept away ten or twelve persons every day, so that all the churches were filled, being their usual burying places, and they had to dig a great deep hole close by the great church, where I kept guard, and this hole was almost filled with putrefying bodies: and our lying so long in that church, surrounded by such noisome scents, was enough to infect us all. In twenty-four hours more we had fifty men down and the Duchess upwards of seventy, and in the next twenty-four hours, ten more fell sick in each ship. We discovered land on the 17th, and on the 18th, at day-break, we were within four leagues of two large islands almost joining each other, having passed that we first saw during the night. We sent repeatedly ashore here in search of water, but could find none, though the people went three or four miles up into the country, and they reported that the island was nothing but loose rocks like cinders, very rotten and heavy, and the earth so parched that it broke into holes under their feet. This made me suppose there had been a volcano here; and though there is much shrubby ground, with some green herbs, there was not the smallest signs of water, neither was it possible for any to be contained on such a surface. In short, we found these islands completely to disappoint our expectations, and by no means to agree with the descriptions of former voyagers. We had also the misfortune to lose company of one of our barks, in which was Mr Hately, with five of our men, two Spanish prisoners, and three negroes.[224]

[Footnote 224: Mr Hately, being unable to rejoin his companions, was forced to land at Cape Passado in lat. 0 deg. 25′ S. on the coast of Guayaquil, where he and his people were barbarously used by a mixed race between the Indians and negroes; but were rescued by a priest, and sent to Lima, where he was kindly treated.–E.]

In a consultation on the 26th May, we resolved to proceed for the island of Plata in quest of water, and then to come immediately off the coast again, having information of two French ships, one of sixty and the other of forty-six guns, together with a Spanish man of war, that would soon be sent in search of us. It was also our intention to refit our ships there, and not to go near the main, our ships being out of order, and our men very weak and sickly, several of them having already died. We accordingly sailed on the 27th, and in another conversation on the 30th, it was agreed to go first to _Gorgono_, to see if there were any English ships there; and afterwards to sail for _Maugla_, Malaga, or _Madulinar_,[225] where there are some Indians at enmity with the Spaniards, who, as the pilots informed us, come seldom there, and were not likely to procure any intelligence of us from thence. They told us also, if we could induce the Indians to trade with us, we might have hogs, fowls, plantains, bananas, and other refreshments.

[Footnote 225: The island of Gorgona is on the coast of New Granada, in lat. 2 deg. 54′ N. and long. 78 deg. 35′ W.]

While on our course towards Gorgona, the Duchess took the _San Thoma de Villa nova_ of ninety tons, having about forty people on board, including eleven negro slaves, and but little European goods, except some cloth and iron. Next day we made the island of _Gorgona_,[226] and on the 8th of June our boats brought in another prize, a small bark of fifteen tons belonging to a creek on the main. She was bound to Guayaquil, having ten Spaniards and Indians on board, and some negroes, but had very little cargo, except a small quantity of gold dust and a large gold chain, together of about 500_l_. value, which were secured aboard the Duchess. In a consultation, held on the 19th June, proceeding upon information procured from our prisoners, it was resolved to proceed to Malaga, at which there was an anchorage, where we proposed to leave our ships, and to row up the river for the rich gold mines of Barbacore, [_Barbaceas_][227] called also the mines of St Pean, from a village of that name about two tides up the river. At that place we proposed to seize canoes, as fitter than our boats for going up against the stream, in which, at this season of the year, according to the information of an old Spanish pilot, there are such strong freshes, that he did not expect we should reach the mines in less than twelve days. But having discoursed with several of the prisoners, we found the island of Malaga an unsafe place for our ships, and besides, they represented the river as so narrow, that the Indians would be able to assail us with poisoned arrows, and the Spaniards might easily cut off our retreat, by felling trees across from bank to bank. On this information, we held another consultation, in which it was agreed to desist from this enterprize, and we came accordingly back to Gorgona, in so very weak a condition that we could hardly have defended ourselves, if attacked.

[Footnote 226: It is somewhat difficult to ascertain what island is here meant. There are some islands at the mouth of the _Rio de Mira_, in lat. 1 deg. 38′ N. on one of which is _Punta de Mangles_, or Cape Mangles, resembling one of the names in the text; but from the context, the island for which they were next bound appears to have been that now called _Del Gallo_, in lat. 1 deg. 55′ N. not above ten miles south from the river they proposed to enter.–E.]

[Footnote 227: Barbacoas is one of the provinces of New Granada, having a town of the same name in the _Rio Telemli_, which joins the _Rio Patia.–E.]

We arrived at Gorgona on the 13th June, where we anchored in forty fathoms, and resolved to careen our two ships in succession, beginning with the Duchess. Our sick men were removed into the galleon, and the sick officers to the French-built ship. We landed tents for the cooper’s and armourer’s crews, and cleared a place for tents to accommodate the sick on shore. All this was performed with so much diligence, that by the 28th both ships were careened, caulked, rigged, and restored fit for sea. On the 29th, we set up tents ashore for the sick, who were already much recovered, though the Spaniards had represented this island as unhealthy; yet by walking about on shore they soon gathered strength enough to return to their duty. We here fitted out the French-built ship, with twenty guns, putting Captain Cooke into her, with a crew taken from the other two ships, resolving to carry her home with us, and to employ her as a third cruizer while in these seas; and this great work employed us from the 29th June to the 9th July, calling her the _Marquis_. She had thirty-five men from the Duke and twenty-six from the Duchess, making a crew of sixty-one British, to which were added twenty negroes.

Our next care was to get rid of our prisoners, who were a great burden to us, and we resolved therefore to set them on shore, after trying every possible method to engage them in a scheme for trading with us. For this purpose I proposed going to Panama, to remain six days near that place, till they should bring the money we could agree for, as the price of our prize goods; and to this the two Morels and Don Antonio agreed, provided we would take 60,000 dollars for the whole. I then proposed to give them up the galleon and all the goods and negroes, if they would give us 120,000 dollars for the whole. They told us that trading in these seas with strangers, especially the English and Dutch, was so rigidly prohibited, that they would have to give more than the original cost in bribes, to procure licence to deal with us, and could not therefore assure us of payment, unless we agreed to take a low price. Finding it therefore not worth while to waste time, and knowing we should run much risk in treating with them, we at length resolved to set them all ashore, hoping the Morels and Don Antonio would get money for us, to prevent us from burning the ships we could not conveniently carry away. At parting, I made them sensible that we had treated them like generous enemies, and said we would sell them good bargains for what money they might be able to bring us in ten days, after which we should burn or carry away all that was not then disposed of. We accordingly landed seventy-two prisoners on the 10th July. On the 16th the Morels came off with what money they had been able to procure, and bought some of our goods, behaving with much honour, and putting great confidence in us. On the 18th, a negro belonging to the Duchess was bitten by a small brown speckled snake, and died in twelve hours. There are many snakes in this island of Gorgona, and I saw one above three yards long, and as thick as my leg. The same morning the Mr Morels went off a second time in our bark for money; and this day one of the same kind of snakes that killed our negro was found on the forecastle of the Duke, having crawled up the cable, as we supposed, as they were often seen in the water.

On the 2d of August we were like to have had a mutiny, for the steward informed me that he understood many of the men had entered into a secret agreement, and he had heard some ringleaders boasting that sixty men had already signed the paper, but knew not the nature of their design. I immediately convened the officers in the cabin, where we armed ourselves, and soon secured four of the principal mutineers, putting the fellow who wrote the paper in irons. By this time all the people were on deck, and we had got their paper from those we had in custody; the purport of it being to refuse accepting the intended distribution of plunder, and not to move from this place, till they had what they termed justice done them. Not knowing how far this mutiny might have been concerted with the people of the other ships, we agreed to discharge those in confinement, on asking pardon, and faithfully promising never to be guilty of the like again.

We sailed from Gorgona on the 11th August, and as our ships were now rather thinly manned, I engaged thirty-two of our negro prisoners to join our company, placing Michael Kendall, a free Jamaica negro, who had deserted to us from the Spaniards, as their leader, and charging him to exercise them in the use of arms. At the same time I supplied them with clothes, desiring them to consider themselves now as Englishmen, and no longer slaves to the Spaniards. After this we stood over to the bay of _Jecames_, [Atacames,] where the Indians are free; and with much ado entered into trade with them, by the help of a priest. We sent them three large wooden saints to adorn their church, which they took as a great present; and I sent a feathered cap to the wife of the chief which was well accepted. We here sold some of our prize goods to good account, so that we had provisions very cheap. We sailed from hence on the 1st September, intending for the Gallapagos, and on the 8th we made one of these islands.

Next day we came to anchor in about thirty fathoms; and in the evening our boats brought us off a lading of excellent turtle, having sent our yawl and several men ashore previously to turn over these creatures in the night; but to no purpose, as we afterwards found they only came ashore in the day. The island off which we lay was high, rocky, and barren, with some low land next the sea, but now water was to be found, like those we had seen formerly. On the 12th the Duchess, which lay at anchor a good distance from us, had got about 150 land and sea-tortoises, but not generally so large as ours; while we had 120 turtles, but no land-tortoises as yet. The Marquis had the worst luck. On the 13th, I sent our pinnace to the place where the Duchess got land-tortoises, which returned at night with thirty-seven, and some salt they had found in a pond; and our yawl brought us twenty sea-turtles, so that we were now well provided. Some of the largest land-tortoises weighed 100 pounds; and the largest sea-turtles were upwards of 400 pounds weight. The land-tortoises laid eggs on our deck; and our men brought many of them from the land, pure white, and as large as a goose’s egg, with a strong thick shell, exactly round.

These are the ugliest creatures that can well be imagined, the back-shell being not unlike the top of an old hackney-coach, as black as jet, and covered with a rough shrivelled skin. The neck and legs are long, and as big as a man’s wrist, and they have club-feet as large as a fist, shaped much like those of an elephant, having five knobs, or thick nails, on each fore-foot, and only four on the hind-feet. The head is small, with a visage like that of a snake; and when first surprised they shrink up their head, neck, and legs under their shell. Some of our men affirmed that they saw some of these about four feet high, and of vast size; and that two men mounted on the back of one of these, whom it easily carried at its usual slow pace, not appearing to regard their weight. They supposed this one could not weigh less than 700 pounds. The Spaniards say that there are no others in these seas, except at the Gallapagos, but they are common in Brazil.

The 15th, being under sail with a fine breeze, we agreed to lay to till midnight. The 16th, seeing many islands and rocks to the westwards, we agreed to bear away, not caring to encumber ourselves among them during the night; but by six in the evening, from the mast-head, we could see so many low rocks, almost joining from island to island, that we seemed land-locked for more than three parts of the compass, and no way open except the S.W. whence we came. We resolved therefore to return that way, making short trips all night, and continually sounding, for fear of shoals, having from forty to sixty fathoms. The 18th and 19th we saw several more islands, one of them very large, which we supposed to be near the equator. At noon of the 19th we had an observation, making our latitude 2 deg. 2′ N. We saw in all at least fifty islands, some of which we searched, and others we viewed from a distance, but none had the least appearance of fresh water.[228] Signior Morel told me that a Spanish man-of-war had been to an island in lat. 1 deg. 20′ or 30′ S. 140 Spanish leagues west from the island of _Plata_, and to which they gave the name of _Santa Maria del Aguada_, a pleasant island with a good road, full of wood, and having plenty of water, with turtle and sea-tortoises in abundance. This I believe to have been the same island in which Davis the buccaneer recruited; and all the light he has left by which to find it again, is, that it is to the west of the islands he was at with the other buccaneers, which must be those we were twice at. We had no occasion to look out for this island on the present trip, though I believe it might easily have been found without farther directions. In these islands there are many kinds of sea-fowl, and some land-birds, particularly hawks and turtle-doves, both so very tame that we often knocked them down with sticks. I saw no kind of beasts, but there are guanas in abundance, and land-tortoises almost on every island, besides vast numbers of turtles or sea-tortoises. It is very strange how the land-tortoises have got here, as there are none on the main, and they could not have come of themselves. Some of these islands are the haunts of seals, but not in such numbers as at Juan Fernandez, neither is their fur so good. A very large one made at me three several times, and if I had not happened to have a pike-staff headed with iron, he might have killed me. I was on the level sand when he came open-mouthed at me from the water, as fierce and quick as an angry dog let loose. All the three times he made at me, I struck the pike into his breast, which at last forced him to retire into the water, snarling with an ugly noise, and shewing his long teeth. This animal was as big as a large bear.

[Footnote 228: In Cowley’s voyage, formerly given, one of these islands, which he calls the Duke of York’s Island, is said to have abundance of wood and water, but none to be had in any of the rest. Perhaps the Duke of York’s Island of Cowley, and Santa Maria del Aguada of Morel, may be the same.–E.]

On the 1st October we made the main-land of Mexico, which Captain Dampier immediately recognized as near the place where he had attacked the lesser Manilla ship in the St George. Our men began again to fall sick, and two of them dropped down on the deck in a kind of scorbutic appoplexy, but recovered on being let blood. The 2d we made _Cape Corientes_, on the coast of Mexico, in lat. 20 deg. 25′ N. which we knew by our charts. Captain Dampier had been here, but it was a long time ago, and he did not seem to remember much of the matter; yet when he came to land at different places, he very readily recollected them. Our purpose now was to look for the islands called _Tres Marias_, to procure some refreshments, but found this somewhat difficult, being very uncertain as to their true situation. In the afternoon of the 4th, Cape Corientes bore E.N.E. about ten leagues, and next morning, being fine clear weather, we discovered two islands at the distance of about fourteen leagues, one bearing N. by W. and the other N. by E. At noon we had an observation, and found our latitude 20 deg. 45′ N.

The sight of these islands was very satisfactory, for though our men had their fill of land and sea-turtle, which kept them from the scurvy, they were but weak, as that is but a faint food, except they had enough of bread or flour to eat with it; whereas they only had a pound and a quarter of bread or flour to five men per day, on purpose to husband our stock till we came to live entirely on salt-meat, when we should be under the necessity to allow more. On the 6th I sent a pinnace to the eastern island, to look if there were any good road, or convenience for wooding and watering; but the officer reported that the island had foul ground for near half a mile from the shore, with bad anchorage and worse landing; and though there was abundance of wood, no water was to be had. This was bad news for us, as our water began to grow scarce. We now bore up for the middle island, which Captain Dampier believed he had been at when he sailed with Captain Swan, and on which occasion they found water. On the 8th our boat returned from the middle island, they and the boat of the Duchess having landed at several places on the S.E. side of the island, where was plenty of good water. They saw no signs of any people having been there lately, but found a human skull on the ground. This was supposed to have belonged to one of two Indian chiefs, who were left there by Captain Swan, about twenty-three years before, as Dampier told us: for victuals being scarce with these buccaneers, they would not carry the poor Indians any farther, after they had served their turns, but left them to starve on this desolate island. The Marquis and bark having separated from us, we kept a light up all night, and made a fire on the island, that they might see where to find us at anchor; but not seeing them next morning at day-break, I proposed to have gone in search of them; but Captain Courtney and the rest made light of the matter, believing they might soon come in without assistance, which they afterwards did.

The supply of cattle, hogs, and plantains we procured at Atacames lasted us to the Gallapagos, and we had fed on turtle ever since till the last two days, which was a great refreshment to our men, and husbanded our stock of European provisions. On the 9th, I sent an officer to view the other side of the island, who told me, on his return, it was much better than where we were, having several sandy bays, on which he had seen the tracks of turtle. On this intelligence I sent the boat back in the evening; and it came back next morning with a full load of turtle, leaving another load ready turned; and, what was of much more consequence, they found good water; whereas that we had gotten hitherto purged the men excessively. As we wooded, watered, and furnished ourselves with fresh provisions here, and as these islands are little known, some account of them may be acceptable.

The _Tres Marias_, or Three Marias, off the western coast of Guadalaxara, in the kingdom of Mexico, are in a range stretching from S.E. to N.W. of about forty-five English miles in length. The largest island is the N.W. which appeared a high double land, and above five leagues in length: the middle island about three leagues; and the south-eastermost hardly two leagues. There also are high lands, full of trees; and near the least island there are two or three small broken white islets, one of which was so like a ship under sail, that we gave the signal for a chase. The S.E. end of the island is in lat. 21 deg. 10′ N. long. 105 deg. 56′ W. and the N.W. point of the N. island is in lat. 21 deg. 40′ N. long. 106 deg. 26′ W. the distance from each being about two marine leagues. These islands have abundance of parrots of different sorts, with pigeons and other land-birds, of which we killed great numbers. There were also many excellent hares, but much smaller than ours. We saw likewise abundance of guanas, and some racoons, which barked and snarled at us like dogs, but were easily beaten off with sticks. The water is more worthy of remark than any other thing we saw here, as we only found two good springs, which ran in large streams; the others being bitter and disagreeable, proceeding, as I suppose, from being impregnated by shrubs or roots growing in the water, or from some mineral.

The turtle we found here are of a different sort from any I had ever seen, though very good. Though it is ordinarily believed that there are only three sorts of sea-turtles, yet we have seen six or seven sorts at different times, and our people have eaten of them all, except the very large _whooping_ or _loggerhead_ kind, which are found in great plenty in Brazil, some of them above 500 pounds weight. We did not eat of these, because at that time our provisions were plentiful. At the Gallapagos, both males and females were observed to come on shore only in the day time, quite different from what I had heard of them at other places; whereas all we caught here were by turning them over in the night, when the females come on shore to lay their eggs and bury them in the dry sand. One of these whom we caught had 800 eggs in her belly, 150 of which were skinned over and ready for being extruded at once. Some authors alledge that these eggs are six weeks in hatching, which I can hardly credit, as the sun makes the sand in which they are deposited excessively hot, and they are only covered by a very thin film or skin, instead of a shell. In order to ascertain this point, I made some of our men ashore watch one carefully, and mark the place and time of laying her eggs. In less than twelve hours they found the eggs addled, and in about twelve hours more they had young ones completely formed and alive. Had we remained some time longer, I might have thoroughly satisfied myself and others, respecting the quick production of tortoises; for I am apt to credit the report of several of our men, who asserted that having found eggs in the sand, and looked for them three days afterwards in the same place, they then found nothing but films; which shews that the young ones are hatched in that time. They assured me also that they had seen the young brood run out of the sand every day, making directly in great numbers for the sea.

There were few fish about the shores of this island, these being of the ordinary sorts usually met with in these seas; but the abundance of turtle at this time amply made up for this defect. The chief officers fed here deliciously, being scarcely ever without hares, turtle-doves, pigeons, and parrots of various colours and sizes, many of which had white or red heads, with tufts of feathers on their crowns. We found good anchorage at this middle island, and gradual soundings from twenty-four to four fathoms close by the shore; and between this and the least or southern island the depth was about the same as where we were, having no shoal between but what was visible, as a rock lay off the S.W. point and a shoal off the N.E. point of the same, with another at a great distance from that point of the least island, but neither were above half a mile from the shore.

Sailing from these islands, we saw land on the 1st November, which proved to be the point of California, or that headland called Cape St Ducas. It was now necessary to put in execution the rules we had formerly laid down for cruizing, as also to settle our regulations about plunder. Accordingly, my station was to be the outermost in the Duke, the Duchess in the middle, and the Marquis nearest the shore; the nearest ship to be at the least six leagues, and nine at the most from shore, and the bark to ply between ship and ship, carrying advice. By this means we could spread out fifteen leagues, and might see any thing that passed in the day within twenty leagues of the shore; and to prevent any ships passing in the night, we were to ply to windward all day, and to drive to leeward all night. On the 5th November, the Duchess went nearest shore, and the Marquis took the middle station. We were much encouraged by considering that in this very place, and about the same time of the year, Sir Thomas Candish took the Manilla ship.

On the 16th we sent our bark to look for fresh water on the main, and next morning she returned to us, reporting that they had seen wild Indians, who paddled to them on bark-logs. These Indians were fearful of coming near our people at first, but were soon prevailed upon to accept a knife or two and some baize, for which they gave in return two bladders of water, two live foxes, and a deer skin. Till now, we thought that the Spaniards had missionaries among these people, but finding them quite naked, with no appearance of any European commodities, nor a single word of the Spanish language, we concluded that they were quite savage, and we dispatched the bark and a boat a second time, in hopes of procuring some refreshments, with some trifles to distribute among the natives. On the 19th our men returned, having become very familiar with the Californians, who were the poorest wretches that could be imagined, and had no manner of refreshments whatever to afford us. They brought off some Indian knives made of sharks teeth, and a few other curiosities, which I preserved to shew what shifts may be made. It was now the 9th of December, near a month after the time when the Manilla ships generally fall in with this coast, and we were much embarrassed by the impossibility of procuring any intelligence respecting them. On examining our provisions, we found only bread on board for seventy days, even at our present short allowance, and it would require not less than fifty days for our run across the Pacific to Guam, one of the Ladrones; wherefore we resolved to continue our cruize here no longer than other eight days. Being in want of water also, it was agreed upon that the Marquis should go first into a harbour for that necessary article, while the Duke and Duchess continued on the look-out, and then these other ships to do the same in succession.

On the 21st December, while bearing up for the port in which was the Marquis, the man at the mast-head, about nine in the morning, gave notice that he saw a sail besides the Duchess and bark, seeming about seven leagues from us. We immediately hoisted our ensign, and bore for the strange sail, as did the Duchess; and as it fell calm, I sent the pinnace to endeavour to make out what she was. All the rest of the day we had very little wind, so that we made hardly any way, and as our boat did not return we remained in much anxiety, not knowing whether the ship in sight were our consort the Marquis, or the Manilla ship. In this uncertainty, I sent Mr Fry in our yawl to the Duchess, to endeavour to learn what this ship was, and as soon as the yawl was gone I hoisted French colours and fired a gun, which the stranger answered, and in some measure cleared our doubts. Mr Fry soon returned, bringing the joyful news that the ship in sight really was the Manilla galleon for which we had waited so long, and of which we were now almost in despair of meeting. This revived our courage, and every one actively prepared for the engagement; all our melancholy reflections on the shortness of our provisions for the run to Guam being now dispelled, and nothing now occupied our thoughts but of our being masters of the mighty treasure supposed to be on board this ship, while every moment seemed an hour till we could get up with her. We gave orders for the two pinnaces to keep with her all night, shewing false fires from time to time, that we might know whereabout they and the chase were; and it was agreed, if the Duke and Duchess could get up with her together, that we should board her at once. Before night we had made a clear ship, and had every thing in readiness for action at day-light; and all night long we kept a sharp look-out for the boats false fires, which we frequently saw and answered.

At day-break of the 22d December, 1709, we saw the chase about a league from us on our weather bow, the Duchess being a-head of her to leeward about half a league. About six a.m. our boat came aboard, having kept very near the chase all night without receiving any damage, and told us that the Duchess passed the chase in the night, at which time the chase fired two shots at her, which were not returned. Having no wind, we got out eight sweeps, with which we rowed for near an hour, when there sprung up a small breeze. I ordered a large kettle of chocolate to be prepared for the ship’s company, having no spirituous liquor to give them, and then went to prayers; but were disturbed before these were finished, by the enemy firing at us. To deter as from attempting to board, they had barrels hung at their yard arms, which resembled barrels of powder. About eight a.m. we began to engage by ourselves, for the Duchess being still at leeward, had not been able to get up, as there was very little wind. At first the enemy fired at us with their stern-chase guns, which we returned with those on our bows, till at length we got close on board each other, when we gave her several broadsides, plying our small arms very briskly; which last the enemy returned as thick for a time, but did not fire their great guns half so fast as we. After some time, we shot a little a-head, laying the enemy athwart hawse close aboard, and plied her so warmly that she soon lowered her colours two-thirds down. By this time the Duchess had got up, and fired about five guns with a volley of small arms; but as the enemy had submitted she made no return.

We now sent our pinnace on board the prize, and brought away the captain and other officers; from whom we learnt that a larger ship had come from Manilla along with them, having forty-six brass guns and as many swivels, but they had parted company with her about three months before, and supposed she had got to Acapulco by this time, as she sailed better than this ship. Our prize had the following high-sounding name _Nostra Senoria de la Incarnacion Disenganio_, commanded by the Chevalier Jean Pichberty, a Frenchman. She had twenty guns and twenty pattereroes, with 193 men, of whom nine were killed, ten wounded, and several sore scorched with gun-powder. We engaged her three glasses, in which time only I and another were wounded. I was shot through the left cheek, the bullet carrying away great part of my upper jaw and several of my teeth, part of which dropt on the deck, where I fell. The other was William Powell, an Irish landman, who was slightly wounded in the buttock. After my wound, I was forced to write my orders, both to prevent the loss of blood, and because speaking gave me great pain. We received little damage in our rigging during the engagement, except that a shot disabled our mizen-mast. On the 23d, after we had put our ship to rights, we stood in for the harbour where the Marquis was, distant about four leagues to the N.E. sending our surgeons on board the prize to dress her wounded men. We same to anchor in the harbour about four p.m. where we received the compliments of all on board the Marquis on our sudden and almost unlooked-for success, which gave us all much satisfaction. We found that ship in good condition and ready to sail, and all on board her in high spirits, eager for action. At eight the same evening we held a consultation on two important points: _first_, what we should do with our hostages; and, _secondly_, how we should act in regard to the other Manilla ship, which we still thought there was a strong probability of our taking, if we could remain here a little longer. As the hostages from Guayaquil, and the Chevalier Pichberty, brother to the famous Monsieur du Cass, appeared to be men of strict honour, we thought it was best to make the best terms we possibly could with them, and then set them at liberty. We had more difficulty in settling the other point in discussion, as to the mode of attacking the other Manilla ship. I was desirous of going out along with the Marquis on that service; but as some reflections had been cast on the Duchess for not engaging our late prize so soon as it was thought she might have done, Captain Courtney was absolutely bent on going out with his own ship and the Marquis, and having a majority in the committee, my proposal was overruled, and we in the Duke were reluctantly constrained to remain in harbour. It was agreed, however, that we should put ten of our best hands on board the Duchess, the better to enable her to engage the great Manilla ship, if she were fallen in with; and she and the Marquis sailed on Christmas-day. As soon as they were gone, we put part of the goods from our bark into the prize, in order to send away our prisoners in the bark; and as there were still due 4000 dollars of the Guayaquil ransom, we agreed to sell them the bark and her remaining cargo for 2000 dollars, taking the Chevalier de Pichberty’s bill for 6000 dollars, payable in London, which he readily gave us, together with an acknowledgment under his hand that we had given him a good bargain. This matter being settled, we had only to look to our own safety while our consorts were out on their cruize for the Manilla ship. We posted two centinels on a hill, whence they had a clear view of the sea, with instructions to give us notice by a signal whenever they saw three ships in the offing, that we might have time to secure our prisoners, and to get out to the assistance of our consorts, as we expected they might have hot work, this other Manilla ship being much stronger and better manned than the one we had taken, and better provided in all respects.

On the afternoon of the 26th, our sentries made the appointed signal of seeing three ships; on which we immediately put all our prisoners into the bark, from which we removed her sails, and took away all our men, except two lieutenants and twenty-two men, whom we left to look after our prize and the prisoners. As the prisoners, though 170 in number, were secured in the bark, without sails, arms, rudder, or boat, and moored near a mile distant from our prize, there were more than sufficient for guarding them and giving them provisions and drink during our absence. This being arranged, we immediately weighed and stood to sea, in order to assist our consorts in attacking the great ship. Captain Dover thought proper to go on board the prize, instead of one of our lieutenants, whom he sent to me. I was still in a very weak condition, my head and throat being very much swelled, so that I spoke with great pain, and not loud enough to be heard at any distance; insomuch that all the chief officers and our surgeons wished me to remain in the prize, but I would not consent. We got under sail about seven p.m. and saw lights several times in the night, which we supposed to be false fires in the boats of our consorts. In the morning of the 27th at day-break, we saw three sail to windward, but so far distant that it was nine o’clock before we could make out which were our consorts and which the chase. At this time we could see the Duchess and the chase near together, and the Marquis standing to them with all the sail she could carry. We also made all the sail we could, but being three or four leagues to leeward, and having a very scant wind, we made little way. At noon they bore S.E. from us, being still three leagues right to windward. In the afternoon we observed the Marquis get up with the chase, and engage her pretty briskly; but soon fell to leeward out of cannon shot, where she lay a considerable time, which made us conclude that she was somehow disabled.

I sent away my pinnace well manned, with orders to dog the chase all night, making signals with false fires that she might not escape us; but before our boat could get up to them, the Marquis made sail again towards the chase, and went to it again briskly for more than four glasses. At this time we saw the Duchess steer ahead to windward, clear of the enemy, as I supposed to stop her leaks or repair her rigging. Meanwhile the Marquis kept the enemy in play, till the Duchess again bore down, when each fired a broadside or two, and left off because it grew dark. They then bore south of us in the Duke, which was right to windward, distant about two leagues; and about midnight our boat came to us, having made false fires, which we answered. Our people had been on board both the Duchess and Marquis, the former of which had her foremast much disabled, the ring of an anchor shot away, one man killed and several wounded, having also received several shots in her upper works and one in her powder-room, but all stopt. The Duchess had engaged the enemy by herself the night before, which was what we took to be false fires, being too distant to hear the guns. At that time they could perceive the enemy to be in great disorder, her guns not being all mounted, and neither her nettings nor close quarters in order; so that, if it had been my good fortune in the Duke to have gone with the Duchess, we all believed we might then have carried this great ship by boarding; or, if the Duchess had taken most of the men out of the Marquis, which did not sail well enough to come up to her assistance in time, she alone might have taken her by boarding at once, before the Spaniards had experienced our strength, and become afterwards so well provided as encouraged them to be driving, giving us every opportunity to board them if we pleased.

Captain Cooke sent me word that he had nearly fired away all his powder and shot, but had escaped well in masts, rigging, and men; wherefore I sent him three barrels of powder and a proportion of shot; and I also sent Lieutenant Fry to consult with our consorts how we might best engage the enemy next morning. All this day and the ensuing night the chase made signals to us in the Duke, thinking us her consort, which we had already taken; and after dark she edged down towards us, otherwise I should not have been up with her next day, having very little wind and that against us. In the morning of the 28th, as soon as it was day, the wind veered at once, on which we put our ship about, and the chase fired first upon the Duchess, which was nearest her in consequence of the change of wind. The Duchess returned the fire briskly; and we in the Duke stood as near as we possibly could, firing our guns as we could bring them to bear upon the enemy. At this time the Duchess was athwart her hawse, firing very fast, and such of her shot as missed the enemy flew over us and between our masts, so that we ran the risk of receiving more harm from the Duchess than the enemy, if we had lain on her quarter and across her stern, which was my intention. We therefore took our station close along side, board and board, where we kept plying her with round shot only, using neither barshot nor grape, as her sides were too thick for these, and no men appeared in sight.

She lay driving, as we did also close aboard of her, the enemy keeping to their close quarters, so that we never fired our small arms unless when we saw a man appear, or a port open, and then we fired as quick as possible. We continued thus for four glasses, about which time we received a shot in our main-mast which much disabled it. Soon after this, the Duchess and we, still both firing, came back close under the enemy, and had like to have fallen on board of her, so that we could make little use of our guns. We then fell astern in our birth alongside, and at this time the enemy threw a fire-ball into the Duke from one of her tops, which blew up a chest of loaded arms and cartouch-boxes on our quarter-deck, and several cartridges in our steerage, by which Mr Vanburgh, the agent of our owners, and a Dutchman, were very much burnt; and it might have done us much more damage if it had not been soon extinguished. After getting clear, the Duchess stood in for the shore, where she lay braced to, mending her rigging. The Marquis fired several shots, but to little purpose, as her guns were small. We continued close aboard for some time after the Duchess drew off; till at last we received a second shot in our main-mast, not far from the other, which rent it miserably; insomuch that the mast settled towards the wound, and threatened to come by the board. Our rigging also being much shattered, we sheered off and brought to, making a signal to our consorts for a consultation; and in the interim got ordinary fishes up to support our main-mast as well as we could.

Captains Courtney and Cooke, with other officers, came aboard the Duke, in obedience to the signal, when we took the condition of our three ships into consideration. Their masts and rigging were much damaged, and we had no means of procuring any repairs. If we again engaged the enemy, we could not propose to do any more than we had done already, which evidently had not done her much harm, as we could perceive that few of our shots penetrated her sides to any purpose, and our small arms availed still less, as not one of their men were to be seen above board. Our main-mast was so badly wounded that the least additional injury would bring it down, and the fore-mast of the Duchess was in as bad a state. The fall of these masts might bring down others, and we should then lie perfect butts for the enemy to batter at, and his heavy guns might easily sink us. If we should attempt to carry her by boarding, we must necessarily run the risk of losing many of our men, with little prospect of success, as they had above treble our number to oppose us, not having now in all our three ships above 120 men fit for boarding, and these weak, as we had been long short of provisions. If, therefore, we attempted to board and were beaten off, leaving any of our men behind, the enemy would learn our strength, or weakness rather, and might go to the harbour and retake our prize, in spite of every thing we could do to hinder. Our ammunition also was now very short, and we had only, enough to engage for a few glasses longer. All these circumstances being duly considered, together with the difficulty of procuring masts, and the time and provisions we must spend before we could get them fitted we resolved to desist from any farther attempt upon the enemy, since our battering her signified little, and we had not sufficient strength to carry her by boarding. We determined therefore to keep her company till night, and then to lose her, after which to make the best of our way to the harbour where we had left our prize, to secure her.

We had engaged this ship first and last about seven glasses, during which we in the Duke had eleven men wounded, three of whom were scorched with gun-powder. I was again unfortunately wounded by a splinter in my left foot, just before the arms chest was blown up on the quarter-deck; and so severely that I had to lie on my back in great pain, being unable to stand. Part of my heel-bone was struck out, and all the foot just under the ankle cut above half through, my wound bleeding very much before it could be stopped and dressed, by which I was much weakened. In the Duchess above twenty men were killed and wounded, one of the slain and three of the wounded belonging to my ship, which had been lent when I was left in the harbour. The Marquis had none killed or wounded, but two of her men were scorched by gun-powder. The enemy was the _Vigoniae_, a brave and lofty new ship, admiral of Manilla, and this her first voyage. She was calculated to carry 60 guns, and had above 40 mounted, with as many pattereroes, all brass, and, as we were informed, had a complement of 450 men, of whom 150 were Europeans, besides passengers. We were told also that several of her crew had formerly been pirates, who had all their wealth on board, and were resolved to defend it to the last extremity. The gunner was said to be a very expert man, and had provided extraordinarily for defence, which enabled them to make a desperate resistance; and they had filled all her sides between the guns with bales of soft goods, to secure the men.

During the whole action she kept the Spanish flag flying at her mast-head. We could observe that we had shattered her sails and rigging very much, and had slain two men in her tops, besides bringing down her mizen-yard; but this was all the visible damage we had done them, though we certainly placed 500 round shot in her hull, which were six-pounders. These large ships are built at Manilla of excellent timber, which does not splinter, and their sides are much thicker and stronger than those of the ships built in Europe. Thus ended our attempt on the biggest Manilla ship, which I have heard related in so many ways at home, that I have thought it necessary to give a very particular account of the action, as I find it set down in my journal. Generally speaking, the ships from Manilla are much richer than the prize we had taken; for she had waited a long time for the Chinese junks to bring silks, which not arriving, she came away with her cargo made out by means of abundance of coarse goods. Several of the prisoners assured me that a Manilla ship was commonly worth ten millions of dollars; so that, if it had not been for the accidental non-arrival of the junks from China that season, we had gotten an extraordinarily rich prize. After my return to Europe, I met a sailor in Holland who had been in the large ship when we engaged her, and who communicated to me a reason why we could not have taken her at all events. Her gunner kept constantly in the powder-room, and declared that he had taken the sacrament to blow up the ship if we had boarded her, which accordingly made the men exceedingly resolute in her defence. I the more readily gave credit to what this man told me, as he gave a regular and circumstantial account of the engagement, conformable to what I have given from my journal.

It is hardly to be doubted that we might have set this great ship on fire, by converting one of our ships into a fireship for that purpose: But this was objected to by all our officers, because we had goods of value on board all our ships. The enemy on this occasion was the better provided for us, having heard at Manilla, through our British settlements in India, that two small ships had been fitted out at Bristol for an expedition into the South Sea, and of which Captain Dampier was pilot. On this account it was that they had so many Europeans on board the great ship, most of whom had all their wealth along with them, for which they would fight to the utmost; and it having been agreed to pay no freight on the gun-decks, they had filled up all the spaces between the guns with bales of goods, to secure the men. The two ships were to have joined at Cape Lucas, expecting to meet us off Cape Corientes or Navidad.

We returned again into our port on the coast of California on the 1st January, 1710, and being resolved to make as quick dispatch as possible for our passage to the East Indies, we immediately parted with our prisoners, giving them the bark with a sufficiency of water and provisions to carry them to Acapulco. We then occupied ourselves to the 7th in refitting and laying in a stock of wood and water; and had much satisfaction in finding as much bread in our prize as might serve for our long run to Guam, with the aid of the scanty remains of our old stock. After a long disputatious negotiation, it was settled that Mr Fry and Mr Stratton were to take charge of our prize, which we named the Bachelor, though under Captain Dover, but they were not to be contradicted by him in the business, as his business was to see that nothing was done in her contrary to the interest of our owners and ships companies, he being in the nature of agent, only with the title of chief captain. At the same time, we put on board of this ship 35 men from the Duke, 25 from the Duchess, and 13 from the Marquis, making in all 73 men, which, with 36 Manilla Indians, called _Las-Cars_, and some other prisoners we still had remaining, made up her complement to 115 men.

SECTION III

_Sequel of the Voyage, from California, by Way of the East Indies, to England_.

WE weighed anchor on the 10th January, 1710, from Porta Leguro, on the coast of California, but were becalmed under the shore till the afternoon of the 12th, when a breeze sprang up which soon carried us out of sight of land. Being very slenderly provided, we were forced to allow only a pound and a half of flour, and one small piece of beef, to five men in a mess, together with three pints of water a man, for twenty-four hours, to serve both as drink and for dressing their victuals. We also lowered ten of our guns into the hold, to ease our ship. On the 16th the Bachelor made a signal that she could spare us some additional bread, having discovered a considerable store of bread and sweet-meats, though very little flesh meat. Accordingly, we in the Duke had a thousand weight of bread for our share, the Duchess had as much, and the Marquis five hundred weight; and in return we sent them two casks of flour, one of English beef; and one of pork, as they had only left forty-five days provisions of flesh. We now agreed to proceed in a W.S.W. course till we reached the latitude of 13 deg. N. and to keep in that parallel till we should make the island of Guam, being informed by our Spanish pilot that the parallel of 14 deg. was dangerous, by reason of certain islands and shoals, on which a Spanish ship had been lost some time ago.

On the 11th March we had sight both of _Guam_ and _Serpana,_ the former bearing W.S.W. five leagues off, and the latter N.N.W. seven leagues. The Spaniards say there is a great shoal between these islands, but nearest to Serpana. While running along the shore of Guam there came several flying proas to look at us, but run past with great swiftness, and none of the people would venture on board. The necessity of our stopping at this island for a supply of provisions was very great, our sea store being almost exhausted, and what remained being in a very ordinary condition, especially our bread and flour, of which we had not enough for fourteen days, even at the shortest allowance. In order to procure provisions readily, we endeavoured to get some of the natives on board from the proas, that we might detain them as hostages, in case of having to send any of our men to the governor. While turning into the harbour under Spanish colours, one of the proas came under our stern, in which were two Spaniards, who came on board in consequence of being assured that we were friends. Soon after we sent a respectful letter to the governor, to which we next day received a civil answer, and a generous offer of any thing we needed that the island could supply. Several of our officers went ashore to wait upon the governor on the 16th, and were well received and elegantly entertained; making the governor a present of two negro boys dressed in rich liveries, twenty yards of scarlet cloth, and six pieces of cambric, with which he seemed to be much pleased, and promised in return to give us every assistance in his power.

Next day, accordingly, we had a large supply of provisions, our share in the Duke being about sixty hogs, ninety-nine fowls, twenty-four baskets of maize, fourteen bags of rice, forty-two baskets of yams, and 800 cocoa-nuts. We afterwards got some bullocks, fourteen to each ship, being small lean cattle, yet gladly accepted, to which were afterwards added two cows and two calves to each ship; and we made a handsome present to the deputy governor, who was very active in getting our provisions collected. Leaving Guam, we proposed to go for some way directly west, to clear some islands that were in the way, and then to steer for the S.E. part of Min-danao, and from thence the nearest way to Ternate. In the afternoon of the 14th April we made land, which bore from us W.N.W. ten leagues, and which we supposed to be the N.E. part of Celebes. This day we saw three water-spouts, one of which had like to have fallen on board the Marquis, but the Duchess broke it before it reached her by firing two guns. On the 18th May, we passed through between the high land of New Guinea and the island of Gilolo, and on the 20th we made another high island which we took to be Ceram, yet, notwithstanding the skill and experience of Captain Dampier, we were at a loss to know whether it were Ceram or Bouro. On the 24th, at noon, we made our latitude 4 deg. 30′ S. and estimated our longitude at 237 deg. 29′ W. from London, and being in the latitude of the southern part of Bouro,[229] we imputed our not seeing it to the currents setting us to the westwards. We designed to have touched at Amboina for refreshments, but the S.E. monsoon was already set in, and we were out of hope of being able to reach that place. In a consultation on the 25th, we resolved not to spend time in searching for Bouro, and also to desist from attempting to go to Amboina, and to make the best of our way for the Straits of Bouton, where we hoped to get sufficient provisions to carry us to Batavia. We got into a fine large bay in Bouton, where we sent our pinnace on shore, which brought off some cocoa nuts, reporting there were plenty to be had, and that the Malay inhabitants seemed friendly.

[Footnote 229: The south part of Bouro is only in lat. 3 deg. 50′ S. and about 283 deg. W. from Greenwich, or London.–E.]

Up this bay we saw several houses and boats, and many of the Malay natives walking about on the beach. We here sent our boats for provisions and pilots while the ships turned up the bay nearer to the town. On sounding frequently we could find no ground, but the natives told us of a bank opposite the town on which we might anchor. In the meantime abundance of people came off to us, bringing wheat, cocoa-nuts, yams, potatoes, papaws, hens, and several other kinds of birds, to truck for cloths, knives, scissars, and toys. These people were to appearance very civil, being Mahometans of middle stature and dark tawny complexions, but their women somewhat clearer than the men. The men that came off were all naked, except a cloth round their middles, but some of the better sort had a sort of loose waistcoat, and a piece of linen rolled round their heads, with a cap of palm leaves to keep off the scorching rays of the sun. Along the shore we saw several weirs for catching fish. In turning up, the prize lost ground considerably, as the current was strong against us, wherefore the Duchess fired a gun in the evening to recall us and the Marquis, and which we ran out and drove all night. The names of these two islands forming this bay are _Cambava_ and _Waushut_, being in lat. 5 deg. 13′ S. and long 238 deg. W. from London.[230] Being much in want of water and provisions, we made another effort to get back to this bay; and on the 30th, a proa came to us from the king of Bouton, having a noble on board without either shoes or stockings, and a pilot to carry us up to the town. He brought each commander a piece of striped Bouton cloth, a bottle of arrack, some baskets of rice, and other articles, as presents from the king; yet the first thing he said on coming aboard, was to ask us how we durst venture to come here to anchor, without first having leave from the great king of Bouton?

[Footnote 230: Cambaya, a considerable island to the W. of Bouton, is in lat. 5 deg. 20′ S. and long. 237 deg. 40′ W. from Greenwich, nearly in the situation pointed out in the text.–E.]

This proa brought us letters from our officers that had been sent to wait upon the king, and to endeavour to procure provisions, which stated that they had been well received, and that the town in which the king resided was large and fortified, and had several great guns. We sent back a present to the king by his messenger, and five guns were fired by each of our ships at his departure, with which he seemed well pleased. We wooded and watered at the island of _Sampo,_ and several proas came off to us with fowls, maize, pompions, papaws, lemons, Guinea corn, and other articles, which they trucked for knives, scissars, old clothes, and the like. The people were civil, but sold every thing very dear; and as our officers staid longer at the town than was intended, we began to suspect they were detained, as the Mahometans are very treacherous. We heard from them, however, every day; and on the 5th Mr Connely came down, and told us there were four lasts of rice coming down from the king, for which it had been agreed to pay 600 dollars, and that Mr Vanburgh had been detained in security of payment. The rice came next morning, and was distributed equally among our four ships, some great men coming along with it to receive the money. At this time also we in our turn detained a Portuguese who came from the king, till our boat should be allowed to return; and after this, provisions became more plentiful and cheaper.

The town of _Bouton_ is built on the acclivity of a hill, and on the top of the hill is a fort surrounded by an old stone wall, on which some guns and pattereroes are placed. The king and a considerable number of people dwell in this fort, in which a market is held every day for the sale of provisions. The king has five wives, besides several concubines, being attended by four men carrying great canes with silver heads, who are called _pury bassas,_ and who seem to manage all his affairs. His majesty goes always bare-footed and bare-legged, being for the most part clad like a Dutch skipper, with a sort of green gauze covering strewed with spangles over his long black hair; but when he appears in state, he wears a long calico gown over his jacket, and sits on a chair covered with red cloth. He is always attended by a sergeant and six men armed with match-locks; besides three others, one of whom wears a head-piece and carries a large drawn scymitar, another has a shield, and a third a large fan. Four slaves sit at his feet, one holding his betel box, another a lighted match, the third his box of tobacco for smoking, and the fourth a spitting bason. The petty kings and other great men sit on his left hand and before him, every one attended by a slave, and they chew betel or tobacco in his presence, sitting cross-legged, and when they speak to him they lift their hands joined to their foreheads.

The town of Bouton is very populous, and beside it runs a fine river, said to come from ten miles up the country. The tide ebbs and flows a considerable way up this river, which has a bar at its mouth, so that boats cannot go in or come out at low water. At least 1500 boats belong to this river, fifty of which are war proas, armed with pattereroes, and carrying forty or fifty men each. Fifty islands are said to be tributary to this king, who sends his proas once a year to gather their stated tribute, which consists in slaves, every island giving him ten inhabitants out of every hundred. There is one mosque, in Boutan, which is supplied with priests from Mocha, the people being Mahometans. They are great admirers of music, their houses are built on posts, and their current money is Dutch coins and Spanish dollars. On the 7th our pinnace returned with Mr Vanburgh and all our people, having parted from his majesty on friendly terms, but could not procure a pilot. We resolved, however, not to stay any longer, but to trust to Providence for our future preservation: wherefore we began to unmoor our ships, and dismissed our Portuguese linguist.

Next day, the 8th June, we made three islands to the north of _Salayer._ On the 10th our pinnace came up with a small vessel, the people on board of which said they were bound for the Dutch factory of Macasser on the S.W. coast of Celebes. The pinnace brought away the master of this vessel, who engaged to pilot us through the Straits of Salayer and all the way to Batavia, if we would keep it secret from the Dutch, and he sent his vessel to lie in the narrowest part of the passage between the islands, till such time as our ships came up. On the 14th we passed the island of Madura, and on the 17th we made the high land of Cheribon, which bore S.W. from us. This morning we saw a great ship right ahead, to which I sent our pinnace for news. She was a ship of Batavia of 600 tons and fifty guns, plying to some of the Dutch factories for timber. Her people told us that we were still thirty Dutch leagues from Batavia, but there was no danger by the way, and they even supplied us with a large chart, which proved of great use to us. Towards noon we made the land, which was very low, but had regular soundings, by which we knew how to sail in the night by means of the lead; in the afternoon we saw the ships in the road of Batavia, being between thirty and forty sail great and small; and at six in the evening we came to anchor, in between six and seven fathoms, in the long-desired port of Batavia, in lat 6 deg. 10′ S. and long. 252 deg. 51′ W. from London.[231] We had here to alter our account of time, having lost almost a day in going round the world so far in a western course.

[Footnote 231: The latitude in the text is sufficiently accurate, but the longitude is about a degree short. It ought to have been 253 deg. 54′ W. from Greenwich–E.]

After coming in sight of Batavia, and more especially after some sloops or small vessels had been aboard of us, I found that I was quite a stranger to the dispositions and humours of our people, though I had sailed so long with them. A few days before they were perpetually quarrelling, and a disputed lump of sugar was quite sufficient to have occasioned a dispute. But now, there was-nothing but hugging and shaking of hands, blessing their good stars, and questioning if such a paradise existed on earth; and all because they had arrack for eight-pence a gallon, and sugar for a penny a pound. Yet next minute they were all by the ears, disputing about who should put the ingredients together; for the weather was so hot, and the ingredients so excessively cheap, that a little labour was now a matter of great importance among them.

Soon after our arrival at Batavia we proceeded to refit our ships, beginning with the Marquis; but on coming down to her bends, we found both these and the stern and stern-port so rotten and worm-eaten, that on a survey of carpenters she was found incapable of being rendered fit for proceeding round the Cape of Good Hope, on which we had to hire a vessel to take in her loading. We then applied ourselves to refit the other ships, which we did at the island of Horn, not being allowed to do so at _Onrust_, where the Dutch clean and careen all their ships. We hove down the Duke and Duchess and Bachelor, the sheathing of which ships were very much worm-eaten in several places. In heaving down, the Duchess sprung her fore-mast, which we replaced by a new one. When the ships were refitted, we returned to Batavia road, where we rigged three of them, and sold the Marquis, after taking out all her goods and stores, and distributing her officers and men into the others. During our stay at Batavia, the weather was exceedingly hot, and many of our officers and men fell sick, among whom I was one, the prevalent disease being the flux, of which the master of the Duke and gunner of the Duchess died, and several of our men. A young man belonging to the Duchess, having ventured into the sea to swim, had both his legs snapped off by a shark, and while endeavouring to take him on board, the shark bit off the lower part of his belly. We were allowed free access to the town and markets, yet found it difficult to procure salt-meat, so that we had to kill bullocks for ourselves, and pickled the flesh, taking out all the bones. Arrack, rice, and fowls were very cheap, and we bought beef for two _stivers_, or two-pence a pound.

There are various descriptions of this famous city, yet, as what I have to say may serve to exhibit a state of things as they were when we were there, I flatter myself that the following succinct account may neither be found useless nor disagreeable. The city of Batavia is situated on the N.W. side of the famous island of Java, in lat. 5 deg. 50′ S.[232] During the whole year the east and west monsoons, or trade-winds, blow along shore; besides which it is refreshed by the ordinary land and sea breezes, which greatly cool the air, otherwise it would be intolerably hot. The summer begins here in May, and continues till the end of October, or beginning of November, during all which period there is a constant breeze from the east, with a clear serene sky. The winter commences in the end of October, or beginning of November, with excessive rains, which sometimes continue for three or four days without intermission. In December the west-wind blows with such violence as to stop all navigation on the coast of Java. In February the weather is changeable, with frequent sudden thunder-gusts. They begin to sow in March; June is the pleasantest month; and in September they gather in their rice, and cut the sugar-canes. In October they have abundance of fruits and flowers, together with plants and herbs in great variety. Around the city there is an extensive fenny plain, which has been greatly improved and cultivated by the Dutch; but to the east it still remains encumbered by woods and marshes. The city of Batavia is of a square form, surrounded by a strong wall, on which are twenty-two bastions, and has a river running through it into the sea. About the year 1700 there was a great earthquake in Java, which overturned some part of the mountains in the interior of the island, by which the course of the river was altered; and since then the canals in Batavia and the neighbourhood have not been nearly so commodious as formerly, nor has the entrance of the river been so deep; and for want of a strong current to keep it open, the Dutch have been obliged to employ a great machine to preserve the navigation of the mouth of the river, so as to admit small vessels into the canals which pervade the city. Batavia lies in a bay in which there are seventeen or eighteen islands, which so effectually protect it from the sea, that though large, the road is very safe. The banks of the canals are raced on both sides with stone quays, as far as the boom, which is shut up every night, and guarded by soldiers. All the streets are in straight lines, most of them being, above thirty feet broad on both sides, besides the canals, and they are all paved with bricks next the houses. All the streets are well-built and fully inhabited, fifteen of them having canals for small vessels, communicating with the main river, and shut up by booms, at which they pay certain tolls for admission; and these canals are crossed by fifty-six bridges, mostly of stone. There are numerous country-seats around the city, most of them neat and well contrived, with handsome fruit and flower gardens, ornamented with fountains and statues; and vast quantities of cocoa-nut trees planted in numerous groves, every where afford delightful shade. Batavia has many fine buildings, particularly the Cross-church, which is handsomely built of stone, and very neatly fitted up within. There are two or three other churches for the Dutch presbyterians, and two for the Portuguese catholics, who are a mixed race, besides one church for the Malay protestants. In the centre of the city is the town-house, handsomely built of brick in form of a square, and two stories high. In this all the courts are held, and all matters respecting the civil government of the city are determined. There are also hospitals, speir-houses, and rasp-houses, as in Amsterdam, with many other public buildings, not inferior to those of most European cities.

[Footnote 232: The latitude of Batavia is 6 deg. 15′ S. and its longitude 106 deg. 7′ E. from Greenwich.–E.]

The Chinese are very numerous, and carry on the greatest trade here, farming most of the excise and customs, being allowed to live according to their own laws, and to exercise their idolatrous worship. They have a chief of their own nation, who manages their affairs with the company, by which they are allowed great privileges, having even a representative in the council, who has a vote when any of their nation is tried for his life. These high privileges are only allowed to such of the Chinese as are domicilled here, all others being only permitted to remain six months in the city, or on the island of Java. The Chinese have also a large hospital for their sick and aged, and manage its funds so well, that a destitute person of that nation is never to be seen on the streets.

The Dutch women have here much greater privileges than in Holland, or any where else; as on even slight occasions they can procure divorces from their husbands, sharing the estate between them. A lawyer at this place told me, that he has known, out of fifty-eight causes depending at one time before the council-chamber, fifty-two of them for divorces. Great numbers of native criminals are chained in pairs, and kept to hard labour under a guard, in cleaning the canals and ditches of the city, or in other public works. The castle of Batavia is quadrangular, having four bastions connected by curtains, all faced with white stone, and provided with watch-houses. Here the Dutch governor-general of India, and most of the members of the council of the Indies reside, the governor’s palace being large, and well-built of brick. In this palace is the council-chamber, with the secretary’s office, and chamber of accounts. The garrison usually consists of 1000 men; but the soldiers are generally but poorly appointed, except the governor’s guards, who have large privileges, and make a fine appearance.

The governor-general lives in as great splendour as if he were a king, being attended by a troop of horse-guards, and a company of halberdeers, in uniforms of yellow sattin, richly adorned with silver-lace and fringes, which attend his coach when he appears abroad. His lady also is attended by guards and a splendid retinue. The governor is chosen only for three years, from the twenty-four counsellors, called the _Radts_ of India, twelve of whom must always reside in Batavia. Their soldiers are well trained, and a company is always on duty at each of the gates of the city and citadel; and there are between seven and eight thousand disciplined Europeans in and about the city, who can be assembled in readiness for action on a short warning.

Besides Europeans and Chinese, there are many Malays in Batavia, and other strangers from almost every country in, India. The Javanese, or ancient natives, are very numerous, and are said to be a proud barbarous people. They are of dark complexions, with flat faces, thin, short, black hair, large eyebrows, and prominent cheeks. The men are strong-limbed, but the women small. The men wear a calico wrapper, three or four times folded round their bodies; and the women are clothed from their arm-pits to their knees. They usually have two or three wives, besides concubines; and the Dutch say that they are much addicted to lying and stealing. The Javans who inhabit the coast are mostly Mahometans; but those living in the interior are still pagans. The women are not so tawny as the men, and many of them are handsome; but they are generally amorous, and unfaithful to their husbands, and are apt to deal in poisoning, which they manage with much art.

Batavia is very populous, but not above a sixth part of the inhabitants are Dutch. The Chinese here are very numerous; and the Dutch acknowledge that they are more industrious and acute traders than themselves. They are much, encouraged, because of the great trade carried on by them, and the great rents they pay for their shops, besides large taxes, and from sixteen to thirty per cent. interest for money, which they frequently borrow from the Dutch. I was told, that there were about 80,000 Chinese in and about Batavia, who pay a capitation-tax of a dollar each per month for liberty to wear their hair, which is not permitted in their own country ever since the Tartar conquest. There generally come here every year from China, fourteen or sixteen large flat-bottomed junks, of from three to five hundred tons burden. The merchants come along with their goods, which are lodged in different partitions in the vessels, as in separate warehouses, for each of which they pay a certain price, and not for the weight or measure of the cargo, as with us, so that each merchant fills up his own division as they please. They come here with the easterly monsoon, usually arriving in November or December, and go away again for China in the beginning of June. By means of these junks the Dutch have all kinds of Chinese commodities brought to them, and at a cheaper rate than they could bring them in their own vessels.

Batavia is the metropolis of the Dutch trade and settlements in India, and is well situated for the spice trade, which they have entirely in their own hands. There are seldom less than twenty sail of Dutch ships at Batavia, carrying from thirty to fifty and sixty guns each. Abraham van Ribeck was governor-general when we were there. His predecessor, as I was informed, had war with the natives of the island, who had like to have ruined the settlement; but, by sowing divisions among the native princes, he at length procured peace upon advantageous conditions. This is one of the pleasantest cities I ever saw, being more populous than Bristol, but not so large. They have schools for teaching all necessary education, even for Latin and Greek, and have a printing-house. There are many pleasant villas, or country seats, about the city; and the adjacent country abounds in rice, sugar-plantations, gardens, and orchards, with corn and sugar-mills, and mills for making gunpowder. They have also begun to plant coffee, which thrives well, so that they will shortly be able to load a ship or two; but I was told it is not so good as what comes from Arabia.

We sailed from Batavia on the 11th October, 1710, and on the 19th came to anchor in a bay about a league W. from Java head, and remained till the 28th, laying in wood and water. The 15th December we made the land of southern Africa, in lat 34 deg. 2′ S. And on the 18th we anchored in Table Bay in six fathoms, about a mile from shore. We remained here till the 5th April, waiting to go home with the Dutch fleet, and on that day fell down to Penguin Island, whence we sailed on the 5th for Europe. On the 14th July we spoke a Dane bound for Ireland, who informed us that a Dutch fleet of ten sail was cruizing for us off Shetland, which squadron we joined next day. On the 28d we got sight of the coast of Holland, and about eight p. m. came all safe to anchor in the Texel, in six fathoms, about two miles off shore. In the afternoon of the 24th I went up to Amsterdam, where I found letters from our owners, directing us how to act as to our passage from thence home. On the 30th we got some provisions from Amsterdam. On the 22d August we weighed from the Texel, but the wind being contrary, had to return next morning. We weighed again on the 30th, and on the 1st October came to anchor in the Downs, and on the 14th of that month got safe to _Eriff_, where we ended our long and fatiguing voyage.

* * * * *

It appears, by incidental information in Harris, I. 198, That the outfit of this voyage did not exceed L14,000 or L15,000, and that its gross profits amounted to L170,000, half of which belonged to the owners; so that they had L85,000 to divide, or a clear profit of L466 13s. 4d. _per centum,_ besides the value of the ships and stores.–E.

CHAPTER XI.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY CAPTAIN JOHN CLIPPERTON, IN 1719-1722.[233]

INTRODUCTION.

About the beginning of 1718, some English merchants resolved to fit out two ships for a cruizing voyage to the South Sea, in hopes of having equal success with the expedition under Woods Rogers, and provided two fine ships, the Speedwell and Success, every way fit for the purpose. But as the war which was expected between Great Britain and Spain did not take place so soon as was expected, they applied for commissions from the Emperor Charles VI. who was then at war with Philip V. King of Spain. Captain George Shelvocke, who had served as a lieutenant in the royal navy, was accordingly sent with the Speedwell to Ostend, there to wait for the imperial commissions, and to receive certain Flemish officers and seamen, together with as much wine and brandy as might serve both ships during their long voyage, being cheaper there than in England. This was in November 1718, and both to shew respect to the imperial court, and to have the appearance of a German expedition, the names of the ships were changed to the Prince Eugene and the Staremberg.

[Footnote 233: Harris, I. 184.]

Having taken on board six Flemish officers and ninety men, Captain Shelvocke sailed from Ostend for the Downs, where the other ship had waited for him some time. War having begun between Great Britain and Spain, and finding that the Flemings and Englishmen did not agree, the owners laid aside all thoughts of using the imperial commission, and to send back all their Flemish officers and men to Flanders, with an allowance of two months wages, and procured a commission from George I. restoring the original names of their ships. The Speedwell carried twenty-four guns and 106 men, and the Success thirty-six guns and 180 men; the former commanded by Captain George Shelvocke, who was to have had the chief command in the expedition, and the other by Captain John Clipperton, who had formerly sailed with Dampier as mate, and of whose adventures after his separation from Dampier, an account has been already given.

In consequence of some change of circumstances, perhaps owing to some improper conduct when in Flanders, the proprietors now took the chief command from Shelvocke, and conferred it upon Clipperton, a man of a blunt, rough, and free-speaking disposition, but of a strict regard to his duty and rigid honesty. Though somewhat passionate, he was soon appeased, and ever ready to repair any injury he had done when heated with anger, and had much justice and humanity in his nature. Under Captain Shelvocke in the Speedwell, Simon Hately was appointed second captain; he who had formerly lost company with Woods Rogers among the Gallapagos islands, and had remained a considerable time prisoner among the Spaniards.

The instructions for this voyage from the owners were, that they were to proceed in the first place for Plymouth, whence they were to sail with the first fair wind for Cape Horn or the Straits of Magellan, as was found most convenient for their passage into the South Sea. They were then to cruize on the coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico, and to endeavour, if possible, to meet and capture the Manilla ship. To prevent all disputes and disorders, they were enjoined to be careful above all things not to separate from each other, and to undertake nothing of importance without holding a council of officers, stating the question to be debated in writing, and drawing up the resolution in writing, with the reasons on which they were grounded, which were to be signed by all the officers. All these precautions proved in a great measure useless, as the expedition wore an unfortunate aspect from the very beginning. The ships were forced to remain three months at Plymouth, waiting for a wind; in which time every thing fell into confusion, and factions were formed, in which the crews of both ships were involved, from the captains down to the cabin boys. Captain Shelvocke highly resented the affront offered him in being deprived of the chief command; and Captain Clipperton, knowing the other’s resentment, and being a boisterous man of strong passions which he could not conceal, there was nothing but debates and disputes. Every post carried complaints to the proprietors, and brought down instructions, reproofs, and exhortations to concord. It had been fortunate for the proprietors, if they had removed one or both of the commanders; but every one had too much concern to retain his friend in post, so that private views proved the cause of public ruin.–_Harris_.

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage, from England to Juan Fernandez_.

Having at length a fair wind, the two ships sailed in company from Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719. It singularly happened that the Speedwell had still on board the whole stock of wine, brandy, and other liquors, designed for the supply of both ships. On the 19th at night, there arose a violent storm, and on the 20th the storm abated about two in the afternoon, when Captain Clipperton in the Success made sail, steering S. by E. while Captain Shelvocke in the Speedwell bore away N.W. So that they never again saw each other, till they afterwards met by mere accident in the South Sea.

Being now at sea without his consort, and very indifferently provided, Captain Clipperton found himself under the necessity of using a discretionary power of dispensing in some respect from his instructions; but which freedom he rarely exercised, and then with the utmost caution. In all essential points he carefully complied with the instructions, constantly consulting with his officers, and doing his utmost to prosecute his voyage with effect. The first place of rendezvous appointed in case of separation was the Canaries, for which he sailed with such expedition that he arrived there on the 6th of March. Having taken in refreshments there, for which he had much occasion, as all his liquors were in the Speedwell, Clipperton cruized on that station for ten days, as directed by his instructions, but not meeting his consort, he resolved to proceed to the next place appointed for that purpose, the Cape de Verd islands.

The Canary Islands, or _Islands of Dogs_, so named by the Spaniards when discovered by them in 1402, because they found here a great number of these animals, were known to the ancients by the name of the Fortunate Islands, because of their fertility and the excellent temperature of their air. They are seven in number, Lancerota, Fuerteventura, Grand Canary, Teneriffe, Geomero, Hiero or Ferro, and Palma. _Grand Canary_ is far distant from the others, and contains 9000 inhabitants, being the seat of the bishop, the inquisition, and the royal council which governs all the seven islands. In Teneriffe is the famous mountain called _Terraira,_ or the Peak of Teneriff, supposed to be the highest in the world, and which may be distinctly seen at the distance of sixty leagues. There is no reaching the top of this mountain except in July and August, because covered at all other times with snow, which is never to be seen at other places of that island, nor in the other six, at any season of the year. It requires three days journey to reach the summit of the peak, whence all the Canary islands may be seen, though some of them are sixty leagues distant. _Hiero_ or _Ferro_ is one of the largest islands in this group, but is very barren, and so dry that no fresh water is to be found in it, except in some few places by the sea, very troublesome and even dangerous to get it from. “But, to remedy this inconvenience, Providence as supplied a most extraordinary substitute, as there grows almost in every place a sort of tree of considerable size, incomparably thick of branches and leaves, the latter being long and narrow, always green and lively. This tree is always covered by a little cloud hanging over it, which wets the leaves as if by a perpetual dew, so that fine clear water continually trickles down from them into little pails set below to catch it as it falls, and which is in such abundant quantity as amply to supply the inhabitants and their cattle.”[234]

[Footnote 234: This strange story seems entirely fabulous.–E.]

These islands are generally fertile, and abound with all kinds of provisions, as cattle, grain, honey, wax, sugar, cheese, and skins. The wine of this country is strong and well-flavoured, and is exported to most parts of the world; and the Spanish ships bound for America usually stop at these islands to lay in a stock of provisions. About 100 leagues to the west of these islands, mariners are said to have frequently seen an island named _St Baranura,_ which they allege is all over green and very pleasant, full of trees, and abounding in provisions, as also that it is inhabited by Christians; but no person can tell what sect or denomination they are of, nor what language they speak. The Spanish inhabitants of the Canaries have often attempted to go there, but could never find the way; whence some believe that it is only an illusion or enchanted island, seen only at certain times. Others allege a better reason, saying that it is small and almost always concealed by clouds, and that ships are prevented from coming near it by the strength of the currents. It is certain however, that there is such an island, and at the distance from the Canaries already mentioned.[235]

[Footnote 235: This island of St Baranora, or St Brandon, is merely imaginary.–E.]

Leaving Gomera on the 15th March, Clipperton came in sight of St Vincent, one of the Cape de Verd islands, in the evening of the 21st, and came to anchor in the bay next morning. He here found a French ship, and the Diamond belonging to Bristol, taking in a cargo of asses for Jamaica. Continuing here for ten days, in hopes of meeting the Speedwell, but in vain, the crew of the Success became much disheartened, so that Clipperton had much difficulty in persuading them to persist in the enterprize. The _Cape de Verd islands,_ called _Salt islands_ by the Dutch, derive their name from Cape de Verd on the coast of Africa. The sea which surrounds them is covered by a green herb, called _Sergalso_ or cresses by the Portuguese, resembling water-cresses, and so thickly that hardly can the water be seen, neither can ships make their way through it but with a stiff gale. This herb produces berries, resembling white gooseberries, but entirely tasteless. No one knows how this herb grows, as there is no ground or land about the place where it is found floating on the water, neither can it be supposed to come from the bottom, as the sea is very deep, and is in many places quite unfathomable. This sea-weed begins to be seen in the lat. of 34 deg. N. where it is so thick that it seems as if islands, but is not to be met with in any other part of the ocean.

The _Cape de Verd islands_, when first discovered by the Portuguese in 1572, were all desert and uninhabited, but they now inhabit several of them. They are ten in number, St Jago, St Lucia, St Vincent, St Antonio, St Nicolas, Ilha Blanca, Ilha de Sal, Ilha de Maio, Ilha de Fogo, and Bonavista. They now afford plenty of rice, flour, Tartarian wheat, oranges, lemons, citrons, bananas, ananas or pine-apples, ignames, batatas, melons, cucumbers, pompions, garden and wild figs, and several other sorts of fruits. They have vineyards also, which produce ripe grapes twice a year; and have abundance of cattle, both great and small, but especially goats. The capital city is St Jago, in the island of that name, in which resides the governor who commands over all these islands under the King of Portugal. It is also the residence of an archbishop, whose see extends over all these islands, and over all the conquests of the Portuguese on this side of the Cape of Good Hope. These islands afford good convenience for ships on long voyages procuring a supply of fresh water. On the east side of Maio there is a little river, and as the island is uninhabited, there is nobody to hinder one from taking it: There is also water to be had on St Antonio, where also good refreshments may be had, of oranges, lemons, and other fruits; and the Portuguese on this island are so few in number, that they cannot prevent one from taking what they please.

May the 29th having an observation, Clipperton found his latitude to be 52 deg. 15′ S. being then off Cape _Virgin Mary_, the northern point at the eastern entrance into the straits of Magellan, distant from _Fuego_, one of the Cape de Verd islands, 1580 leagues, the meridional distance being 36 deg. 4′ W.[236] Next day they entered the straits. Proceeding onwards to Queen Elizabeth’s island, the pinnace was sent off to a fresh-water river on the main, which was found frozen up. They saw large flocks of geese and ducks at this place, but they were very shy. By some accident the surgeon’s mate was left ashore at this place by the boat, and when brought on board next morning he was almost dead with the cold. They remained some time at Queen Elizabeth’s island, which is dry and mostly barren, yet they found plenty of sallad herbs, which were of infinite service, the crew being much afflicted by the scurvy. The principal herb was _smallage_ of extraordinary size, which they eat raw, or boiled in their broth, and of which they brought away a considerable quantity of juice in bottles. On the 14th June, the empty water casks were sent ashore to be filled, and the carpenters went to look out for a proper piece of timber for a mizen-mast. They found abundance of wild fowl and shell fish on shore, which were most welcome to all the company, as they found their appetites to increase, while the necessity compelled the enforcement of short allowance. They anchored on the 22d in a fine bay, which they named _No-bottom Bay_, because of its great depth of water. The trees here are lofty, and so loaded with snow as to be a most astonishing sight. On the 29th there came to them a canoe in which were two men, a woman, and a boy. These were of middle stature, with dark complexions, broad, round faces, and low features, with low foreheads, lank short black hair, and no clothing except a piece of skin to cover their middles. The most extraordinary circumstance about them, was a fine streak round their wrists of an azure colour. They seem to be very jealous of their women, as they would on no account permit the woman who was along with them to come on board. Clipperton ordered them bread and cheese, and a dram of brandy, which last they refused to take, but they eat the bread and cheese voraciously. They had a fire in the middle of their canoe, which was made of the bark of trees sewed together, and they brought with them some wild geese and ducks, which they exchanged for knives. They had bows and arrows, together with some fishing tackle, and went away after two hours stay, making signs that they would return.

[Footnote 236: The meridional distance between these two stations is 49 deg. 25′ W. Mayo being in long. 28 deg. 15′, and Cape Virgin Mary in long. 72 deg. 40′ both W. from Greenwich.–E.]

Next day the pinnace went ashore, and returned in the evening with the Indian canoe filled with large muscles, which our people bought from the Indians, for knives, bread, and other trifles. In the beginning of July the weather was very moderate. Clipperton found the savages in these straits by no means so mischievous as they are usually represented, of which they had two remarkable instances: As, on one occasion, one of the crew was on shore two nights and a day, and was well used by the natives; and, on another occasion, one of the natives being left accidentally all night in the ship, the natives came for him next day without fear; so that, if well treated, they do not seem to be treacherous. In another canoe which came to the ship there were several women, each having a necklace of five or six rows of small shining shells, very nicely strung, resembling mother-of-pearl. All this time the crew was very sickly, scarcely a day passing in which one or more did not die, which was generally attributed to the want of something comfortable to drink in this rigorous climate, all the liquors intended for the voyage having been left in the Speedwell. The weather was sometimes fair and moderate for two or three days together, but was continually varying, and perhaps for two or three days following they had continual snow, rain, and sleet, with frequent great flows of wind that were intolerably sharp and piercing. William Pridham, the master-gunner, died on the 7th July, and was buried ashore next day, having a strong, plank with an inscription driven into the ground at the head of his grave.

On the 20th July, Captain Mitchell and Lieutenant Davidson went in the pinnace, furnished with all necessaries, in order to make a discovery of a passage on the southern side of the straits, through which a French tartan is said to have gone into the South Sea in May, 1713, and to examine if there were any anchorage beyond Cape _Quad_. The pinnace returned on the 29th, having found the passage, but so narrow that it was deemed too hazardous. Their provisions falling short, they were forced to return before they had satisfied themselves sufficiently; yet they found several good bays for anchoring in, to the N.W. of Cape _Quad_. They got a seal from some Indians, which they broiled and eat, and said that it was as good as venison. On the 1st of August, Captain Mitchell and three other officers went a second time to examine to look for the new passage. But, after the strictest examination, they could not find that it led into the South Sea, but only into an icy bay, and at all events was too narrow for their ship. On the return of Captain Mitchell, it was resolved to prosecute their way through the straits, which they did with much difficulty, getting into the South Sea on the 18th of August, but in so weak and sickly a condition as to be utterly incapable of attempting any enterprize for some time, having been long on short allowance of only one piece of beef or pork to a mess of six men. In pursuance, therefore, of his instructions, Captain Clipperton bore away for the island of Juan Fernandez, the third and last appointed place of rendezvous with the Speedwell.

The Success accordingly anchored at Juan Fernandez on the 7th September, and search was made for any testimony of the Speedwell having been there, but to no purpose. Captain Clipperton resolved, in compliance with his instructions, to remain here, or cruizing in the neighbourhood, for a month; and also had an inscription cut on a conspicuous tree fronting the landing-place, to the following purport: “_Captain John—- W. Magee, 1719_.” This William Magee was surgeon of the Success, and well known to Captain Shelvocke and all his company; and Clipperton omitted his own name in the inscription, because he had been formerly in the South Sea, and had been long a prisoner among the Spaniards, for which reason he did not wish to give them notice of his return into this sea. The sick were all landed on the 8th, and every convenience afforded by the island made use of to promote their recovery. The weather was very changeable all the time of the Success continuing here, with much rain, and some hard gales of wind. They took, however, a considerable number of goats, which not only served them for present subsistence, but enabled them to increase their sea store, as they had an opportunity of salting a good many; for some French ships, that had been at the island, had left a considerable quantity of salt ready made. They likewise cleaned the ship’s bottom, and took on board a supply of wood and water. It was now evident that the Success would have to act singly in these seas, as Clipperton was fully of opinion that the Speedwell was lost, or at least gave out so among the company, to prevent them from continually cursing Shelvocke for running away with their liquors, which some of the sick men did with their dying breaths.

The beauty and fertility of this island, compared with the dangers and difficulties unavoidable in the South Sea, tempted four of the men to remain in the island, and they actually ran away into the mountains. As it was very inconvenient to lose so many good hands, Captain Clipperton took measures for recovering them, but ineffectually. At last, a fortnight after their desertion, and only the day before the ship was to leave the island, two of them were caught by the goat-hunters and brought aboard. They confessed that they had been hard put to it for the first five days, being forced to subsist entirely on the cabbage-trees, which are here in great plenty; but having accidentally found some fire, left by the goat-hunters, it served them in good stead, as it enabled them to cook their victuals. That same evening they brought on board all the goats-flesh they had salted, together with four casks of seal-oil, and every thing else they had on shore. A cross was set up on shore, at the foot of which a bottle was buried, containing a letter for Captain Shelvocke, appointing another place of rendezvous, with certain signals by which to know each other if they happened to meet at sea.

SECTION II.

_Proceedings of the Success in the South Seas_.

Clipperton left Juan Fernandez on the 7th October, leaving two men behind, as successors to Governor Selkirk, but of whose adventures we have no mention. He now steered his course to the northwards, till in the parallel of Lima, where he proposed to commence operations, though in a very indifferent condition, having lost thirty men since passing the equator. On the 25th, being in the latitude of Lima, they captured a snow of forty tons, laden with sand and rubbish for manure, on board of which were seven Indians and two negroes, their master having been left sick on shore. The only thing she contained worth taking were two jars full of eggs, two jars of treacle, and two dollars. Next day they captured a ship of 150 tons, laden with timber from Guayaquil, in which were two friars, sixteen Indians, and four Negroes. On the 30th they took a ship of 400 tons, bound from Panama to Lima, which had been taken by Captain Rogers at Guayaquil ten years before. She had many passengers on board, and a loading of considerable value. Another prize was taken on the 2d of November, being a vessel of seventy tons, on board of which was the Countess of _Laguna_ and several other passengers, with a great sum of money, and 400 jars of wine and brandy, which was very acceptable. Captain Clipperton desired the countess to inform him, whether she thought proper to remain in the prize, or to accept of such accommodations as he was able to give her in the Success. She chose to continue in the prize, on which he sent an officer of marines with a guard, to prevent her from being molested, and with strict orders not to allow any person to enter her cabin, except her own domestics. He also sent part of the wine and brandy on board the other prizes, for the use of his seamen who had charge of them.

Although Captain Clipperton had now so many prizes, that above a third of his company was detached to take charge of them, he was still as eager to take more as if he had commanded a squadron of men of war, instead of a single privateer weakly manned. On the 12th November, a London-built pink of about 200 tons was discovered at some distance, bound from Panama to Lima with a cargo of woad, of very little value to Clipperton, yet he added this to the number of his prizes. The master of this vessel, being a shrewd fellow, soon saw the error Clipperton had fallen into, and resolved to turn it to his advantage. Guessing by the number of prizes already attending the English ship, that he could not spare many men to take possession of his ship, and having above a dozen passengers, he directed them to hide themselves in the hold, along with a Frenchman who served as boatswain, with orders to seize as many of the English as went down below, assuring them that he with the ship’s company would be able to manage the rest. When this ship struck, Clipperton sent Lieutenant Sergeantson with eight men to take possession of her; who, on coming on board, ordered all he saw on deck into the great cabin, at the door of which he placed a sentinel. Thinking every thing was now secure, he ordered the topsails to be hoisted, in order to stand down towards the Success; after which, the men went down into the hold, to see what loading was in the ship. On this the concealed passengers sallied out, knocked most of them down, and the boatswain came behind Mr Sergeantson, whom he knocked down likewise, and then bound all the Englishmen in the hold. In the mean time, the crew in the great cabin, Spaniards, Indians, and Negroes, secured the sentinel. Having thus recovered possession of the ship, the Spanish captain resolved on getting ashore at all events, in which design he ran his ship among the rocks, where he with his crew and prisoners were all in considerable danger. He then ordered all the English prisoners to be unbound, and all got safe on shore, after which Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men were all sent prisoners to Lima.

The viceroy was so much pleased with this hardy action of the Spanish shipmaster, that he ordered a new vessel to be built for him at Guayaquil, ordering all the traders in Peru to be taxed for defraying the expence, as a reward for the service rendered on this occasion to the public, and an encouragement for others to behave in like manner. On the arrival of the prisoners at Lima, they were all strictly examined, when one of them gave a full account of every thing he knew, particularly of the two men who remained on the island of Juan Fernandez, and of the letter left in a bottle for the Speedwell, the consort of the Success. On this information, a small vessel was fitted out and sent to Juan Fernandez, with orders to fetch away the two men and the bottle containing the signals, which was accordingly done.

Perceiving on the 20th November, that the last-taken, prize had been recovered by her crew, as on making the signal to tack, she was seen to make all possible sail towards the land, Captain Clipperton immediately suspected what had happened; and finding it impossible to get up with her, he began to consider what was best for him to do, to prevent the bad effects which might reasonably be expected from her crew getting on shore and communicating the alarm. Wherefore, he very prudently determined to set all his Spanish prisoners at liberty, as well to save provisions, which he could not very well spare, as that their good usage from him might be speedily known, in hopes of the same being returned to those of his men who had fallen into the hands of the Spaniards.

On the 24th we took another prize of about 200 tons, laden with timber from Panama to Lima, having on board forty negroes and thirty Spaniards, most of the last being passengers. On the 27th he came to anchor with all his prizes at the island of Plata, where he began seriously to