A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 9 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (page 7)

may take away his life, and not leave him to be a sport and prey to his inveterate enemies. The whole court is filled with rumours and secret whispers; the nobles are sad, and the people full of turmoil and noise, without any head, having no one to direct their rage to any specific object. The issue seems involved in dangers, especially for us, as, in regard to themselves, it matters not who wins. Although the elder prince have more right, and is of a more honourable character, he is still a Mahomedan, and can hardly be a better prince than his father, whose dispositions are good, yet so facile that he allows all to govern at their will, which is even worse than if he were a tyrant, for we had better suffer injuries from one prince than from a host of ministers and subordinate agents.

The 19th of October _Mahomet Reza Beg_, the Persian ambassador, made his entry into the city with a great cavalcade, partly sent out by the king to meet him. There were at least an hundred elephants, with many musicians; but no man of quality went out on this occasion beyond the ordinary official receivers of strangers. His own train consisted of about fifty horse in splendid dresses of cloth of gold, their bows, quivers, and targets being richly adorned. Together with these he had about forty musqueteers, and about 200 ordinary _peons_ and attendants on his passage. He was conducted to a room within the outer court of the palace, to rest himself till the evening, at which time I sent my secretary to the durbar, to give me an account of the ceremonial. On coming into the presence, and reaching the first rail, he made three _tessalims_ and one _sizeda,_ which is prostrating himself and knocking his head three times against the ground. On entering within the rail he did the same, and then presented the letter of his master, _Shabas_, [Shah Abbas.] This the king took with a slight inclination of the body, saying only, _How doth my brother_? without using any title of majesty. After some few words, the ambassador was placed in the seventh rank, close to the rail beside the door, and below many of the king’s servants, which, in my opinion, was a very mean place for the ambassador of Persia; but he richly merited this degradation for doing that mean reverence to the dishonour of his master which all his predecessors had refused, and by which he gave much offence to many of his nation. It is reported that he had orders from Shah Abbas to give content in all things, and hence it is conjectured that he is sent to obtain some aid in money against the Turks, in which kind the court of Persia often finds liberal succour from the Mogul government. Others pretend that his object is to mediate a peace for the princes of the Deccan, whose protection Shah Abbas is said to have much at heart, being jealous of the extension of this empire.

According to custom, the king gave him a handsome turban, a vest of cloth of gold, and a girdle, for which he again made three _tessalims_ and a _sizeda_, or ground courtesy. The present he brought consisted of three times nine Persian and Arabian horses, this being among them a ceremonious number; nine very large and handsome mules; seven camels laden with velvet; two suits of European _Arras_, or tapestry, which I suppose was Venetian; two chests of Persian hangings; one rich cabinet; four muskets; five clocks; a camel’s load of cloth of gold; eight silk carpets; two balasss rubies; twenty-one camel loads of wine made of grapes; fourteen camel loads of distilled sweet waters; seven of rose-water; seven daggers and five swords adorned with precious stones; seven Venetian mirrors, all so fair and rich that I was ashamed of the relation.

These presents were not now delivered, but only a list of them in writing. His own equipage was rich, having nine led horses, their trappings all studded with gold and silver. His turban was encircled by a chain of pearls, rubies, and turquoises, having three pipes of gold, in which were three plumes of feathers. Having thus caused accurate observation to be made of his reception, and compared it with my own, I find it in nothing more gracious than my own, and in many things inferior, except only in being met without the town, which, owing to my sickness, was not demanded; neither did the king receive the letter of Shah Abbas with so much respect as that of the king, my master, whom he called the king of England, his brother, naming the Persian barely his brother, without addition. This observation was made by the jesuit, who understood the language.

Sec.5. _Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in November_, 1616.

The 20th of October I received the prince’s letter to send to Sarat, with orders for the governor of that city to sit along with the judge of the custom-house, to take care that no wrong was done to the English. The clause about sending up the presents sealed and unsearched to me, was so obscure and unintelligible, that it was susceptible of various constructions, which I believed was done designedly, that they might come into the hands of the prince, so as to become his own. I sent it back therefore to his secretary to be altered; and getting it returned still more intricate than at first, I went to the prince on the 21st, and desired to have that clause of his letter explained, at which he stuck a little, and I perceived he was as hollow as I had imagined. He plainly asked, How then he should have his presents, or see such curiosities as came up? and proposed to accompany me to where they were. I answered, that I could not do this till I had delivered my master’s message and presents to the king, after which I should wait upon his highness with his presents, and that every rarity that came to me should be sent after him. He pressed me to pass my word for the performance of this, which I did, and then I had the letter for Surat made out to my content.

At this interview the prince observed a white feather in my hat, and asked if I would give it to him. I answered, that I could not presume to offer any thing I had worn; but if he were pleased to command it, that or any thing else in my power was at his service. He then asked if I had any more; to which I answered, that I had three or four others of different colours. He desired to have them all, as he was to shew his horses and servants to the king within two days, and wanted some, being rare in these parts. I therefore promised to bring all I had next day, when his highness might take what pleased him.

This day Abdalla Khan waited on the prince with a gallant equipage, himself and servants being anticly apparelled, yet soldier-like, according to their fashion. On this occasion he made a present to the prince of a handsome white horse, full of spirit and high mettled, the saddle and furniture all ornamented with enamelled gold. The prince returned him a plain sword with a leathern belt. Many other swords were brought before him, the hilts and scabbards being of silver, set with small stones, together with targets covered with gold velvets, some painted and embossed with gold and silver, all of which he distributed among his servants. Against this muster many saddles and other horse-furniture were provided, richly ornamented with gold and precious stones, intended for spare horses. His boots were embroidered, and every thing was of the highest magnificence, so that the expence is wonderful, and the wealth seen daily is inestimable. There is a report going, that, on the past night, six of the servants of Sultan Churrum went to murder Sultan Cuserou, but were refused the key by the porter who has charge of him. It is farther said that the queen mother is gone to the king to lay before him an account of this matter. But the truth of these things is hard to be found, and it is dangerous to ask questions.

In the evening I went to the durbar to wait upon the king, where I met the Persian ambassador with the first muster of his presents. He seemed a jester or juggler, rather than a person of any gravity, continually skipping up and down, and acting all his words like a mimic player, so that the _Atachikanne_ was converted as it were into a stage. He delivered all his presents with his own hand, which the king received with smiles and a chearful countenance, and many gracious words. His tongue was a great advantage to the Persian in delivering his own business, which he did with so much flattery and obsequiousness, that he pleased as much that way as by his gifts, constantly calling his majesty king and commander of the world, forgetting that his own master had a share of it; and on every little occasion of favourable acceptance, he made his _tessalims_. When all was delivered for that day, he prostrated himself on the ground, making _sizeda_, and knocking his head on the floor as if he would have entered it.

The gifts this day were a handsome quiver for a bow and arrow, richly embroidered; all sorts of European fruits, artificially made, and laid on dishes; many folding purses, and other knacks, of leather, curiously wrought in coloured silks; shoes stitched and embroidered: great mirrors in richly inlaid frames; one square piece of velvet, highly embroidered with gold in panes, between which were Italian pictures wrought in the stuff, which he said were the king and queen of Venice, being, as I suppose, the hanging called Venetian tapestry, of which six were given, but only one shown. There were besides, many other curiosities of small value; after which came the three times nine horses and mules, the latter being very handsome, but the horses had lost their beauty and condition, as, except one or two, they were very unfit for being sent or accepted between princes. This done, the Persian returned, with many antic tricks, to his place, which was far inferior to mine, as I stood alone, and above all the subjects, though Asaph Khan at first wanted to put me from it, but I maintained it as my right, having been appointed me by the king. This was only the first act of the play presented by the Persian ambassador, which will not be finished in ten days.

The 22d I went to the prince’s secretary for the promised Surat letter; but his highness had changed his mind, and, loth to let the presents pass without ransacking them, refused to seal the letter. The secretary pretended they could not be allowed to pass without search, lest the merchants, under that pretence, might defraud the customs. I was offended, and going away; but the secretary prevailed on me to go with him to the prince, to whom I delivered some feathers, being two _plurides_ and two birds of paradise, which he graciously accepted; and having made known my determination not to have the presents opened, or to be sent up by any others than my own servants, he at last yielded, and commanded his secretary to make out the dispatch in my own way.

At night I went to the durbar to observe the Persian ambassador, whom I found standing in his place, but often removed and set lower, as the great men came in. The king once spoke to him, on which he played off his monkey tricks, but gave no present; only the king gave command that he should be feasted by the nobles. Most of the time was spent in seeing saddles and furniture, against the removal of the court, some of which the king presented to his followers, as the court was daily expected to move; the king’s tents having been pitched four days. I sent that night to the secretary for my firmaun, but was put off with excuses.

The 24th the king removed to Havar Gemal, and called for the Persian ambassador, who at night eat and drank before the king along with the nobles, as I had done on the birth-day. On this occasion the king gave him 20,000 rupees for his expences, for which he made innumerable _tessalims_ and _sizedas_, which greatly pleased the king, being base yet profitable idolatry. As the prince was in attendance on the king, I could not get my business dispatched.

The king returned to the city in the evening of the 25th, having been far gone in wine the night before. Some person, either by chance or from malice, spoke of the last merry night, when many of the nobles had drank wine, which none may do without leave. Having forgot his own order, the king demanded to know who gave? It was answered that it had been given by the _buxy_, as no one dared to say it was the king, seeing he doubted it. The custom is that the king drinks alone, though sometimes he will give command that the nobles shall drink also, which to refuse is likewise an offence, so every one who takes the cup of wine from the officer has his name written down, and makes _tessalim_, though perhaps the king’s eyes are misty. The king called for the _buxy_, and asked if he gave the order, which he falsely denied; though he actually gave it as ordered, calling by name such as were to drink with the ambassador. The king then called for the list, and fined the delinquents, some 1000, some 2000, and others 3000 rupees. Some that were near his person, he caused to be whipped in his presence, receiving 130 stripes with a most terrible instrument of torture, having at the ends of four cords irons like spur-rowels, so that every stroke made four wounds. When they lay for dead, he commanded the standers-by to spurn them with their feet, and the door-keepers to break their staves upon them. Thus cruelly mangled and bruised, they were carried away, one of them dying on the spot. Some would have excused themselves, by blaming the ambassador; but the king said he had only ordered a cup or two to be given to him. Though drunkenness be a common and frequent vice in the king, it is yet strictly forbidden; and no one can enter the _guzelkhan_ where the king sits, till the porters have smelt his breath, and if he have only tasted wine he is refused admittance; and if this reason of his absence be known, he shall scarcely escape the whip. When the king has taken offence at any one, even a father dares not speak for his son. Thus the king made all the company pay for the Persian ambassador’s reward.

The 26th, I went to _Sorocolla_, the prince’s secretary, to get the promised firmaun; when he sent me a copy as fraudulent and ambiguous as the former, which I refused to accept. I drew up the clause I so much disliked myself, which I sent back, and was promised to have it sealed next day.

The day of the king’s removal being at hand, I sent on the 28th to Asaph Khan, to have a warrant for carriages, as our merchants had sought all over the town for carriages to convey their goods to Agra, and could not procure any. As I was enrolled by the king, I received an order for twenty camels, four carts, and two coaches, to be paid for at the king’s price; of which I appointed for the use of the factors as many as they needed.

At this time the following incident took place, being either a wonderful instance of baseness in this great monarch, or a trial of my disposition. The king had condemned several thieves to death, among whom were some boys, and there was no way to save their lives, except by selling them as slaves. On this occasion, the king commanded Asaph Khan to offer two of them to me for money, which he directed to be done by the _cutwall_, or marshal. He came accordingly and made the offer to my interpreter, who answered without my knowledge, that the Christians kept no slaves, and, as I had already set free those the king had given me, it was in vain to propose the matter to me. I afterwards suspected this were done to try me whether I would give a little money to save the lives of two children, or, if it even were in earnest, I thought there was no great loss in doing a good deed. So, to try the scope of this affair, I directed my interpreter to inform Asaph Khan, that being made acquainted with the offer, and the answer my interpreter had given, I had reprehended him for presuming in any case to answer for me; and that, if any money were to be given to save the lives of the children, either to those whom they had robbed, or to redeem them from the law, I was ready to give it, both out of respect for the king’s command, and for charity; but I would not buy them as slaves, only meaning to pay their ransom, and set them free; and, if he would let me know the king’s pleasure, that I might give them their lives and liberties without offence, I was very willing to do it.

Asaph Khan agreed to accept the money, making many commendations of my extraordinary goodness, and said I might dispose of the boys as I thought fit, desiring me to send the money to the _cutwall_, yet made no offer of informing the king, which was one chief purpose of my liberality. I had no inclination to be cheated, yet resolved to pay the money in such a way that the king should learn I had more mercy than he, and that a Christian valued the life of a Mahomedan beyond money. I sent therefore a factor and my interpreter to the _cutwall_, to acquaint him with my communication to Asaph Khan, and that, if he informed the king of my offer to redeem the prisoners for charity, and his majesty consented to give them their pardon and liberty, I was ready to send the money; but that I would not buy them as slaves, even for an hour. Thus I put them to the test as to their base offer. This sum did not exceed ten pounds, a poor affair for which to impose upon a stranger, or to be gained by so great a king. The _cutwall_ answered that he would enquire the king’s pleasure, and let me know the result. Some would have me believe, that this was, a signal favour of the king, chusing out any great man to do this good and honourable work of redeeming prisoners, as the money is given in satisfaction to the person robbed, and that those who are thus appointed to ransom them, make _sizeda_ to the king, as for a mighty benefit. But I see no honour in a king thus to impose upon a stranger, to whom he gives neither maintenance nor liberality. I went to the durbar, to see if the king would himself speak to me, that I might declare my own offer. The _cutwall_ made many motions, and brought in his executioner, who received some commands, but I understood them not.

I this day sent my secretary with a message to the Persian ambassador, to say I would visit him, if he gave his word to return my visit. He sent me for answer, with much respect, that it was not the custom of the country for ambassadors to visit each, other without leave of the king, which he would ask; and which given, he would thankfully accept my visit, and repay it with all manner of pleasure.

On the 1st November, Sultan Churrum took his leave and went to his tents. On this occasion the king sat in his durbar at noon, when the prince passed his establishment in review before his father, consisting of about 600 elephants richly caparisoned, and about 10,000 horse, all splendidly arrayed, many of his followers being clad in cloth of gold, and their turbans adorned with herons plumes. The prince himself was in a dress of cloth of silver, all over embroidered, and splendidly decorated with pearls and diamonds, shining like the firmament in a clear night. The king embraced and kissed him with much affection, presenting him with a rich sword, the hilt and scabbard all of gold set with precious stones, valued at 100,000 rupees, a dagger valued at 40,000, together with an elephant, and a horse, the furniture of both magnificently adorned with gold and jewels. At his departure, he gave him a coach, made in imitation of that sent by the king my master to the emperor, and commanded the English coachman to drive the prince to the tents. Churrum went accordingly into the coach, sitting in the middle thereof, all the sides being open; and was attended by all his chief nobles a-foot, all the way to the camp, which was about four miles. Being followed by a vast concourse of people, he scattered all the way among them handfuls of quarter rupees. At one time he reached his hand to the coachman, and put about 100 rupees into his hat.

On the 2d, the king removed, with his women and all the court, to the tents, about three miles from town. I went that morning to attend upon him at the _Jarruco_ window of the palace, and went up to the scaffold under the window, being desirous to see this exhibition. Two eunuchs stood upon tressels, having long poles headed with feathers, with which they fanned him. On this occasion, he dispensed many favours, and received many presents. What he gave was let down by a silk cord, rolled on a turning instrument; and what he received was drawn up in the same manner, by a venerable, fat, and deformed old matron, all hung round with _gymbals_ like an image. Two of his principal wives were at a window on one side, whose curiosity led them to break holes in a lattice of roods that hung before the window, to gaze on me. At first I only saw their fingers; and afterwards, applying their faces to the holes, I could at times see an eye, and at length could discern their entire countenances. They were indifferently fair, having their black hair smoothed up from their foreheads; and they were so adorned with pearls and diamonds, that I might have seen them without the help of any other light. On my looking at them, they retired very merry, and, as I supposed, laughing at me.

After some time, the king departed from the window, and we all went to the durbar, to wait his coming out of the inner apartments. He came not long after, and remained in the durbar for about half an hour, till his ladies had mounted their elephants, which were in all about fifty, all richly caparisoned, especially three, which had turrets or _howders_ of gold, with grates of gold wire for the ladies to see through, and rich canopies over head of cloth of silver. The king then descended the stairs, amid such acclamations of _health to the king_, as would have drowned the noise of cannon. At the foot of the stairs, where I contrived to be near him, a person brought to him a large carp, and another presented a dish of some white stuff like starch, into which the king dipped his finger, with which he touched the fish, and then rubbed it on his forehead. This ceremony was said to presage good fortune. Then came another officer, who buckled on his sword and buckler, all set with large diamonds and rubies. Another hung on his quiver with thirty arrows, and his bow-case, being that which had been presented by the Persian ambassador. On his head, the king wore a rich turban, with a plume of heron’s crests, not many but long: On one side hung a rich unset ruby as large as a walnut; on the other side a diamond of equal size; and in the middle an emerald much larger, shaped like a heart. His sash was wreathed about with a chain of great pearls, rubies, and diamonds, drilled. A triple chain of excellent pearls, the largest I had ever seen, hung round his neck. He had armlets above his elbows, richly set with diamonds; and three rows of diamonds round each wrist. His hands were bare, having a rich ring on almost every finger; and a pair of English gloves were stuck into his girdle. His coat, without sleeves, was of cloth of gold, over a fine robe as thin as lawn. On his feet he wore buskins embroidered with pearls, the toes being sharp and turned up.

Thus richly accoutred, he went into the coach, which waited for him under the care of his new English servant, who was dressed as gaudily as any player, and more so, and had trained four horses for the draught, which were trapped and harnessed all in velvet and gold. This was the first coach he had ever been in, made in imitation of that sent from England, and so like it that I only knew the difference by the cover, which was of gold velvet of Persia. Having seated himself at one end, two eunuchs attended at each side, carrying small golden maces set all over with rubies, to which horse-tails were fastened, for driving away flies. Before him went drums, bad trumpets, and loud music; with many canopies, parasols, and other strange ensigns of majesty, all of cloth of gold, and adorned with rubies. Nine spare horses were led before him, some having their furniture garnished with rubies, some with pearls, and others with diamonds, while some had only plain gold studs. Next behind the coach came three palanquins, the carriages and feet of one being plated with gold, set with pearls, and a fringe of great pearls in strings a foot long, the border being set all round with rubies and emeralds. Beside this, a man on foot carried a stool of gold, set with precious stones. The other two palanquins were covered and lined with cloth of gold.

Next followed the English coach, newly covered and richly trimmed, which he had given to his favourite queen, Nourmahal, who sat in the inside. After this came a coach, made after the fashion of the country, which I thought seemed out of countenance, in which were his younger sons. This was followed by about twenty spare royal elephants, all for the king’s own use, all so splendidly adorned with precious stones and rich furniture, that they outshone the sun. Each elephant had several flags and streamers of cloth of silver, gilded sattin, or rich silk. His noblemen accompanied him on foot, which I did likewise to the gate, and then left him. His women, who accompanied him on elephants, as before mentioned, seemed like so many parroquitos in cages, and followed about half a mile in the rear of his coach. On coming to the door of the house in which his eldest son was kept prisoner, he caused the coach to stop, and sent for prince Cuserou; who immediately came and made reverence, having a sword and buckler in his hands, and his beard grown to his middle, in sign of disfavour. The king now commanded his son to mount one of the spare elephants in the royal train, so that he rode next his father, to the great joy and applause of the multitude, who were now filled with new hopes; and on this occasion, the king gave him 1000 rupees to throw among the people; his gaoler, Asaph Khan, and all the ministers, being still attendant on foot.

To avoid the press and other inconveniences, I took horse and crossed out of the _leskar_, getting before the king, and then waited for him till he came near his tents, to which he passed all the way from the town between a guard of turreted elephants, having each on the four corners of their howdars a banner of yellow taffety, and a _sling_[208] mounted in front, carrying a bullet as big as a tennis-ball. There were about three hundred elephants armed in this manner, each having a gunner; besides about six hundred other elephants of honour, that preceded or followed the king, all covered with velvet or cloth of gold, and all carrying two or three gilded banners. Many men afoot ran before the king, carrying skins of water with which to sprinkle the road to prevent dust from annoying him; and no one was allowed to approach the coach on horseback by two furlongs.

[Footnote 208: The sling in the text appears to have been a _slung_ musquetoon, or small cannon, mounted in that manner to avoid recoil.–E.]

Having gone before a-horseback, as before mentioned, I hastened to the tents, to await the king’s arrival. The royal encampment was walled round, half a mile in circuit, in form of a fortress, with high screens or curtains of coarse stuff; somewhat like Arras hangings, red on the outside, the inside being divided into panes or compartments, with a variety of figures. This inclosure had a handsome gateway, and the circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks, as it were; the posts which supported the curtains being all surmounted with brass tops. The throng was very great, and I wished to have gone into the enclosure, but no one was allowed, even the greatest of the land having to sit down at the gate. At length I was admitted, but the Persian ambassador and all the nobles were refused. At this gate, and for the first time, I was saluted by the Persian ambassador as I passed, by a silent _salam_.

In the midst of this enclosure, there stood a throne of mother-of-pearl, borne aloft on two pillars, under cover of a high tent or pavilion, the pole of which was headed by a golden knob, the roof being of cloth of gold, and the ground covered by carpets. When the king came near, several noblemen were admitted, together with the Persian ambassador; all of us making a kind of lane, the ambassador being on one side, and I on the other. As the king came in, he cast his eye on me, whereupon I made him a reverence, to which he answered by bowing and laying his hand on his breast. Turning to the other side, he nodded to the Persian. I followed close at his heels till he ascended the throne, every one calling out, _joy, health, and good fortune_. The king then called for water, with which he washed his hands, and then retired into an interior tent, to join his women, who had entered by another gate to their own quarters; there being about thirty divisions with tents within the royal inclosure. His son I saw not. All the noblemen now retired to their quarters, which were all very handsome, some having their tents green, others white, and others again of mixed colours, all handsome in form and arrangement, and all as orderly inclosed as their houses in the city, so that the whole composed the most curious and magnificent sight I had ever beheld. The whole vale seemed like a magnificent city, no mean tents or baggage being allowed to mix among these splendid pavilions. I was utterly unprovided with carriages or tent, and ashamed of my situation, for indeed five years of my allowances would not have enabled me to take the field any thing like the others; every one having a double set of pavilions, one of which goes before to the next station, where it is set up a day before the king removes. On this account, I was obliged to return to my poor house in the town.

On the 5th November I rode about five miles, to the tents of the prince, Sultan Churrum. I made him my compliments of leave taking, wishing him all prosperity and success; but he ordered me to return and take my leave two days afterwards, as I had moved him on some business, respecting debts due to the English, which he promised to examine and dispatch. He sat in state, in the same greatness and magnificence I have mentioned of his father; his throne being plated all over with silver, inlaid with gold flowers, having a square canopy over head, borne up by four pillars covered with silver; his arms, such as his sword, buckler, bows, arrows, and lance, being on a table before his throne. I observed him curiously, now that he was in absolute authority, and took especial notice of his actions and behaviour. He had just received two letters, which he read standing, before he ascended his throne. I never saw any one having so settled a countenance, or maintain a so constant gravity of deportment, never once smiling, or shewing by his looks any respect or distinction of persons, but evincing an extreme pride and thorough contempt for all around him. Yet I could perceive that he was every now and then assailed by some inward trouble, and a kind of distraction and brokenness in his thoughts, as he often answered suitors in a disjointed manner, as if surprised, or not hearing what they had said. If I can judge, he has left his heart among his father’s women, with whom he is allowed to converse. The day before, Noormahal went to visit him in the English coach; and, on taking leave of him, she presented him with a robe, all embroidered with diamonds, rubies, and pearls; and, if I do not mistake, she carried away with her all his attentions from other business.

The 6th I had a letter from Mr Brown at Ahmedabad, giving an account of a fray begun by the Portuguese. Five of them assailed an English boy at Cambay, whose arms they took from him. On notice of this, John Brown and James Bickeford went to rescue the boy, and were set upon by seven Portuguese, one of whom fired a pistol and wounded Brown in the hand. They defended themselves bravely and honourably like Englishmen, killed one, wounded some others, and chaced the rest up and down the town like cowards, to the great shame of such villains, and the reputation of our nation. To revenge this, the Portuguese came ashore in considerable numbers from their frigates, no more English being in the town except the three already mentioned. The governor, being informed of this affair, sent the cutwall with a guard to our house, and ordered the water port to be shut, expelling the Portuguese from the town, and commanding them, on pain of chastisement, not to meddle with the English, whom he dismissed in safety from Cambay, and they are now returned to Ahmedabad.

The 9th, the prince being to remove, sent one of his guards for me in haste. I was not prepared for going, but the messenger pressed me, urging that his master waited for me, and he had orders not to return without me. He added, that the whole court talked of the prince’s favour for me, and it was reported he had asked leave from the king for me to accompany him to the war, and had promised to use me so well that I should be forced to acknowledge his favour to our nation. I accordingly took horse after dinner; but on my arrival, I found the prince already under march. I met a Dutchman, the prince’s jeweller, who confirmed every thing the soldier had said, and added so much more in the same strain, that I disbelieved the whole. I sent word to the prince of my arrival, when he returned for answer, That I should go on before to the tents, and wait his arrival, when he would speak with me. It was night when he came. He sat a short while, only giving me a look, and arose to retire among his women. As he passed, he sent a servant to desire me to wait a little, till he came out to hold his guzalcan, when he should take leave of me.

He came out in half an hour, but I could not get any one to remind him of me, and he was fallen to play, and either forgot me, or proposed to play me a state trick. I then told the waiters, that I had been sent for by the prince, and only waited his orders, for which I had too long waited, as it was late, and I must return to my house; and therefore, if the prince had any business for me, I desired it might be sent after me, as I scorned to be so used. Before I could mount, messengers came running after me, and called me back to wait upon the prince. Going in, I found him earnestly engaged at cards, but he excused himself of forgetfulness, blaming the officers formally for not reminding him, and shewed more than ordinary attention, calling me to see his cards, and asking me many questions. I expected he would have spoken of my going along with him; but, finding no such discourse, I told him I had come only in obedience to his commands, and to take my leave, and craved his pardon for being in haste, as I had to return to Agimere, having no convenience for staying all night in camp. He answered, that he had sent to speak with me before his departure, and that I should be presently dispatched. He then sent in an eunuch into the interior apartments, and several of his officers came to me smiling, who said that the prince meant to give me a magnificent present, and if I feared to ride late, I should have a guard of ten horsemen to see me safe home, making as much of the matter as if I had been to get his best chain of pearls. By and by came a cloak of cloth of gold, which the prince had once or twice worn, which he caused to be put on me, and for which I made my reverence very unwillingly; yet I urged some business, and having an answer, took my leave. It is here reputed the highest favour, to give one a garment that has been worn by a prince, or that has merely been laid on their shoulders. The cloak now given me might have answered well for an actor who had to represent the character of his ancestor, Tamerlane, on the stage, but was to me of no importance. On my way out, I was followed by his porters and waiters, begging in a most shameless manner, so that I half paid the value of the cloak before I could get out from among them.

On the 10th November, almost every body had removed from the town of Agimere, so that I was left nearly alone, and could neither get carts nor camels for my removal, notwithstanding my warrant. The Persian ambassador was in a similar predicament, but complained, and was soon redressed. I therefore sent to court, and on the 11th I received two warrants, for being supplied with carts and camels at the king’s price: but it was not easy to procure either, as the great men had soldiers in every direction, to take up all for their use; and indeed it was wonderful, how two leskars or camps, belonging to the king and prince, could both remove at once.

The 16th, an order was given by the king to set fire to the whole leskar at Agimere, that the people might be compelled to follow, which was duly executed. I was left almost destitute; and the Persian ambassador, who had fought, chid, brawled, and complained, without any remedy, was in the same state with me. We sent messages of condolence to each other; and, by his example, I resolved to buy, as many were disposed to sell, who would not hire at the king’s price, and I calculated that by purchasing I should almost save hire, though carts were dear, as the hire of three months would have exhausted the price of purchase. Necessity enforced me to remove, as the town was burnt and utterly desolate, and I was in great danger from thieves, as the soldiers came from camp and robbed during the night. So desolate was the town, that I could not even procure bread. Yet I sent again to court, to make one trial more, before I purchased.

The 17th I received accounts from Goa, which were said to be true, that Don Emanuel de Meneses, with about 300 of those who were saved ashore out of the Admiral, had arrived at Goa in a very poor condition, having been robbed and plundered by the inhabitants of Angazesia, who had also slain many. On the 24th October, not one of the Lisbon fleet had reached Goa, to their great wonder and disappointment. The Mosambique galleon was fought with by the Hollanders that lately went from Surat, and had cruised off Goa to meet the expected ships. This galleon was very rich in gold and other commodities, but she escaped.

I received an order for camels and carriages, but was continually delayed and disappointed; and being afraid to remain, I bought two carts, and was continually promised camels, yet none appeared. Mr Bidulph remained in the prince’s leskar to receive money. The leskar of the king was still only twelve cosses from Agimere. The 18th, the Portuguese Jesuit took leave of me, being under the necessity of purchasing a carriage, although he had an order for one out of the king’s store; but every one was distressed, owing to the scarcity. Having nothing material to say, respecting my own affairs, during my solitude at Agimere, I shall here digress, to mention the state of Sultan Cuserou, of whose new delivery into the hands of his enemies, the hearts and mouths of all men were now full.

Though the king had so far condescended to satisfy his proud son Churrum at his departure, as again to place Cuserou in confinement, yet it seems that he did not mean to wink at any injurious behaviour to his eldest son: And, partly to render his situation the more secure, in the custody of Asaph Khan, and partly to satisfy the murmurs of the people, who feared some treachery against him, he took occasion to declare his mind respecting him in the public durbar. Asaph Khan had been to visit his new prisoner, and in his behaviour towards him, did not treat him with the respect due to a prince, but rudely pressed into his presence against his will, and in a disrespectful manner. Some are of opinion he did this purposely to pick a quarrel, knowing the bravery of the prince, who would not suffer an indignity, meaning to tempt him to draw his sword, or to use some violence, which the guard might suddenly revenge; or that he might have opportunity to represent to the king, that the prince had attempted to kill his keeper, on purpose to escape. But the prince acted with patient prudence, and only procured a friend to acquaint the king with the rude behaviour of Asaph Khan. Accordingly, one day at the durbar, the king called Asaph Khan before him, and asked when he had seen his charge? To which he answered, he had seen him two days before. The king then asked, What he had then done to him? He said he had only visited him. But the king pressed to know what reverence and fashion he had carried towards the prince. Asaph Khan then saw that the king knew what had passed. He therefore said, That he had gone to wait upon the prince, in all reverence and affection, to offer his service, but that the prince refused him admittance into the apartment; wherefore, as he was entrusted with his safety, he thought it both necessary for him to see the prince, and discourteous in him to deny, and had therefore pressed in. On this, the king quickly asked, “And when you were in, what did you say and do?” Asaph Khan stood confounded, and confessed that he did not make any reverence. Whereupon, the king told him roundly, “That he would make his proud heart know the prince as his eldest and beloved heir, and his prince and lord; and, if he ever heard again of the smallest disrespect or want of duty in his behaviour towards the prince, he would command his son to trample him under his feet.” He added, that he loved his son Prince Churrum, yet did not entrust his eldest son Cuserou among them for his ruin and destruction.

The 20th I received a new warrant for carriages, which procured me eight camels, but such poor ones as were quite unable to suffice for our baggage, and I was therefore under the necessity of purchasing the rest. The 22d I removed to my tents. The 23d and 24th I waited for the merchants; and on the latter of these days I had a letter from Ispahan, saying that my letters had been dispatched for Aleppo, and that we were expected in Persia, but on condition that we seconded the wishes of Shah Abbas, by diverting the sale of his silks from Turkey. My letters added, that the general of the Turks lay with a mighty army at _Argerone_, [Arzerom,] six days march short of Tauris, as if uncertain whether to attack that city, or to enter Gurgestan and Gilan, the provinces in which silk is produced, so as to win that by conquest which was refused in the way of trade. To guard against both attempts, Shah Abbas was encamped at _Salmas_, whence he could march either way as might be required. But, it was farther said, if the armies did not come to battle in two months, the approach of winter, and the wants attendant on such numerous bodies of men, would constrain both to quit the field. It is thought the Persians will not adventure a battle, though 180,000 strong, as, being light, and unencumbered with cannon or baggage, they are fitted for rapid marches, and can harass the Turkish army with perpetual skirmishes and assaults on all sides, hovering round about, and wasting them, without hazard to themselves.

Sec.6. _Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the King’s Leskar, and some Places through which he passed; with instances of the King’s Superstition and Drunkenness, and some curious Incidents respecting a Present_.

The 25th of November I removed four cosses from Agimere, but waited during the remainder of that month, for the arrival of a caravan, going from Agra to Surat, by which I might transmit my papers in safety. The caravan departed from Agimere at midnight of the 30th November: and on the 1st December I went six cosses to Ramsor, where the king had left the naked bodies of an hundred men, put to death for robbery. The 2d I travelled seven c. I rested the 3d, because of rain. The 4th I went five c. and this day I overtook a camel, laden with 300 heads, sent from Candahar to the king, the people to whom these heads had belonged having been in rebellion. Travelling five c. on the 5th, and four c. on the 6th, I that day overtook the king at a walled town called _Todah_, in the best and most populous country I had seen in India since I landed. The district was quite level, having a fertile soil, abounding in corn, cotton, and cattle, and the villages were so numerous and near together, as hardly to exceed a coss from each other in any direction. This town was the best built of any I had seen in India, many of the houses being two stories high, and most of them good enough for decent shop-keepers, all covered with tiles. It had been the residence of a Rajput rajah, before the conquests of Akbar Shah, and stood at the foot of a great and strong rock, about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks, arched over with well-turned vaults, and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove, two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad, all planted with mangoes, tamarinds, and other fruit-trees, divided by shady walks, and interspersed with little temples, and idol altars, with many fountains, wells, and summer-houses of carved stone curiously arched, so that I must confess a poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell here. But this observation may serve universally for the whole of this country, that ruin and devastation operates every where; for, since the property of all has become vested in the king, no person takes care of any thing, so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear, and no where is any thing repaired.

On the 7th the king only removed from one side of Todah to the other. The 8th I was at the guzalcan, but found the king so nearly drunk, that he became entirely so in half an hour, so that I could not have any business with him. The 9th I took a view of the royal _leskar_, or camp, which is one of the greatest wonders I had ever seen, and chiefly as I saw it finished and set up in less than four hours, all except the tents of some of the great men, who have double suits. It could not well be less in circuit than twenty English miles, the extent in some directions being three cosses, including the out-skirts. In the middle, where the streets are orderly and the tents joined, there are all sorts of shops, so regularly disposed, that all persons know where to go for any thing they want. Every man of quality, and every trade, is regularly appointed how far they are to be from the king’s tents, in what direction, and what ground they shall occupy, which continues ever the same without alteration. All this may equal almost any town in Europe for size. But no person must approach on any side within a musket shot of the _atoskanha_, or royal quarter, which is so strictly observed that no one is ever admitted but by name. The evening durbar is omitted, the time being spent by the king in hunting or hawking rather, on tanks, by means of boats, in which he takes great delight, his barges being moved along with the leskar on carts. On these occasions he sits by the sides of the tanks, to view the sport, these tanks being often a mile or two over. The king is seen every morning at the _Jaruco_, formerly mentioned; but business or speaking to him at this time is prohibited; all business being conducted at night in the _guzalcan_, and there the opportunity is often missed, his majesty being so frequently overcome by drowsiness, proceeding from drunkenness.

There was now a whisper about the court of a new affinity between Sultan Cuserou and Asaph Khan, and great hope was entertained of the prince recovering his liberty. I will find an opportunity to discourse of this hereafter, because the particulars are worthy of being preserved, as the wisdom and goodness of the king were manifest above the malice of others: And, in this affair, Noormahal made good the observation, that women have always great influence in court factions, and she shewed that they are not incapable of managing business. This history will discover a noble prince, an excellent wife, a faithful counsellor, a crafty step-mother, an ambitious son, a cunning favourite; all reconciled by a patient king, whose heart was not understood by any of them all. But this will require a separate place,[209] as not fit to be mingled with matters of ordinary business. At this time the English complained of being ill used at Surat; but their drunkenness, and riotous behaviour proceeding from that cause, were so notorious, that it was rather wonderful they were not all put to death.

[Footnote 209: This story does not however appear, the journal of Sir Thomas Roe being left imperfect, both in the Pilgrims and in the Collection of Churchill.–E.]

The 16th of December I visited the king, who was just returned from his sports, having all his game laid out before him, both fish and fowl. He desired me to take my choice, and then distributed all the rest among his nobles. I found him sitting on his throne, having a beggar at his feet, a poor silly old man, all in rags and ashes, attended on by a young one. The country abounds in these professed poor and holy men, who are held in great reverence, and who, in voluntary sufferings and mortified chastisements of their bodies, exceed all the boasted performances of heretics and idolaters in all ages and countries. With this miserable wretch, who was cloathed in rags, crowned with feathers, and covered, with filth, his majesty conversed for about an hour, with such kindness, as shewed a humility not common among kings. All this time the beggar sat before the king, which is not even permitted to his son. The beggar gave the king as a present, a cake made by himself of coarse grain, burnt on the coals, and all foul with ashes; which yet the king accepted, broke off a piece and eat it, which a dainty person would hardly have done. He then wrapt up the rest in a clout, and put it into the poor man’s bosom, and sending for 100 rupees, he poured them into the beggar’s lap, gathering up with his own hands any that fell past, and giving them to him. When his collation or banquet was brought in, whatsoever he took to eat, he gave half of to the beggar. Rising, after many humiliations and charities, and the old wretch not being nimble, he took him up in his arms, though a dainty person would have scrupled to touch him, and embraced him three times, laying his hand on his heart and calling him father, and so left him, all of us greatly admiring such virtue in a heathen prince. This I mention with emulation and sorrow; wishing, as we have the true vine, that we should not produce bastard grapes, or that this zeal in an unbeliever were guided by the true light of the gospel.

The 23d, being about three cosses short of a city called _Rantepoor_, [Rantampoor,] where it was supposed the king would rest, and consult what way to take in his farther progress, he suddenly turned off towards _Mundu_, but without declaring his purpose. I am of opinion, he took this way for fear of the plague at Agra, rather than from any purpose of being near the army; for we only marched every other day no more than four cosses, and with such a train of baggage as was almost impossible to be kept in any degree of order.

The 26th we passed through woods and over mountains, torn with bushes and tired by the incommodiousness of an almost impassable way, in which many camels perished, and many persons, wearied of these difficulties, went away to Agra, and all complained. In this laborious day’s march, I lost my tents and carts, but by midnight I again fell in with them. The king now rested two days, as the leskar could not again recover its order in less time; many of the king’s women, and thousands of camels, carts, and coaches, being left in the woody mountains, where they could neither procure food nor water. The king himself got through upon a small elephant, which beast can climb up rocks, and get through such difficult passes, that no horse or other animal I have seen can follow. The 29th we encamped beside the river _Chambet_, [Chumbull.]

The first of January, 1617, I complained to Asaph Khan of the injuries offered to the English at Surat, though I was at the same time much perplexed by various relations, giving me a bad account of the disorderly and outrageous behaviour of my countrymen. Asaph Khan advised me not to carry my complaint to the king, which would incense the prince; but desired me to ask leave of his majesty to go to visit Sultan Churrum, with a letter from him recommending the dispatch of my business, and good usage to our nation; so that, carrying a present to the prince, I should please both, and succeed in my business. This was the same plan I had already formed, and therefore pleased me the better; more especially as the king now certainly designed to go forwards to Mundu, which is only eight days journey from Burhanpoor, where the prince was; and I thought I might as well ride over to him, as remain idle in the fields. At noon this day I visited the Persian ambassador, being the first time we had leisure for this ceremony, and was received by him with much respectful civility. After compliments on both sides were over, I proposed to him the settlement of trade in his master’s dominions, which he engaged to promote as much as lay in his power. He gave me a banquet of bad fruit, but being a good fellow, it went off well, and he outdid in courtesy every thing I had met with in India. He railed loudly against the court, and the king’s officers and council, using most unusual liberty. He offered to be my interpreter, desiring that I might pitch my tents beside his, and he would impart whatever I thought proper to the king. When about to part, after long discourse, he pressed me to accept a horse with handsome furniture, which was brought to the door, but I refused. He then sent for nine pieces of Persian silks, and nine bottles of wine, that I might not depart without some testimony of his love, but these also I refused to accept, with many protestations of affectionate regard. I observed him looking earnestly at my sword, which I offered to give him; but, following my example, he refused.

At night I visited the king, who spent his time sadly with an old man, after reading long letters, and few spoke with him. At his rising, he presented to this person, who was a cripple from age, 5000 rupees, and took his leave of him with many embraces. I here again met the Persian ambassador, who, after some compliments, repenting that he had refused my sword, and having a liking to it, now asked it from me, saying, that such liberty among friends was reckoned good manners in his country. We continued to remove four or five c. every other day, and came on the 7th to the goodly river _Shind_. The 18th, the king passed through between two mountains, the road having been cut through the woods, but with so much trouble and difficulty, and so much encumbrance to the baggage, that it was left behind, without provisions for man and beast. This day likewise I lost my tents and baggage, but found them again at midnight, having been obliged till then to take up my lodging under a tree. This part of the country is much infested by thieves, and is hardly under obedience to government, except so far as it is kept under by force. It belongs to a rajah, who has no desire to see the king. The exactor complained, and some few of the people that fled being taken, were chained by the neck and brought before the king, all the rest having fled into the mountains. At night the king caused the town near which he was encamped to be set on fire, appointing a new governor, with orders to re-build and new-people the town, and to reduce the district under more regular government and better civilization. He left a party of horse with the new governor, to enable him to perform this service.

On the 20th, the people who had fled to the mountains, being enraged at the burning of their town, set upon a number of stragglers who had been left behind, killing many of them, and plundering the rest. The 22d, having no accounts of the presents I expected from Surat, I went at night to visit the king, to observe how he might receive me. I found him seated in an unusual manner, so that I knew not what place to occupy, and not willing to mix among the great men, as was offered me, and doubting whether I might go into the apartment where the king was, which was cut down in the bank of a river, I went to the brink and stood alone. There were none near the king, except _Etiman Dowlet_ his father-in-law, Asaph Khan, and three or four others. The king observed me, and having allowed me to stay a while, he called me in with a gracious smile, and pointed with his hand for me to stand beside him, a favour so unusual, that it pleased and honoured me, and of which I soon experienced the good effects, in the behaviour of the great men of the court. He led me to talk with him, and when I called for an interpreter, he refused it, pressing me to use such Persian words as I had learnt. Our discourse, in consequence, had not much sense or coherence, yet he was pleased with it, and shewed his approbation in a very courteous manner.

On the 24th of January, news came to court, that the Deccaners were not to be frightened out of their dominions, as had been pretended by Asaph Khan and Noormahal, on purpose to persuade the king into this expedition. For they had sent off all their baggage and other impediments into the interior of their country, and lay upon the frontiers with 50,000 horse, resolved to fight in defence of their dominions; while Sultan Churrum had hitherto advanced no farther than Mundu, afraid both of the enemy and Khan Khana. The king’s councellors now changed their advice, declaring that they expected the Deccaners would have been so alarmed by his majesty’s passage over the last hills, as to have submitted at the terror of his approach; and as they now found the contrary, they advised the king to convert his journey into a hunting excursion, and to turn his course towards Agra, as the Deccaners were not worthy of exposing his sacred person. He answered, that this consideration came now too late, as his honour was engaged by having advanced so far, and he was resolved to prosecute their former advice and his own purpose, whatever might be the hazard. He now daily dispatched fresh troops to reinforce the army of his son Churrum, partly from his own followers, and the rest commanded from different governments. These reinforcements were said to be 30,000 horse, but the actual musters were not so numerous. Water was sometimes very scarce in camp, and provisions grew daily scarcer and dearer, the part of the country in which we now were not being well reduced to good government. Not feeling these distresses, the king took no care to have them alleviated; and as his khans, or great men, had their provisions brought after them, they neglected to inform the king. The whole burden fell upon strangers, the soldiers, and the poor followers of the camp, who were worst able to endure the hardships. Every alternate day, as formerly, the king removed his camp, three, four, or five cosses; yet on the 29th of January, we were still sixty cosses short of Mundu.

On the 3d of February, having left the road of the leskar for my own ease, and for the benefit of the shade, and while resting me under a tree, Sultan Cuserou came upon me suddenly, seeking the same conveniences. This is the king’s eldest son, formerly mentioned as in confinement by the practices of his brother Churrum and his faction, and taken out of their hands by the king at his leaving Agimere. He was now riding on an elephant, with no great guard or attendance. His people called out to me to give place to the prince, which I did, yet I staid to look at him, and he called on me to approach; and, after asking some familiar and civil questions, I departed. His person is comely, his countenance chearful, and his beard hung down as low as his middle. This I noticed, by his questions, that he seemed quite ignorant of all that passed at court, insomuch that he had never heard of any English, or of me their ambassador. The 4th and 5th we continued our march without halting, and on the 6th at night, we came to a little tower, newly repaired, where the king pitched his tent in a pleasant place, on the banks of the river _Sepra_, one coss short of the city of _Ugen_, [Oojain,] the chief city of Malwa. This place, called _Callenda_, was anciently a seat of the Gentoo kings of Mundu, one of whom was there drowned while drunk. He had once before fallen into the river, and was taken out by the hair of his head, by a person who dived for him. When he came to himself, it was told him how he had been saved from drowning, in hopes of having the slave rewarded. He called his deliverer before him, and asking how he dared to be so bold as to touch his sovereign’s head, caused his hands to be cut off. Not long afterwards, while sitting drunk beside his wife, and no other person near, he had the same misfortune to tumble into the water, at which time she might easily have saved him, but did not. Being afterwards asked why she had not, she said she knew not but she likewise might have had her hands cut off for her reward.

The 10th we removed one coss beyond Oojain; and on the 11th, the king rode to that city, to speak with a dervise, or holy man, who dwelt upon a hill, and was reported to be 300 years old, but I did not think this miracle worth my examination. At noon this day, I received news by a foot-post, that the prince, notwithstanding all the firmauns and commands of his father, had intercepted the presents and goods on their way up, to satisfy his own base and greedy inclinations; and no entreaty, gifts, or persuasions, that Mr Terry could offer, who had the charge of them, could prevail on him to part with them, and he compelled them by force to follow him towards Burhanpoor. Yet he forbore to break open the packages, but pressed the English to consent, which they refused by my orders, and he thought to win them to his purpose by vexatious usage. For it is the custom in this country, for the great men to see all merchant goods before even the king, that they may chuse first; but I resolved, if possible, to break that bad custom, in our behalf.

That he might satisfy his own cupidity, the prince sent up a courier to the king, before I could get intelligence, giving notice of having detained the goods, but without mentioning that they were presents, and requested his authority to have them opened, that he might purchase what he fancied. This faithless proceeding of the prince, contrary to his promise and his own written orders, satisfied me that I was justifiable in the eyes of all, if I carried my complaint directly to the king, having used every possible means to procure favour from the prince, and having already suffered beyond the patience of a free-born man; so that I must now be blameless by using rougher means, having already fruitlessly proved all smoother expedients. I therefore resolved to appeal for justice, by complaint to the king in person, yet as calmly and warily as possible. I feared to go to Asaph Khan on this occasion, lest he might oppose my purpose, yet thought my neglect of him might be displeasing; wherefore, if I sent to acquaint him that I proposed to visit the king at the guzalcan, I dreaded he might suspect my purpose, if he had learnt the injury I meant to complain of. For all which reasons, I considered how best to avoid being counteracted.

The visit of the king to the dervise, just mentioned, gave me a good opportunity, and my new linguist, who was a Greek I had sent for from Agimere, being ready, I rode out to meet the king, who was returning from the holy man on his elephant. On his majesty’s approach, I alighted, and made a sign that I wished to speak to the king, who immediately turned his monster towards me, and prevented me, by saying, “My son has taken your goods and my presents; be not therefore sad, for he shall not touch nor open a lock or a seal; for at night I shall send him an order to set them free.” He made other gracious speeches, intimating that he knew I had come brim-full of complaints, and that he had spoken first to ease me. At this time, seeing that the king was on the road, I could do no more; but at night, without farther seeking to Asaph Khan, I went to the guzalcan, determined to proceed with my complaints, to get back my goods, and to seek redress for the charges, troubles, and abuses at Surat, and all our other grievances.

As soon as I came in, the king called my interpreter before him, and, by means of his own, intimated that he had already dispatched his orders so effectually, that not even to the value of a hair should be abstracted from our goods. In reply, I stated that the injuries, charges, and abuses we suffered from the prince’s officers, were so numerous and intolerable as could not be endured, and that I craved effectual redress. To this it was answered, that I must apply to his son for all past matters; but I could obtain nothing except fair words, through the intermediation of Asaph Khan, so that I was forced to seem satisfied, and to seek opportunities as might be for redress, when this false friend and pretended advocate was out of the way. The good king fell at length to dispute about the laws of Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet; and, being in drink, turned lovingly to me, saying, “As I am a king, you shall be all welcome, Christians and Jews as well as Mahometans, for I meddle not with their faiths; they all come in love, and I will protect them from wrong while they are under my dominion, and no one shall be allowed to molest or oppress them.” This he frequently repeated, but being extremely drunk, he fell a-weeping, and into various passions, and so kept us till midnight.

Any one may easily conceive how much I was now disconcerted by the unjustifiable conduct of the factors, who had detained the presents for four months at Surat, and now sent them to fall into the hands of the prince, who was then within two days march of Burhanpoor, by which my trouble was infinitely increased. But having now began, and suspecting that the prince was already sufficiently exasperated upon matters of small importance, I thought I might as well lose his favour upon great as small matters, so I resolved to try what I could do with the king; and, while I waited the result, I sent back the messenger to Mr Terry, who was with the presents, desiring him to remain firm, waiting for the king’s ultimate orders, which I should send him soon.

During this interval, the king had caused the chests to be privately brought to him, and had opened them, which came to my knowledge, on which I determined to express my dissatisfaction at this usage, and having obtained an audience, I made my complaint. He received me with much mean flattery, more unworthy even of his high rank than the action he had done, which I suppose he did to appease me, as seeing by my countenance that I was highly dissatisfied. He began by telling me that he had found some things that pleased him much, particularly two embroidered cushions, or sweet-bags, a folding glass cabinet, and the mastiff dogs, and desired me not to be discontented, for whatever I was not disposed to give him, he would return. I answered, that most of these things were intended for his majesty, but that it was a great indignity to the king my master thus to seize upon what was meant to be presented, and not permitted to come through my hands, to whom they were sent in the first place. I added, that besides what were destined for his majesty, some of these things were intended for Noormahal, some for the prince, and the rest to remain in my hands, to serve as occasion might require, to bespeak his majesty’s favour to protect us from injuries daily offered to us by strangers, and some for my friends, or my own use, while the rest belonged to the English merchants, with which I had no concern. He desired me not to be grieved that he had thus got his own choice, as he had not patience to forbear from seeing them, in which he did me no wrong, as he believed I wished him to be served first, and that he would make satisfaction to the king my master, to whom he would justify me. As for the prince and Noormahal, they were all one with himself. As to bringing any presents hereafter to procure his favour, I might be easy on that score, as it was merely a needless ceremony, for I should be always welcome to come to him empty-handed, and he would hear me, as it was not my fault, and he would see me righted at all times. That he would return me some things to enable me to go to his son, and he would pay the merchants for such things as belonged to them. He concluded by desiring me not to be angry with the freedom he had taken, as he meant well. As I made no reply, he pressed to know if I were pleased, to which I answered, that his majesty’s satisfaction must always please me.

He then began to enumerate all the things he had taken, beginning with the mastiffs, embroidered sweet bags, the case of combs and razors, and so forth; saying, with a smile, “You would not have me to restore these things, and I am delighted with them?” To which I answered in the negative. He then mentioned two glass-cases, as mean and ordinary, asking me for whom they were intended. I answered, that one was intended for his majesty, and the other for Noormahal. “Why then,” said he, “you will not ask me for that I have, but will be satisfied with one?” To this I was under the necessity of yielding. He next asked for whom certain hats were intended, which his women liked? I answered, that three were for his majesty, and one for myself. He then said, I surely would not take back those meant for him, and that he would return mine if I needed it; and would not bestow it upon him. To this likewise I had to agree. He then asked, whose were the pictures? I answered, that they were sent me to use as occasion offered, and to dispose of as my business might require. So he called for these, and caused them to be opened, examining me about the women, and other little questions, asking my judgment and opinions concerning them. The third was a picture of Venus leading a satyr by the nose. Commanding my interpreter not to tell me what he said on this subject, he shewed it about among his nobles, asking them to expound its moral or interpretation, pointing out the satyr’s horns and black skin, and many other particulars. Every one answered according to his fancy; but, liking none of their expositions, he reserved his own opinion to himself, and commanding that all these notions should be concealed from me, he ordered the interpreter to ask me what it meant. I answered, that it was an invention of the painter, to shew his art, and that it represented some poetical fable, which was all I could say, having never seen it before. He then called upon Mr Terry to give his opinion, who could not; on which the king asked him, why he brought up with him an invention in which he was ignorant? On this I interposed, saying Mr Terry was a preacher, and did not meddle with such matters, neither had he any charge of them, having only come along with them.

I have related this anecdote of the picture for the instruction of the gentlemen of the East India Company, and for him who may succeed me, to be very careful that what they send into this country may not be susceptible of an evil interpretation; for the king and people are pregnant with, and full of, scrupulosity and jealousy. For, though the king concealed his opinion, yet I had ground, from what he did say, to believe he thought the picture was meant in derision of the Asiatics, whom he conceived to be represented by the satyr, as being of their complexion; and that Venus leading him by the nose denoted the great influence exercised by the women of that country over the men. He was satisfied that I had never seen the picture, and therefore pressed me no farther about its explanation; yet he shewed no discontent, but rolled up the pictures, saying he would accept even the satyr as a present from me. As for the saddle, and some other trifles, he said he would have them sent to his son, for whom they were fit, as a present from me, to whom he would write so effectually, pursuant to his promise, that I should stand in no need of a solicitor near him in any of my affairs. He added many compliments, excuses, professions, and protestations, such as might proceed either from a very noble or very base mind.

He then enquired what was meant by the figures of the beasts, and whether they had been sent for me to give him? I had understood that they were very mean and ill-shaped images, from which the varnish had come off, and were ill-formed lumps of wood. I was really ashamed of them, and told him this was no fault of mine, those who had seized them being guilty of the affront, in conveying them to his majesty, for whom they were not intended, having only been sent to shew the forms of certain animals in our country. He quickly replied, “Did you think in England that a horse or a bull were strange to me?” I answered, that I thought not upon such mean matters, the sender being an ordinary man, who had sent these things out of good-will to me, and that I could not know what might have been his thoughts. The king then said he would keep them all; but that he desired I would procure for him a horse of the largest size, a male and female mastiff, some tall Irish greyhounds, and such other hunting-dogs as we had in England, adding, on the word of a king, if I would procure him these, he would fully recompense me, and grant every thing I desired. I answered, that I would engage to have them sent by the next ships, but could not answer for their lives in so long a voyage, but should direct their skins and bones to be preserved if they died, to convince his majesty I had obeyed his commands. Upon this he bowed to me repeatedly, laid his hand on his heart, and shewed me so much kindness, favour, and familiarity, that all present declared they had never seen him use the like to any man before.

This was all my recompence, except that he often desired me to be merry, as he would royally requite the wrongs he had done me, and send me home to my country with grace and rewards befitting a gentleman. Thus, seeing nothing returned of all that was seized but words, I requested his majesty would order the velvets and silks to be delivered back, as these were merchant goods sent up among mine by the command of his majesty, by which they had escaped the rapacity of the prince’s officers. He then desired Mr Bidulph to be called for, that he might agree with and pay him for their value. I then delivered in a memorial, which I had ready written, containing my demands for privileges and justice, as otherwise I should return home a mere useless person, and under disgrace with my sovereign. I pressed likewise to have justice in regard to a debt due by Zulphecar Khan, lately deceased. He replied, that he would take such order with his son, in regard to our affairs at Surat, that I should have no cause to complain, and would give such orders for other places as should in every respect shew his regard for me; and, that I might return to my master with honour, he would send by me a rich and worthy present, together with his letters certifying my good behaviour, and giving me much praise. He likewise commanded me to name what I thought would be most acceptable. To this I answered, that I could not crave, as that was not our custom, neither was it consistent with the honour of my sovereign; but I had no doubt that whatever he was pleased to send would be acceptable from so potent a monarch, who was already so much loved by my master. He then said, that I thought he only asked in jest to please me, as he saw I was still discontented; but he assured me he was my friend, and would prove so in the end, and swore by his head that he spoke sincerely in regard to the presents, and that therefore I must not refuse to name some for his satisfaction.

This earnestness forced me to say, that, if his majesty pleased, I thought some large Persian carpets might be fittest, as my master did not look for gifts of cost and value. To this he answered, that he would provide them of all sorts and sizes, and should add to them what else he thought fit, that my master might know how great was his respect. Having venison of various kinds before him, he gave me half a stag, which he said he had himself killed, and that I should see the rest bestowed on his ladies. This was presently cut up into four pound pieces, and was sent into the interior apartments by his young son and two women in their bare hands, just as if he had been doling out such small fragments to the poor by way of charity. I had now as abundant grace and fair words as might have flattered me into conceit, but our injuries were not to be compensated by words, though I was glad of these as a colour for dissembling my discontent. In conclusion, he repeated his expressions of desire to satisfy me, saying, he hoped I went away contented. To which I answered, that his majesty’s favour was sufficient to make me any amends. He then said that he had only one farther question to ask: “How comes it, now that I have seen your presents for two years, that your master, before you came, sent by a mean man, a merchant, five times as many and more curious toys, and having sent you his ambassador, with a commission and his letters mentioning presents, that you should have brought so little, so mean, and so much inferior to the other? I acknowledge you as an ambassador, and have found you a gentleman in your behaviour, but am amazed you are so slightly provided.”

I was about to reply, when he cut me short, saying, “I know that all this is not your king’s fault nor yours, but I shall shew you that I esteem you more than those who employed you. At your return, I shall send you home with honour and reward, according to your quality and merit, not regarding what you have brought me, and shall send a present to your lord and master, befitting a king to send. Only this will I require from you, and do not expect it from the merchants, that you will take with you patterns of the following articles: a quiver and bow-case, a coat of mail, a cushion to rest my head upon in our fashion, and a pair of boots, which you shall cause to be embroidered for me in England in the richest manner, as I know they can do these things in your country better than any I have seen. These things I shall expect from you, and if you send them, I promise you, on the word of a king, that you shall be no loser.” This I most chearfully undertook, and he commanded Asaph Khan to send me the patterns. He then asked if I had any grape wine, which I said I had. He desired to have some of it to taste next night, and if he liked it, he would be obliged to me to let him have it, otherwise I might make merry with it myself. Thus the whole of this night being spent in discourse only with me, he rose up, and I departed.

On the 3d of March we arrived at Mundu, into which the king was expected to make his entry; but the day for that was not yet fixed, as he waited till the astrologers had determined upon an auspicious hour for the ceremony, so that we had all to remain without, waiting for the good hour. The 6th I entered Mundu, and my servants, whom I had sent before to seek out for quarters, had taken possession of a fair court, well walled round, in which was a goodly temple and a tomb. Some of the king’s servants had already taken up their quarters there, but I got possession and kept it, being the best within the whole circuit of Mundu, though two miles from the king’s house; yet it was so nearly sufficient, that a very small charge was sufficient to make it defensible against the rains, and save me 1000 rupees. The air was wholesome, and the prospect pleasant, as it was on the very edge of the hill.

I went at night of the 11th to meet the king, but was told, that, on the news of a lion[210] having killed some horses, the king had gone out to hunt for that animal. I thus had leisure to look out for water; for such was the unaccountable want of foresight, that we were brought, with a multitude of people and beasts, to a hill on which was no water, so that the men and cattle were ready to perish. What little was to be found in certain wells and tanks had been taken possession of by the great men, and kept by force, so that I could not procure any. The poor forsook the city; many more were commanded away by proclamation, and all horses or other cattle were ordered to be removed. Thus, those who were in hopes of rest, were enforced to seek out new dwelling places, and had to go away some two, three, and even four cosses, to the extreme trouble and inconvenience of all, and occasioning provisions to rise greatly in price. For my own part, I was greatly troubled how to determine. My house was very good, and, though far from markets, it was still less inconvenient to submit to that trouble than to remain in the fields without house or shelter, where I must have gone to encamp, but then I was in want of water. Riding about with this view, I came to a great tank or pool, which was guarded for a khan, to whom the king had granted its use. I sent to acquaint him of my needs, and asked leave to draw water at his tank, when he was pleased to allow me to have four loads daily. This satisfied me in some sort; and, by selling off some of the goods that had been sent me from Surat, and putting away some of my cattle, I had hope of being able to live; for which purpose I sent two of my carriages, with their servants and cattle, to remain out of town, and thus relieved myself from this public calamity. There was not a misery or inconvenience that I was not subjected to, in thus following the court of the Mogul, owing to the want of good management in the government, and the intemperature of the climate.

[Footnote 210: It is almost certain that the lions of these early voyages and travels, at least in India, were tigers.–E.]

Sec.7. _A New-Year’s Gift.–Suspicions entertained of the English.–Trade of Dabul.–Dissatisfaction of the Persian Ambassador.–English Ships of War in the Indian Seas_.

On the 12th March, 1617, I carried, as a new-year’s gift to the king, a pair of very handsome knives belonging to myself, and six glasses belonging to the Company, making an apology for the smallness of the present, which was well received, and the king used me very graciously, saying, that whatever came from my hands he looked on as a sufficient present, and as a proof of my love, and that it was now his part to give me. He gave orders to an officer to send for Mr Bidulph, to pay him his demands to his satisfaction, and all others who were indebted to us were ordered by name to pay what they owed to the Company. The king said likewise, that he would write to the prince in our favour. But I found him unwilling to part with any of our things, of which the best sweet bag then lay before him. I replied, that I was very unwilling to go empty-handed. The king then commanded that I should come up and stand beside him on the steps of the throne, where stood on one side the Persian ambassador, and the old king of Candahar on the other, with whom I ranked. As soon as I had taken my place, the king asked me for a knife, which I sent him next day. The king then called the Persian to stand before him, to whom he gave a jewel and a young elephant, for which he kneeled and saluted the ground with his head.

On this occasion the same throne and furniture were used as last year, the upper end of the hall being adorned with the pictures of the king my master, the queen, the princess Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith, and some others, with two pieces of beautiful Persian tapestry hung below them. The throne was of gold, bespangled all over with rubies, emeralds, and turquoises. On one side, on a little stage or scaffold, was a company of women-singers. I this day sent a dispatch to Surat, giving my advice respecting the trade of Persia, and of what had passed on that subject with the ambassador, and sent some remembrance to the governor, Ibrahim Khan. I had a letter from him in return, stating that the English nation had been wronged without his knowledge; but as his authority was now augmented by Prince Churrum, we might rest confident in his protection, as while he lived and held authority at that place, we should never more be liable to abuses, but should be allowed to reside and trade in perfect freedom and security.

The 13th I sent as a present to Asaph Khan a richly embroidered pair of gloves, and a fair wrought night-cap of my own. He received the cap, but returned the gloves, as useless in this country, and requested to have some Alicant wine, which I sent him next night. Aganor, whose diligence now gave me great hope of success in my desires, sent his Banian secretary to inform me that he had orders for the dispatch, of the merchant goods, and that his man should attend Mr Bidulph to finish that business; that the patterns should be sent me, and that the Mogul meant to give me a robe, and money to bear my charges in going to wait upon the prince. I returned for answer, that I had no need of a garment or of money, but begged his majesty would graciously consider the injuries of which I had complained, and of which I had already given an account in writing, and that he would please to give me a letter to the prince, with some of our own presents which were intended for him, or else state my excuse in writing, that his majesty had intercepted and appropriated the whole. This was all I wished, as instead of gifts from the king, I only required justice.

The 21st I discovered that the Mogul suspected that I meant to steal out of the country. These doubts had been insinuated by the prince, either as a cover for his own guilt, or out of fear, or perhaps as a cunning pretence to cover his own designs. He had informed the king that the English meant next year to surprise Surat, and retain possession of that place. Indeed, their own folly gave some colour to the idea; as lately, upon one of the usual brawls at that place, our people had landed 200 musqueteers, with whom they marched towards Surat; and, during their march, some of the jovial tars gave out to all they met that they meant to take the place. This was a most absurd bravado, for a handful of men to march twelve miles against a walled town that was able to oppose them with 1000 horse, and as many foot armed with match-locks, and having besides to pass a river which could be defended by a handful of men against an army. It gave, however, just occasion both of scorn and offence; and the prince, perhaps to serve some ends of his own, took occasion from it to strengthen the fortifications of the town and castle, and to send down ordnance for their defence; perhaps a good precaution to have an open door to flee to in case his brother should live, and have the means of checking his ambitious views. But this information concurring with my discontents here, and some free language on that occasion, and my pressing demands to be allowed to go to Burhanpoor, together with flying reports that we had taken Goa, and were preparing a great fleet in England, raised suspicions in the mind of the king, though he concealed them as well as he could from me. By my explanations, however, I satisfied the king thoroughly, though I was by no means so, having been fed only with words, and knew well that our residence was only permitted out of fear. The complaints I was enforced to make at this court against the misconduct of its officers towards us, greatly offended all the great men, as being in some sort their own case; for they all live by farming the several governments, in which they all practise every kind of tyranny against the natives under their jurisdiction, oppressing them with continual exactions, and are exceedingly averse from any way being opened by which the king may be informed of their infamous proceedings. They grind the people under their government, to extract money from them, often hanging men up by the heels to make them confess that they are rich, or to ransom themselves from faults merely imputed with a view to fleece them. Thus my complaints against exaction and injustice made me hated of all about the court, as an informer.

The 25th I received a letter from Captain Pepwell, then in Dabul roads, stating,–That, according to advice, he had stopped the junk bound for Mokha; but having well weighed the caution I had given him respecting the correspondence between that prince and Masulipatam, where the Solomon then was, he had freed her without spoil. By this courtesy he had procured such good entertainment as is seldom had in the Indies, being allowed free trade, with a promise of taking 300 pieces of broad-cloth yearly, and had sold a good quantity of lead for ready money, besides some ordnance. This part of his procedure I do not like much, as tending to arm the Indians, and the Portuguese, their friends, against the Moguls. If these courtesies proceeded not from the junk being still under his command, they give good prospect of an yearly sale at that port. However, the freeing of this junk gives me good assurance that Captain Pepwell will do nothing prejudicial to the Company, and will deliver himself honestly from the jealousies entertained of him at Dabul. He signifies his intention of proceeding to Calicut, and if that factory be not likely to succeed, he proposes transferring it to Dabul.

The 27th, by a foot-post from Masulipatam, I received advice that the Solomon had put to sea, and that the Hosiander was arrived from Bantam, with the bad news of the loss of the Hector and Concord, while careening in the roads of Jacatra, in the island of Java; but with the good news that the Dragon, Clove, and Defence were laden homewards from Bantam. I took the opportunity of this post to convey a letter to the governor of Dabul respecting the overture made by him of trade to that port; and, though I had no great opinion of the place, I would neither have it entirely neglected, nor would I encourage the next fleet to proceed there, unless on better assurance than a forced friendship, and offers made when their junk was in our power. I signified the causes of our having stopped their goods formerly for refusing trade to Sir Henry Middleton; but finding him now better disposed, and willing to establish a league of trade and amity, and to take a good quantity of our cloth, I required to know if he were hearty in these motions; and willing to act as a man of honour; as a pledge of which, I requested him to procure for us a firmaun from his sovereign, with such privileges as were fit for merchants, with a royal engagement under his seal to fulfil all the friendly offers made to us by this officer; desiring this firmaun might be transmitted to me with all expedition, to my present residence at the Mogul court. By this, I said, I should be satisfied that they meant to treat us with good faith, and on its reception, I would undertake, on the behalf of the king of England, that a firm and lasting peace should be established with his master, whose subjects should have free passage on the seas without molestation from our ships; and should send yearly a ship to trade at his port, or, if desired, should establish a resident factory there. I have no doubt, either through fear or favour, that some good sales may be made there yearly, but I doubt of being able to procure any valuable investments.

In this I proceed cautiously, as all men ought on such occasions, not with too eager apparent desire, nor swallowing hungrily any offered conditions, without due assurances. Strict care in the first settling is of the utmost importance, as you can never mend your first establishment, and may often impair it. Every man succeeds best at first, when new and a stranger; for, by the natural levity of these barbarians, they are fond of changes, and grow weary of things in their usual train. I have committed this dispatch to the care of Mr Bangham, whom I have directed to make diligent enquiry into the commodities, advantages, and inconveniences attendant on our projected trade, and to make himself acquainted with the humours and affections of the Deccaners towards us.

On the 30th of April the Persian ambassador sent to excuse himself for going away without paying his respects to me, alleging illness, but his messenger said he was not so sick as he pretended; but, finding no success in his negociations with the king, he had taken his leave, and made a present of thirty-five horses at his departure. In return, the king gave him 3000 rupees, which he took in great scorn. Upon which, to justify himself, the king caused two lists to be drawn up, in one of which all the presents made by the ambassador were enumerated, with their values, meanly rated, much lower than their real worth; and, in the other, all the gifts the king had presented to him since his arrival,–as slaves, melons, pine-apples, plantains, hawks, plumes of feathers, the elephant, and not even forgetting the drink he had received, all charged at extremely high prices, much above their value. These two lists were laid before the ambassador, with their amounts summed up, offering him the rest of the money to make up the balance. Owing to this bad usage, the Persian feigned himself sick of a fever, as an excuse for not waiting upon Asaph Khan and Etemon Dowlet, for which reason he could not come through the town to visit me, without discovering the counterfeit, but desired his messenger to acquaint me with the truth, which Aganor as freely delivered, and with no small bitterness against the king, and to which I seemed unwilling to listen. The ambassador also desired him to assure me that he was ready to serve my nation in his country, to the utmost of his power. I presented him with some Alicant wine, and a few knives, to be taken to his master, and so we parted. The 12th May I received news of a great blow given by the Turkish army to the Persians, the former having taken and utterly destroyed Tauris; and that Shah Abbas was unable to keep the field.

On the night of the 25th, a lion and a wolf[211] broke into my quarters, and gave us great alarm, carrying off some sheep and goats that were in my court-yard, and leaping with them over a high wall. I sent to ask leave to kill them, as in that country no person may meddle with lions except the king. Receiving permission, and the animals returning next night, I ran out into the court upon the alarm, and the beast missing his prey, seized upon a little dog before me, and escaped; but my servants killed the wolf, which I sent to the king.

[Footnote 211: More likely to have been a tyger and hyena.–E.]

The 14th of June, a cabinet belonging to the jesuits was sent up from Cambay, containing medicines and other necessaries, and a letter, which were betrayed by the bringer, and delivered to the king. He opened the cabinet, and sent for the _padre_ to read the letter, and to see every thing contained in the boxes; but, finding nothing to his liking, he returned all. I mention this circumstance as a caution to all who deal in this country, to be careful of what they write or send, as it is the humour of this prince to seize and see every thing, lest any curiosity or toy should escape his greed.

The 18th, I had letters from Ahmedabad, advising that indigo had greatly fallen in price, in consequence of the non-arrival of the flotilla from Goa. The unicorn’s horn had been returned, as without virtue, concerning which I sent new advice.[212] Many complaints were made concerning Surat and others, which I do not insert. I received two letters from Burhanpoor, stating the doubtfulness of recovering the debt due to Mr Ralph Fitch. Spragge had returned from the leskar or camp of the Deccan army, where Melick Amber, with much show of honour, had given instant orders for searching the whole camp; but the Persian had fled to Visiapour, so that the business was referred by letter to a Dutchman who resided there. The general of the Deccan army desired Spragge to be the means of sending English cloth and swords to his camp, which is within six days march of Burhanpoor; and, in my opinion, this might be a good employment for some idle men, and an excellent opportunity to get vent for our dead commodities.

[Footnote 212: This of the unicorn’s horn, or rather the horn of a rhinoceros, may allude to some supposed inherent virtue of detecting poison, anciently attributed to cups made of that material.–E.]

The 30th of July I received news from Surat of two Dutch ships being cast away on the coast near Damaun. They were from the southwards, laden with spices and China silks, and bound for the Red Sea; but losing the season, with much bad weather, they had tried to take shelter in Socatora, or some other port on the coast of Arabia, but failing after beating about many weeks, they bore away for Surat, hoping to be able to ride out the adverse monsoon in safety, as they had done in other years. But the years differ, and being forced to come to anchor, they had to cut away their masts by the violence of the gale; the smaller vessel of sixty tons was beaten to pieces, and the cables of the other breaking, she was driven ashore in oosy ground, within musket shot of the land. The ship kept upright; but having lost their long-boat, and the skiff being unable to live, four men got ashore on a raft. The spring-tides heaved her up so near the shore, that much of her goods and all her people were saved.

_Maree Rustam_, who had been king of Candahar, came to visit me on the 21st of August, and brought a present of wine and fruit, staying about half an hour, and concluded his visit by begging a bottle of wine. This day Sultan Cusero had his first prospect of long-hoped liberty, being allowed to leave his prison, and to take the air and his pleasure in a banqueting house near mine. Sultan Churrum had contracted a marriage at Burhanpoor, without waiting for the king’s consent, for which he had fallen under displeasure; and some secret practices of his against the life of his brother had been discovered, on which he was ordered to court in order to clear himself. By the advice of their father, Etimon Dowlet, Noormahal and Asaph Khan now made proposals of friendship and alliance with Cusero. This news has diffused universal joy among the people, who now begin to hope that their good prince may recover his full liberty. The 22d the king feasted Asaph Khan. The 25th Asaph Khan feasted Noormahal. It is reported the Prince Cusero is to make a firm alliance, as above stated, and is to take a wife of his father’s choice. This will produce his entire liberty, and the ruin of our proud oppressor, Churrum.

The 1st of September was the solemnity of the king’s birth-day, when he is publicly weighed, to which I went. I was conducted into a beautiful garden, in the middle of which was a great square pond or tank, set all round with trees and flowers, and in the middle was a pavilion or pleasure-house, under which hung the scales in which the king was to be weighed. The scales were of beaten gold, set with many small stones, as rubies and turquoises. They hung by chains of gold, large and massy, yet strengthened by silken ropes for more security. The beam and tressels from which it hung were covered with thin plates of gold. In this place all the nobles of the court attended, sitting round on rich carpets; and waiting the king’s arrival. He appeared at length, cloathed, or laden rather, with diamonds, rubies, pearls, and other precious vanities, making a great and glorious shew. His sword, target, and throne were corresponding in riches and splendour. His head, neck, breast, and arms, above the elbows, and at the wrist, were all decorated with chains of precious stones, and every one of his fingers had two or three rich rings. His legs were as it were fettered with chains of diamonds, rubies as large as walnuts, and some larger, and such pearls as amazed me. He got into one of the scales, crouching or sitting on his legs like a woman; and there were put into the other scale, to counterpoise his weight, many bags said to contain silver, which were changed six times, and I understood his weight was 9000 rupees, which are almost equal to a thousand pounds sterling. After this, he was weighed against gold, jewels, and precious stones, as I was told, for I saw none, as these were all in bags, and might only have been pebbles. Then against cloth of gold, silk stuffs, cotton goods, spices, and all sort of commodities; but I had to believe all as reported, as these were all in packages. Lastly, against meal, butter, and corn, all of which is said to be distributed to the Banians, with all the rest of the stuff, but I saw all carefully carried away, and nothing distributed. The silver only is reserved for the poor, and serves for the ensuing year, as it is the king’s custom at night frequently to call for some of these before him, to whom, with great familiarity and humility, he distributes some of this money with his own hands.

While the king was sitting in the scale, he looked upon me and smiled, but spoke not, as my interpreter could not be admitted. After he was weighed, he ascended the throne, and had basins of nuts, almonds, and spices of all sorts, artificially made of thin silver, which he threw about, and for which his great men scrambled prostrate on their bellies. I thought it not decent for me to do so, which seeing, he reached one basin almost full, and poured the contents into my cloak. The nobles were so bold as to put in their hands to help themselves, and so thick, that they had soon left me none, if I had not pocketed up a remainder. Till I had myself been present, I was told that he scattered gold on this occasion, but found it to be only silver, and so thin, that all I had at first, being thousands of small pieces, had not weighed sixty rupees, of which I saved to the amount of twenty rupees, yet a good dishful, which I keep to shew the ostentation of this display of liberality; for, by my proportion, I think all he cast away could not exceed the value of an hundred pounds. At night he drinks with his nobles from rich plate, to which I was invited; but, being told that I must not refuse to drink, and their liquors being excessively hot and strong, I durst not stay to endanger my health, being already somewhat indisposed with a slight dysentery.

On the 9th September the king rode out to take the air on the banks of the river _Darbadath_, [Nerbuddah] a distance of five cosses. As he was to pass my house, I mounted my horse to meet him; and, as it is the custom for all men whose gates he passes, to make him some present, which is taken as a good sign, and is called _mombareck_, or good news; and as I had nothing to give, neither could go with nothing, nor stay without offence, I ventured to take with me a fair book, well bound, filleted, and gilt, being the last edition of Mercator’s Maps of the World, which I presented, saying, That I had nothing worthy the acceptance of so great a king, but begged to offer him the world, in which he had so great and rich a share. He accepted it in good part, laying his hand repeatedly on his breast, saying, that every thing which came from me was welcome. He asked about the arrival of our ships, which I said we daily expected. He then said, he had some fat wild-hogs lately sent him from Goa, and if I would eat any he would send me some at his return, I made him due reverence, answering, that any thing from his majesty was to me a feast.

He rode on upon his elephant, and when I offered to accompany him to the gate, the way being stony, he desired me to return, bidding God keep me. He asked which was my house, and being told, praised it, as indeed it was one of the best in the place, though only an old temple and a large tomb, enclosed by a wall. Repeating his farewell, he said the way was bad, and desired me to go home, with much shew of courtesy and kindness, on which I took my leave.

On the 16th I went to repay the visit of Maree Rustam, prince of Candahar, who sent word at my arrival that he dared not receive any visit unless he asked leave of the king, or acquainted Etimon Dowlet or Asaph Khan, which he would do at the next durbar. I made answer, that he needed not, as I never meant any more to trouble myself about so uncivil a person. That I knew well this was a mere shift out of ill manners, as the king would be no more angry for his receiving me at his house than for coming to mine, and that I cared not for seeing him, and had only come in pure civility to return his visit. His man desired me to wait till he had reported what I said to his master, but I would not. At night I waited upon the king at court, who spoke to me about the book of maps; but I forbore to speak to him about our debts. But on the 25th, though very weak, I went again to court to make trial of the king about our debts. _Muckshud_, one of our debtors, having pled in excuse for not paying that he had missed receiving his _prigany_, and knew not how to pay unless he sold his house. I delivered the merchants petition to the king, which he caused to be read aloud by Asaph Khan; all the names of the debtors, with the sums they owed, and their respective sureties, being distinctly enumerated. The king then sent for Arad Khan, the chief officer of his household, and the cutwall, and gave them some orders which I did not understand. Then reading over the names, and finding some of them dead, and some strangers, he made enquiry as to their abilities and qualities, and what goods they had received. Concerning Rulph,[213] Asaph Khan undertook to speak to the prince on the subject, and to get that affair concluded when he came.

[Footnote 213: In the edition by Churchill, this person is named Sulph, but no elucidation is given.–E.]

My interpreter was now called in, and the king, turning to me, said that our merchants had trusted people according to their own fancies, and to whom they pleased, not coming to him with an inventory of their goods, and therefore, if their debtors were insufficient, it was their own faults, and they had no reason to expect payment of their money from him. This I supposed to allude to his servant _Hergonen_, lately dead, whose goods had been seized to the king’s use. He added, however, as this was the first time, he would now assist me, and cause our money to be paid: but, if the English should hereafter deliver their goods to his servants without money, they must stand to the hazard themselves. But if when they brought their commodities to court, they would bring the inventory of the whole to him, he would first serve himself, and then distribute the rest among such as were willing to buy them; and then, if any failed in payments, he would pay the money himself.

This indeed is the custom of the Persian merchants, who bring all to the king, as I have often seen. He first takes his own choice, and delivers the rest among his nobles, his scribes writing down the names of all to whom they are delivered, and the sums, another officer settling the prices. After which a copy is given to the merchant, who goes to their houses for his money; and if they do not pay, there is a particular officer who has orders to enforce payment. It was then told to my interpreter that Arad Khan was to call the debtors before him, and cause them to pay. This did not satisfy our merchants, but it seemed to me a just and gracious answer, and better than private persons usually get from great princes.

Hearing that I had been sick and was in want of wine, the king ordered me to have five bottles, and when these were done that I should send for five more, and so from time to time as I needed. He sent me also the fattest wild-hog I ever saw, which had been sent from Goa by Mucrob Khan. This was sent to me at midnight by a _huddy_, with this message, that it had eaten nothing but sugar and butter since it came to the king. I accepted this as a sign of great favour, which, in this court, I know to be a great one. He then sent for the book of maps, saying, that he had shewed it to his _mulahs_, and not one of them could read a word of it, wherefore I might have it again. To this I answered, that his majesty in this would use his pleasure; and so it was returned.

The 26th, a rajah of the Rajpoots being in rebellion in the hills, not above twenty cosses from the leskar, the king sent out two Omrahs with a party of horse to fetch him in a prisoner. But he stood on his defence, slew one of the omrahs and twelve _maansipdares_, [munsubdars] and about 500 men, sending an insulting message to the king to send his son against him, as he was no prey to be subdued by ordinary forces.

The 2d September, Sultan Churrum made his entry into Mundu, accompanied by all the great men, in wonderous triumph. Contrary to all our expectations, the king received him as if he had been an only son. All the great men and the queen-mother[214] went to meet him at the distance of five cosses from the town. I had sent to Asaph Khan to excuse me not meeting him, for I was not able to stir from sickness, and besides, had no presents to give. I also sent some of my servants with my just excuse to the prince, to which he, in his pride, only answered by a nod.

[Footnote 214: Both in the Pilgrims and in Churchill’s Collection this personage is termed the king’s mother; but it is more probable she was the mother of Sultan Churrum.–E.]

The 5th of September I received advice of our ships being arrived at Surat, the admiral amissing, but all the rest well, and that they had taken two English rovers or pirates, which were found in chase of the queen-mother’s ship returning from the Red Sea, which they fortunately rescued and brought safe in. Had this ship been taken, we had all been in trouble. With these letters, I received the Company’s letter, the invoice of the goods, and instructions for Persia, with various other notes of advice. They advised me also, that, owing to the admiral’s absence, they knew not what course to take with the pirates they had taken. I immediately sent orders to Surat concerning all business, as will appear in my letters.

The 6th, I rode to visit the prince at his usual hour of giving audience, intending to bid him welcome, and to acquaint him with our business, meaning to shew him all proper respect; and, that I might not come empty-handed, I bought a fine gold chain, made in China, which I proposed to have presented to him. On sending in to acquaint him that I was in waiting, he returned a message, desiring me to come next morning at sun-rise, when he sat to be worshipped, or to wait till he rode to court, which I must have done at his door. I took this in high dudgeon, having never been denied access by the king his father; but such is this prince’s pride, that he might even teach Lucifer. This made me answer roundly, that I was not the prince’s slave, but the free ambassador of a great king; and that I would never more visit or attend upon him who had denied me justice; but I should see him at night with the king, to whom only I should now address myself, and so I departed. I went at night to the king, who received me graciously. I made my reverence to the prince, who stood beside his father, but he would not even once stir his head. Then I acquainted the king, that, according to his order, I had brought an abstract to him of our merchandize, and waited his commands. After his usual manner, he asked many questions as to what were brought, and seemed mightily satisfied with what was in the inventory, especially with the tapestry, promising me all the favour and privileges I could desire. He enquired for dogs, but I could say nothing on that subject. He then asked for jewels, but I told him these were dearer in England than in India, at which he rested satisfied. I durst not name the pearls for many reasons, but chiefly as I knew our people in that case would be way-laid by the prince, and it would have cost me infinite trouble to get them back. I thought they might easily be brought on shore, and so to court, by stealth, and I thought they would be the more valued the less they were expected: but my main reason of concealment was, that I expected to make friends by their means; therefore; when Asaph Khan pressed me on that head, I desired him to make the answer already mentioned of their dearness, saying that I would speak to him farther when alone. He readily understood me, and made my excuse accordingly.

Seeing the king to be well pleased, I thought it a good time to move him again about our debts; and having my petition ready, I opened it and held it up, as offering it to the king. He happened not to notice this, and it being discovered by some others what was its contents, who knew the king would be enraged that his order was neglected, one of them stept up to me, and gently drew down my hand, requesting me not to present that petition. I answered, that Arad Khan had absolutely refused me justice, and I had no other resource. Arad heard this, being by, and went in much fear to Asaph Khan, desiring him to hinder me from making my complaint. I answered, that our ships were arrived, and we could neither brook nor endure such delays and loss of time. Thereupon they consulted together, and calling the cutwall, gave directions for him to put the king’s orders, into execution. The cutwall, accordingly, beset the tents of our debtors that very night, and catched some of them; so that we shall now have justice. I had many thanks from all the omrahs for the protection given to the queen’s ship, and the civility shown by our people to the passengers. This they said they had properly represented to the king, who took it kindly, and they all declared they were obliged in honour to love our nation, and would do us every service in their power; yet they all wondered we could not govern our own people, and that any should presume to take ships out of the kingdom, and to rob upon the seas without leave of our king.

When the king arose, Asaph Khan carried me with hint to his retiring-place, where we first translated the inventory of our goods into Persian, to shew the king an hour after. In this inventory I inserted the money with some addition, that the king might see we brought profit into his dominions by our trade. I next inserted the cloths of different kinds, with the fine wares; and, lastly, the gross commodities, concluding by praying his majesty to give orders for what he wished to purchase, and then to give us liberty of selling the rest. When this was finished, Asaph Khan asked why I wished to speak with him in private, desiring me to speak my mind with freedom, bowing, and protesting such friendship as I never could have expected. I told him, that my reason for asking this private conference was to have his advice. It was certainly true that I had some things which were not enumerated, but had been so badly used last year that I durst not trust any one; but, to shew my confidence in him, I was willing to open myself to him, on his oath of secrecy, which he readily gave. I then told him that I had a rich pearl, and some other strings of fair pearls, and knew not whether it were fit to tell the king, lest the prince might be displeased. I informed him likewise, how I had gone in the morning to visit the prince, and of his discourtesy, and my consequent determination; yet I knew his favour was necessary for us, and I had hopes to recover it by means of this pearl, which I had purposely concealed for him. This was my purpose, and the reason of my concealment; and as he was father-in-law to the prince, and the king’s favourite, I was desirous to please both, and therefore begged his advice.

After embracing me, he said I had done discreetly, and should acquaint neither; for, if I did, I should never get out of trouble. If the king were to know of it, he would indeed use me courteously, but would make a great stir to get it into his hands, and then, according to custom, I might sue in vain to recover my own. The prince, I knew, was ravenously greedy and tyrannical, and wearied all with his scandalous exactions. He desired me to steal all ashore, trusting none, and explained to me many means of conveyance, bidding me observe the usage of the Portuguese on the like occasions; adding, that he wished to purchase the pearl, and if I would grant his desire, would deposite its value in my hands, whatever I chose to ask, and, in recompence for this confidence I had reposed in him, he would hereafter be my solicitor in all things, and assured me I could do nothing without him. I answered, that I was most willing to let him have the pearl, and hoped he would never betray my confidence. Having received his oath, and a ceremony of mutual covenant, by crossing thumbs according to the custom of the country, we embraced. I promised to be guided entirely by him, and he engaged to do every thing I required for the safe conveyance of the other things, engaging to give me firmauns so that no person should touch any thing, but all should come safely to me, to dispose of at my pleasure.

He engaged likewise to reconcile me to the prince, and would take me with him the next time he went to visit him, and would make the prince use me with all manner of grace and favour; adding, that I should have a particular judge assigned me to take care of our business, and to give us every satisfaction we could desire. He also advised me to make a present to his sister, Queen Noormahal, and she would prevail upon the king to give me money. To this I replied, that I wished only for the good usage of my countrymen. He then carried me to the king, to whom I presented the inventory translated into Persian, and was graciously received. He asked me if the arras were a present, to which I answered in the affirmative, as the prince was by, lest it might be seized. In conclusion, the king said he would take a considerable quantity of our cloths and other commodities, desiring me to cause them to be brought up speedily, and directed Asaph Khan to make out an order for their free passage in the prince’s name. I was well pleased with the success of this day; for though I knew that there was no faith to be placed in these barbarians, yet I was sure Asaph Khan would deal truly in this, as he was to help himself, and durst not betray me, lest he should miss the pearl, neither could I suspect him afterwards, as he could not betray my secret without discovering his own falsehood to the prince.

Sec.8. _Asaph Khan protects the English for hope of Gain, as also Noormahal.–Arrival of Mr Steel.–Danger to the Public from private Trade.–Stirs about a fort_.

On the 12th October, according to his promise, Asaph Khan carried me along with him to visit the prince, and introduced me into his private apartment, when I presented ham with a small Chinese gold chain in a china cup. He used me indifferently, but Asaph Khan persuaded him to alter his course towards us, representing that he gained yearly by us a lack of rupees, and that as our trade increased every year, it would in time bring him greater profit; but that if we were harshly used, we would be enforced to quit both Surat and the country, from which great inconveniences might arise. We were in some measure his subjects, and if, from desire of procuring rarities, he used us ill, we would necessarily strive to the utmost to conceal all we brought from his knowledge; but if he gave us that liberty and encouragement which was fitting, we would then use our endeavours to bring every thing to him. He represented, that my only study was to give content to his highness, and to procure his favour and protection, and therefore that he ought to receive me honourably when I came to visit him, and according to my quality, which would give satisfaction to my nation, and encourage me to serve him. Finally, be moved his highness to give me a firmaun for our present use, which he easily obtained, with a promise of all manner of satisfaction. The prince accordingly gave immediate orders to his secretary to draw it up in every point to our content, and to write a letter to the governor recommending it to his attention; adding, that I should at all times have any other letters I desired.

It is thus easy to be seen what base and unworthy men I have to deal with. For the sordid hope only of buying some toys, Asaph Khan has become so reconciled to me as to betray his son-in-law, and is obsequious even to flattery. The ground of all his friendship is his desire to purchase the gold taken in the prize, and some other knacks; for which purpose he desires to send down one of his servants, which I could not deny without losing him, after having so long laboured to gain his favour; neither was this any disadvantage to us, as his payment is secure, and will save us much trouble and charge in selling elsewhere, especially the wine and other luggage that is apt to spoil in carriage. For this purpose he obtained an order from the prince under false pretences, and wrote himself in our favour to the governor of Surat, doing us all manner of kindness. There is a necessity for his friendship, as his word is a law in this empire, and therefore I did not choose to seem to notice his unworthiness. I hope by this procedure to win him to our advantage, or at least to make our present good use of him. On this occasion I moved him to procure us a firmaun for trade with Bengal, which he has promised, though he would never before hearken to that request. He likewise now prosecutes our debtors as if they were his own; and in passing the residence of the cutwall on his elephant, he called upon him to command dispatch, which was a most unusual favour. Upon this _Groo_ was immediately imprisoned, and _Muckshud_ had only two days allowed him to pay us. Thus I doubt not that in ten days we shall recover to the amount of 44,000 rupees, though our debtors are the most shifting false knaves in all India.

On the 21st, a servant came to me from Asaph Khan, bearing a message from Noormahal, intimating that she had moved the prince for another firmaun, which she had obtained, and by which all our goods were taken under her protection; and that she was ready to send down her servant with authority to take order for our good establishment, and to see that we were no way wronged. He said farther, that Asaph Khan had done this, for fear of the prince’s violence, and to guard against his custom of delays; and that now when the queen his sister had desired to be our protectress, he was sure the prince would not meddle; and farther assured me, upon his honour, that I should receive every thing consigned to me, for which the queen had written the most positive orders, and had directed her servant to assist our factors, that we might never more have any cause of complaint at Surat. He desired, therefore, that I might write a few lines to the captains and factors, directing them to use the queen’s servant kindly, and allow him to buy for her some toys, such as I could spare. This I durst not deny, though I clearly saw the greediness which was covered under this request; and I gave him a note, as desired, making a condition that I should see a copy of the firmaun, which was already sealed, and could not be seen without leave.

By all this you may see how easy it were to sell commodities here, by a little good management. Last year we were not looked at; but now, that I have translated the inventory of fine wares for the king, yet concealing the pearls, every one is ready to run down to Surat, to make purchases. Noormahal and Asaph Khan now study how to do me good offices; and many of the great men are soliciting me for letters, that they may send down their servants, so that if you had trebled the present consignment, it might all have been bought up aboard ship, and have saved you the customs, expence of carriage, and much spoil. I have therefore directed the factory to sell to the servants of Noormahal and Asaph Khan, whatsoever can be spared, so as to leave me a decent proportion for my uses at court. By this, much trouble and charges will be saved, the prince prevented from plunder and exactions, and our friends confirmed; and yet I hope to have enough remaining to please the king and his son. At the delivery of their presents, Asaph Khan has undertaken to procure the phirmaunds for our trade at Bengal or any other port, and even to procure us a general privilege for free trade and residence in every part of the king’s dominions.

On the 24th of October the king departed to a considerable distance from Mundu,[215] and went from place to place among the mountains, leaving us quite at a loss what way we should take, as no one knew his purpose. On the 25th I had a warrant for ten camels at the king’s rates of hire; and on the 29th I removed to follow the king, being forced to quit Mundu, which was now entirely deserted. The 31st I arrived at the king’s tents, but found he had gone with few company on a hunting party for ten days, no person being allowed to follow without leave. The leskar or camp was scattered about in many parts, suffering great inconveniences from bad water, scarcity and consequent dearness of provisions, sickness, and all sorts of calamities incident to so great a multitude; yet nothing can prevent the king from following his pleasures. I here learnt that it was quite uncertain whether the king proposed going to Agra or Guzerat; and, though the latter was reported, the former was held to be more probable, as his counsellors wished to be at rest. Yet, because the king was expected to linger here about a month, I was advised and thought it best to send for the goods and presents, and endeavour to conclude my business, rather as defer it upon uncertainties. By this means, I hoped to obtain some rest, which I much needed, as I was very weak, and not likely to recover by daily travel, and the use of cold raw muddy water.

[Footnote 215: In the edition of Churchill, the king is said to have removed twenty-four cosses from Mundu, while in the Pilgrims it is called only four cosses.–E.]

Richard Steel and Jackson arrived on the 2d November, 1617, with the pearls and other small matters, which they had brought privately on shore according to my order, which I received and gave them acquittance for. I had a conference with Mr Steel about his projects of water-works, intended to advance the sale of lead, which I did not approve of, because I knew the character of this people, and that this affair must be begun at our expence, while after trial we should not enjoy the profit, but the natives be taught.[216] Besides, it did not promise any advantages for the sale of our commodity, as the lead would be trebled in price by land-carriage, and could not be delivered at Agra so cheap as other lead could be purchased there. Yet I was willing that he should make a trial, by carrying his workmen to Ahmedabad, and meeting me there; where, by the aid of Mukrob Khan, who only among these people is a friend to new inventions, I would make offer to the king of their inventions, and try what conditions might be procured; but, in my opinion, it is all money and labour thrown away. The company must shut their ears against these projectors, who have their own emoluments much more in view than the profits of their masters. Many things look fair in discourse, and in theory satisfy curious imaginations, which in practice are found difficult and fanciful. It is no easy matter to alter the established customs of this kingdom; where some drink only of rain water, some only that of a holy river, and others only of such as is brought at their own cost.

[Footnote 216: This project is no where explained, but might possibly be intended for conveying water, by means of machinery and leaden pipes, for the supply of some palace or city in India.–E.]

As for his second project, of inducing the caravans and merchants of Lahore and Agra, who are in use to travel by Candahar into Persia, to come by the river Indus and to go by sea in our ships to Jasques or the Persian gulf it is a mere dream. Some men may approve of it in conversation, but it will never be adopted in practice. The river Indus is but indifferently navigable downwards, and its mouth is already occupied by the Portuguese; while its navigation upwards, against the stream, is very difficult. Finally, we must warrant their goods, which cannot be done by a fleet; neither did even the Portuguese transport any of these goods, excepting only those of Scindy and Tatta, which traded by means of their own junks, having _cartas_ or passes from the