A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 9 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (page 6)

“In describing his own situation, he stated that the natives could not comprehend what was meant in Europe by the rank or quality of an ambassador, and that in future it would be preferable to employ an agent only, who could bear these affronts without dishonour, which an ambassador, from, his rank, could not encounter. He complains also, that, from want of an interpreter, he had experienced much difficulty in explaining to the Mogul, and to his ministers, the object of his mission; in particular, the grievances which the English had suffered from the governor of Ahmedabad, because the native brokers, whom he was obliged to employ, were afraid to interpret literally, lest they should either incur the king’s displeasure, or be disgraced by his ministers. In his application for redress from the governor of Ahmedabad, he discovered that this officer was supported by sultan Churrum, the Mogul’s eldest-son,[184] and Asaph Khan, the favourite. By perseverance and firmness, however, the ambassador at length obtained the relief he solicited.

[Footnote 184: Sultan Chesuro appears to have been the eldest son of Jehanguire, but held in confinement for having endeavoured to supplant his father in the succession, and Churrum seems only to have been the third son.–E.]

“On the 24th January, 1616, Sir Thomas had a second audience of the Mogul, at which he complained of the injuries the English had sustained from the arbitrary conduct of the governor of Surat, and so effectual were his remonstrances, that this officer was dismissed. The ambassador then proposed to renew the articles of the _phirmaund_, or treaty between the Mogul and the English nation, and solicited to have the treaty ratified by the signatures[185] of the Mogul and Sultan Churrum, which being procured, the treaty was concluded.[186]

[Footnote 185: This expression is rather ambiguous, as the ratifications of such papers in India were by the seals of the princes, and not what we understand by the term used in the text–E.]

[Footnote 186: It has not been thought necessary to insert the substance of this treaty as contained in the Annals, as it is given in the Journal.–E.] “The dispatches of Sir Thomas, of this year, concluded with recommending to the company, as a commercial speculation, to send out annually a large assortment of all kinds of toys, which would find a ready sale at the great festival of _Noroose_, [the new year] in the month of March.

“In 1616 we discover a jealousy in the factory at Surat, of Sir Thomas Roe, notwithstanding his efforts and success in obtaining phirmaunds from the Mogul favourable to the factories at Surat and Ahmedabad, and in general for the encouragement of English trade in the Mogul dominions; for the factors represented to the court that a merchant or agent would be better qualified for a commercial negociator than a king’s ambassador; and, in support of this opinion, referred to the practice of the king of Spain, who on no occasion would send an ambassador, but always a commercial agent; and stated that Sir Thomas Roe, besides, considered himself to be vested with the exercise of a controlling power over the commercial speculations of the Surat factory, and held himself to be better qualified to judge of the English interests by combining the political relations which he wished to introduce between the Mogul and the king of England, than by forwarding any projects for trade which the factory might devise as applicable to the Mogul dominions.

“In this year he reported that he had returned thanks to Sultan Churrum for the protection which he had afforded to the English in relieving them from the extortions of Zulfeccar Khan, the late governor of Surat, and had remonstrated against the partiality which had been shown to the Portuguese; representing to the Mogul that the king of Portugal had assumed the title of king of India, and that the Portuguese trade could never be so beneficial as that of England, as the English annually exported from India calicoes and indigo to the amount of 50,000 rials. To strengthen this remonstrance, Sir Thomas offered to pay to the sultan 12,000 rupees yearly, on condition that the English should be exempted from the payment of customs at the port of Surat; and then gave it as his opinion, that the plan of the agency at Surat, of keeping permanent factories at Surat, and other parts of the Mogul dominions, ought to be abandoned, as it would be preferable to make the purchases of goods inland, by the natives, [particularly the indigo from Agra, and the Bengal goods] who could obtain them at reasonable rates. But if the court were of opinion that English factors ought to be stationed at Agra, he recommended sending the goods in carts rather than on camels. He concludes this part of his report by advising that agents should reside at Cambay and Baroach, because the best cloths in India could be procured at these towns.

“Though Sir Thomas Roe appears to have procured a phirmaund through the means of Noor-Mahal, the favourite sultana or empress, for the general good treatment of the English at Surat, and had desired that an assortment of English goods, perfumes, &c. should be forwarded to him as presents to her and to her brother, Asaph Khan, he yet describes, in 1618, the governor of Surat as reluctant to shew that favour to the English which the phirmaund had enjoined. It therefore became a question with him, as the governor of Surat would not allow the English to strengthen or fortify their factory for the protection of their goods and servants, whether it might not be expedient to remove to some other station, where the means of self-defence might be more practicable. At one time he thought of Goga, and subsequently of Scindy; but, after a review of the whole, decided that it would be more expedient to remain at Surat, though, from the character of the natives, and the instability of the Mogul government, all grants of privileges must be considered as temporary, and any agreement or capitulation which might be procured, ought not to be depended on as permanent. He concludes, that, though a general phirmaund for trade in the Mogul dominions had been obtained, and of course a foundation laid for the English intercourse with the rich provinces of Bengal, yet the attempt to enter on that trade would be unwise, from being in the exclusive possession of the Portuguese.

“Sir Thomas Roe returned from the embassy to Surat in the spring of 1618-19, when it appears that the opposition in opinion between him and the factors at that place had subsided, as the efforts of both were united to establish a distinct system for the trade of the English at Surat. It has been already stated that Sir Thomas Roe had procured a phirmaund to the English from the Mogul, for the establishment of a general trade in his extensive dominions, but that the relaxed situation of the government, which always, under the administration of the Moguls, preceded an expected succession to the throne, had rendered the governor of Surat, at this juncture, less obsequious to the orders of his sovereign than the absolute nature of the constitution would otherwise have prescribed. Under these circumstances, and to improve upon the general treaty already mentioned, Sir Thomas Roe made proposals to Sultan Churrum to enter into an alliance for resisting the pretensions of the Portuguese. After long discussions with that prince, this treaty was concluded, and the following are its leading articles.

“That the governor of Surat should lend ships to the English, to be employed in the defence of that port. The English, however, to be only allowed to land ten armed men at one time; but the resident merchants to be allowed to wear arms. That the English should be allowed to build a house in the city, but distant from the castle.[187] That the governor of Surat should receive the ambassador and his suite with marks of honour. That the English should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and be governed by their own laws. That in any dispute between the English and the natives; reference was to be made to the governor and his officers, who should decide speedily and justly; but disputes among themselves were to be decided by their own factory. That liberty of trade was to be allowed the English, in its fullest extent, on payment of the usual duties on landing the goods, from which pearls, jewels, &c. were to be exempted. That freedom of speech was to be allowed to the English linguists and brokers, in all matters regarding the trade of their employers. And, lastly, That all presents intended for the court were to be opened and examined at the customhouse of Surat, and then sealed and given back to the English, and to pass duty-free; but, in case these presents were not made, then these articles were to become liable to pay duty.

[Footnote 187: Though not so expressed in the Annals, this appears to have been a _fortified_ house; as, on an occasion, when Surat was taken and plundered by an armed force belonging to Sevagee, the first sovereign of the Mahrattas, the English were able to defend their factory from injury.–E.]

“During his residence in India, Sir Thomas Roe had likewise used his best endeavours to promote the trade of the English with the ports of Persia, in which considerable opposition was experienced from the Portuguese, who tried every expedient to engross the Persian trade to themselves, and to exclude the English from any participation. In this opposition Sir Robert Shirley had been implicated, who had gone to Europe in 1615, on a mission from the king of Persia, to form a contract with the king of Spain, then sovereign of Portugal, not only to sell to his subjects the whole of the Persian silk, but to grant them licence to fortify the sea-ports of Persia for the protection of their shipping and factories. Mr Connock, the English agent in Persia, under these circumstances, recommended the necessity of applying to king James, and submitting to his consideration the danger of allowing the Portuguese to enjoy the exclusive possession of that trade, which would render them the most powerful European nation in the East Indies. In the mean time, he represented to the king of Persia the necessity of seizing the island of Ormus from the Portuguese, under the protection of which the Persian dominions could be supplied by the English with all kinds of Indian commodities.

“In this critical situation of the company’s agents at Ispahan, an ambassador arrived from the king of Spain, in June 1617, authorised to adjust and settle the contract which Sir Robert Shirley had projected. The English agent, in consequence, urged the factory at Surat to dispatch the whole of the company’s ships to Jasques for the defence of that port, as the Portuguese fleet had rendezvoused at Muscat, and had determined to blockade the passage into the Persian gulf against the English trade. These events induced Sir Thomas Roe to grant a commission, and to give instructions to the company’s agent at Ispahan, authorising him to treat with the king of Persia, in the name of the king of England.

“In 1618, Captain Shillings, of the company’s ship Ann, went to Mokha, and obtained a phirmaund from the governor, by which the English were allowed free trade, and protection to their persons and property, on condition of paying three per cent. on merchandize, and three per cent. on the prices of all goods exported by them from Mokha. On receiving information of this event, Sir Thomas Roe addressed a letter to the governor of Mokha, requesting that these privileges might be confirmed by the Grand Signior, and promising, on the part of the English, that all kinds of European goods should be regularly brought to Mokha, and that the English should defend that port against all enemies, and particularly against the Portuguese.

“This appears to have been the last transaction of Sir Thomas Roe in the East Indies. In his voyage home he touched at Saldanha bay [Table bay] in May, 1619, where he met, and held a conference with the Dutch admiral Hoffman, who commanded the outward-bound fleet from Holland of that season. From this officer he learned that the respective governments in Europe, alarmed at the commercial jealousies and animosities between their subjects in the East Indies, had appointed commissioners to take that subject into consideration. It was therefore, with a becoming sense of duty, agreed between them that each should address a letter to the chiefs of their respective factories in India, recommending to them to abstain from any opposition or violence against each other, till each had received specific instructions from their superiors, or should be informed of the result of the conferences between the commissioners of the two nations in Europe.”

Sec.1. _Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country_.

I landed at Surat on the 26th September, 1615, and was received in an open tent by the chief officers of the town, well attended. On this occasion I was accompanied by the general, and principal merchants, Captain Harris being sent to make me a court of guard with an hundred shot, and the ships, all dressed out to the best advantage, saluted me with their ordnance as I passed. There was much controversy about searching my servants, but at length they passed free to the city, where we had a house provided for us. We continued there to the 30th October, suffering much vexation from the governor, who forcibly caused search many of our chests and trunks, taking away what he thought fit.

The 30th October I departed from Surat, and that day travelled only four coss to _Sumaria_.[188] The 1st November I went eleven miles to a village. The 2d, to _Biarat_, twenty-one miles, where there is a castle, this town being on the borders of the kingdom of Guzerat, subject to the Mogul, and belonging to _Abraham Khan_. The 3d I entered the kingdom of _Pardaff shah_,[189] a pagan lord of the hills, who is subject to nobody; and at the end of fifteen miles we lodged in the fields, beside a city of note, called _Mugher_. The 4th we travelled nine miles by a rocky way, and lay in the fields, beside a village called Narampore. The 5th, fifteen miles, and lay in the fields. The 6th, twenty miles, to a city called _Nundabar_, in the kingdom of _Brampore_, [Burhanpoor] which is subject to the Mogul. At this place we first procured bread, after leaving Surat, as the Banians, who inhabit all the country through which we had travelled, make only cakes instead of bread. The country peculiarly abounds in cattle, as the Banians never kill any, neither do they sell any for being slaughtered. One day I met at least 10,000 bullocks loaded with grain, in one drove, and most other days I saw smaller parcels.

[Footnote 188: In this journal the names of places are exceedingly corrupted, and often unintelligible. Such as admitted of being corrected, from the excellent map of Hindoostan, by Arrowsmith, have their proper names placed within brackets.–E.]

[Footnote 189: In the miserable map of Hindoostan, accompanying this journal in the Pilgrims, this prince is called Partap-sha.–E.]

The 7th we went eighteen miles to _Ningull_. The 8th, fifteen to _Sinchelly_, [Sindkera.] The 9th, other fifteen to _Tolmere_, [Talnere.] And the 10th, eighteen to _Chapre_, [Choprah] where we pitched our tents without the town, and the king’s officers guarded us all night with thirty horse and twenty shot, for fear of out being attacked by robbers from the mountains, as I refused to remove into the town. The 11th we travelled eighteen miles, eighteen on the 12th, and fifteen on the 13th, which brought us to _Brampore_, [Burhanpoor] which I guessed to be 223 miles east from Surat.[190] The country is miserable and barren, the towns and villages only built of mud. At _Bartharpore_,[191] a village two miles short of Burhanpoor, I saw some of the Mogul ordnance, most of which is too short, and too open in the bore. On coming to Burhanpoor, the _cutwall_ met me, well attended, having sixteen stand of colours carried before him, and conducted me to a _serai_ appointed for my lodging. He took leave of me at the gate, which had a handsome stone front; but, when in, I had four chambers allotted for me, no bigger than ovens, with vaulted roofs and bare brick walls, so that I chose to lodge in my tent. I sent word to the cutwall, threatening to leave the town, as I scorned such mean usage, but he desired me to be content till morning, as this was the best lodging in the city, which I afterwards found to be the case, as it consists entirely of mud cottages, excepting the houses inhabited by _Sultan Parvis_, the Mogul’s second son, that of _Khan Khanan_, and a few others. Sultan Parvis here represents the king his father, living in great state and magnificence, but Khan Khanan, who is the greatest subject of the empire, is at the head of a large army, in which are 40,000 horse, and governs every thing, the prince only having the name and pomp allowed him.

[Footnote 190: The particulars of the journey in the text amount to 214 miles.–E.]

[Footnote 191: Perhaps Babaderpore, but it is twelve or fifteen miles short of Burhanpoor.–E.]

On the 18th, both to satisfy the prince who desired it, and whom I was not willing to displease, and to see the fashions of the court, and because it was proposed to establish a factory here, where sword-blades were in great request for the army, and sold well, I went to visit the prince, to whom, I carried a present. I was conducted by the cutwall, and in the outer court of the palace I found about an hundred horsemen under arms, who formed a line on each side, being all gentlemen waiting to salute the prince on his coming forth. In the inner court the prince sat in a high gallery encircling the court, having a canopy over head, and a carpet spread before him, appearing in much, yet barbarous state. Going towards him through a lane of people, an officer came and told me that I must touch the ground with my head, and with my hat off. I answered, that I came to do the prince honour by visiting him, and was not to be subjected to the custom of slaves. So I walked on till I came to a place railed in, just under where he sat, where there was an ascent of three steps; and having there made him a reverence, to which he answered by bending his body, I went within the rails, where stood all the great men then in the town, holding their hands before them like slaves. This place, as mentioned before, was covered over head by a rich canopy, and all the floor was spread with carpets. It resembled a large stage, and the prince sat on high, like a mock king in a theatre.

On entering, as I had no place assigned me, I went right forwards, and stood before him at the bottom of the three steps, on which stood his secretary, readily to convey to him any thing that is said or given. I told him that I was ambassador from the king of England to his father; and, while passing his residence, I could not but in honour visit his highness. He answered that I was welcome, and asked me many questions about the king my master, to which I gave fit answers. While standing in that manner at the foot of the steps, I asked leave to come up and stand beside him; but he said, even if the king of Persia, or Grand Turk, were there, such a thing could not be allowed. To this I replied, that I must be excused for believing he would, in such a case, come down and meet them at his gate; and that I required no higher privilege than was allowed to the ambassadors of these sovereigns, with whom I considered myself entirely equal. He declared I should have that privilege in all things. I then demanded to have a chair, to which it was answered, that no person was ever allowed to sit in that place, but I was desired to lean against a pillar covered over with silver, which supported the canopy. I then requested his favour for an English factory to be established at Burhanpoor, which readily granted, and gave immediate orders to the _Buksh_ to draw up a _firmaun_, license, for their coming and residence. I also requested an order for carriages for conveying the presents for the king his father, which he gave in charge to the cutwall to see provided. I then made him a present, which he took in good part. After some other conference, he said, though I might not come up to where he then sat, he would go to another place, where I might come to him with less ceremony. But one part of the present I made him happened to be a case of cordials, of which he tasted so freely by the way, that, after waiting some time, I heard he had made himself drunk, and one of his officers came to me with an excuse, desiring me to go home then, and come some other time to see him. But that very night I was taken ill of a fever.

The 27th of November, though, still sick, I was carried, from Burhanpoor three coss to _Raypora_; the 28th, fifteen c. to _Burgome_, [Burgaw]; the 30th, seven c. December the 1st, ten c. to _Bicangome_; the 2d, seven c. the 3d, five c. the 4th, eleven c. to _Ekbarpoor_, which stands on a good river, [the Nerbudda] which runs into the sea near _Buroach_. The 5th, I passed the river _Nerbuddah_. The 6th, I travelled eight c. and lay in a wood, not far from the king’s famous castle of _Mandoa_, [Mundu] which stands on a steep hill, of great extent, the walls being fourteen c. in circuit, this castle being of wonderous extent and great beauty. The 7th, I proceeded ten c. the 8th, eight c. the 9th, ten c. the 10th, twelve c. the 11th, sixteen c. the 12th, fourteen c. the 13th, six c. the 14th we halted to take rest. The 15th, six c. the 16th, six c. the 17th, twelve c. the 18th, five c. when we arrived at _Cytor_, where I was met by Mr Edwards accompanied by Thomas Coryat, who had travelled to India on foot.

_Cytor_, [Chitore] is an ancient town in ruins, situated on a hill, but shews the remains of wonderful magnificence. There are still standing above an hundred temples, all of carved stone, with many fair towers and domes, supported by many enriched pillars, and innumerable houses, but not a single inhabitant. The hill, or rock rather, is precipitous on all sides, having but one ascent cut out of the rock in a regular slope; in which ascent there are four several gates before reaching the gate of the city, which last is extremely magnificent. The top of the hill, about eight coss in circuit, is inclosed all round with walls, and at the S.W. end, is a goodly old castle. I lodged close by a poor village at the foot of the hill.

This city stands in the country of the _Rama_,[192] a prince newly subdued by the Mogul, or rather brought to submit to pay tribute and acknowledge subjection; and _Cytor_ was reduced by _Akbar Shah_, the father of _Shah Jehan-Guire_, the present king of the Moguls. This Hindoo raja is lineally descended from _Porus_, the valiant Indian sovereign who was conquered by Alexander the Great; so that I suppose this city to have been one of the ancient seats of Porus, though Delly, much farther north, is reported to have been the chiefest, a famous place, though now only in ruins. Near that stands a pillar erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a Greek inscription. The present Mogul and his ancestors, descendants of Tamerlane, have reduced all the ancient cities to ruin, dispeopling them and forbidding their restoration; I know not wherefore, unless that they would have no monuments of greatness remain, beyond their own commencement, as if they and the world were co-equals in antiquity.

[Footnote 192: This is probably an error of the press in the Pilgrims for the _Ranna_.–E.]

The 19th I proceeded twelve c. on my journey; the 20th ten c. the 21st ten c. the 22d nine c. the 23d ten c. and arrived at _Ajimere_. The first six days journeys from Burhanpoor towards Ajimere were west, or northwest, to get round the hills; but after that northwards, so that these two places bear nearly N. by W. and S. by E. from each other: the whole distance being 209 cosses,[193] which I judge to be 418 English miles; the cosses here being longer than near the sea.[194] On my arrival at Ajimere I was so ill as to keep my bed; but on the 10th January, 1616, at four in the afternoon, I went to the _Durbar_, which is the place where the Mogul sits in public daily to entertain strangers, to receive petitions and presents, to issue commands, and to see and be seen. Before proceeding to give an account of my reception, it may be proper to digress a little, that I may give some account of the customs of the court.

[Footnote 193: The particulars in the text only amount to 200 cosses; but the extent of one day’s journey is omitted, which may explain the difference.–E.]

[Footnote 194: The coss at Surat is repeatedly explained, in Purchas and Churchill, to be 1-1/2 English mile, while that of Hindoostan Proper is rated at two miles.–E.]

No men, except eunuchs, are permitted to come within the private lodgings or retiring rooms of the royal palace, within which his women keep guard with warlike weapons, and there likewise they execute justice upon each other for offences. Every morning, the Mogul comes to a window, called the _jarneo_,[195] which looks into the plain or open space before the palace-gate, where he shews himself to the common people. At noon he returns to the same place, where he sits some hours, amusing himself with seeing fights of elephants and other wild beasts, the men of rank then at court attending below within a railed space. He then retires to sleep within the female apartments. In the afternoon he comes to the before-mentioned Durbar. At eight in the evening, after supper, he comes down to a fair court, called the _guzalcan_, in the midst of which is a throne of freestone, on which he sits, yet sometimes below in a chair of state, at which time only men of high quality are admitted into the presence, and even of these only a few have that privilege, unless by special leave. He here discourses very affably on all subjects with those around him. No business is transacted with him, concerning affairs of state and government, or respecting war and peace, but at one or other of these two last-mentioned places, where, after being publicly propounded and resolved upon, it is registered by attendant secretaries, and any one, who has the curiosity, may see the register for two shillings; insomuch that the common people know as much of the affairs of state as the ministers and counsellors of the king, and every day the king’s acts and resolutions are circulated as news, and are freely canvassed and censured by every rascal. This course of proceeding is unchangeable, except when prevented by the sickness of the king, or in consequence of his getting drunk, which must always be known. Thus, though all his subjects are slaves, he lives in a state of reciprocal bondage, being so tied to the observance of these hours and customs, that if he were unseen one day, and no sufficient excuse given, the people would mutiny; and no excuse will sanction his absence for two days, unless the gates are opened, and he be seen by some for the satisfaction of the rest. Every Tuesday, he sits in judgement at the _jarneo_,[196] where he attends to the complaints of his meanest subjects, listening patiently to both parties; and where likewise he sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, execution performed on offenders by his elephants. _Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut adesses_?

[Footnote 195: in subsequent passages, this is called the Jarruco.–E.]

Before going to the durbar, I had required to be allowed the customs of my own country, which were freely granted. At the durbar, I was led directly before the king, at the entrance of an outer rail, where two noble slaves came to conduct me nearer. On entering the outer rail, I made a profound reverence, at my entry within an interior rail I made a second reverence, and a third when I came directly under where the king sat. The place in which the durbar is held is a great court, to which all sorts of people resort. The king sits in a small raised gallery; ambassadors, great men belonging to the court, and strangers of quality, are within the innermost rail directly under him, that space being raised from the ground, covered overhead with canopies of silk and velvet, and laid underfoot with good carpets. The meaner men, representing what we would call gentry, are within the outer rail; the common people being on the outside of all, in a base court, so that all may see the king. The whole of this disposition hath much resemblance to theatrical representation. The king sitting as in a gallery, the great men raised as actors on a stage, and the vulgar below in a pit gazing at the show. The king, on my presentation, interrupted the dull formality of my interpreter, bidding me welcome to the brother of the king my master. I then delivered a translation of the king’s letter, and then my commission, on both of which he looked curiously; and afterwards on my presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and, with a seeming regard for my health, offered to send me his own physicians, advising me to keep the house till I recovered strength, and that I should freely send to him in the meantime for any thing I needed, with assurance that I should have whatever I desired. He dismissed me with more signs of grace and favour, if I were not flattered by the Christians, than ever were shewn to any ambassador from the Turks or Persians or any other nation.

[Footnote 196: This place, formerly described as a window looking to the esplanade in front of the palace, called _jarneo_ in Purchas, is called _jarruco_ in Churchill.–E.]

On the 14th I sent to offer a visit to Sultan _Churrum_,[197] the third son of the Great Mogul, but first in favour. Hearing that he was an enemy to all Christians, I therefore feared some affront; yet he sent me word that I should be received with all due respect, and should have as much content as I had already from his father. This prince is lord of Surat, our chief residence in the empire, and his favour, therefore, was important for our affairs. I went accordingly to visit him on the 22d at nine in the morning, at which time he sits in public, in the same manner as his father, to dispatch his business, and to be seen of his followers. His character was represented to me as naturally proud, so that I was in some fear for my reception; but, on hearing of my arrival, instead of coming out to his public durbar, he sent one of his principal officers to conduct me into a good inner room, never before done to any one. The officer here entertained me with discourse concerning my mission for half an hour, till the prince was ready; who now came forth and used me better than his promise. I delivered him a present, but not in the name of his majesty, as it was too mean for that purpose; but excused the omission, by saying, That my sovereign could not know of his being lord of Surat, which had been so lately conferred upon him; but I had no doubt the king of England would afterwards send him one more suited to his high rank, the one now presented being only sent by the English merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and protection. He received all in very good part. After stating some grievances and injuries suffered by the English at Surat, from his governors, and of which I had forborne to complain to the king from respect to him, he promised me speedy and effectual justice, and to confirm our security in any way I might propose. He professed to be entirely ignorant of any past transactions there, as stated by me, except as informed by Asaph Khan; and especially denied having given any order for our dismissal, which the governor had falsely alleged, and for which he should dearly pay. He then dismissed me, full of hopes to have our decayed state and reputation rectified, making me a promise of an effectual firmaun for our trade and secure residence at Surat.

[Footnote 197: In the Pilgrims, this prince is uniformly named Corone; but the name in the text has been adopted from the authority of Dow’s History of Hindoostan. He succeeded to his father in 1627, when he assumed the name of Shah Jehan; and was, in 1659, dethroned and imprisoned, by his third son, the celebrated Aurungzebe, who assumed the name of Alumguire.–E.]

The 24th, I went again to the royal durbar to visit the king; who, on seeing me far off, beckoned with his hand, that I should not wait the ceremony of asking leave, but come up to him directly, and assigned me a place near himself, above all other men, which I afterwards thought fit to maintain. On this occasion I gave a small present; as it is the custom for all who have any business to give something, and those who cannot get near enough to speak, send in or hold up their gift, which he always accepts, be it only a rupee, and demands to know their business. He held the same course with me; for having looked curiously at my present, and asked many questions respecting it, he demanded to know what I wanted of him. I answered that I wanted justice. For, on the assurance of his firmaun, which had been sent to England, the king my master had not only given leave to his subjects to make a long and dangerous voyage to his dominions with their goods, but had deputed me, as his ambassador and representative, to congratulate and compliment his majesty on the amity so happily commenced between two so mighty nations, and to confirm the same. Yet I found that the English, who were settled at Ahmedabad, were injured and oppressed by the governor in their persons and goods, being fined, subjected to arbitrary exactions, and kept as prisoners; while at every town new customs were demanded for their goods on their passage to the port, contrary to all justice, and in direct contravention of the formerly conceded articles of trade, as contained in his majesty’s firmaun. To this he answered, that he was sorry to hear of such things, which should be immediately rectified; and he gave orders for two firmauns to be immediately extended according to my desire. By one of these, the governor of Ahmedabad was commanded to restore the money he had exacted from Mr Kerridge, and to use the English in future with all favour. By the other, all customs required on any pretence by the way were abolished, and all such as had been taken was ordered to be restored. Finally, he desired me, if these gave not speedy and effectual remedy, that I should renew my complaint against the disobeyer, who should be sent for to answer for his conduct; and so dismissed me.

The 1st of March, I rode out to see a pleasure-house belonging to the king, two miles from Agimere, which had been given him by Asaph Khan. It was situated between two vast rocks, by which it was so sheltered that scarcely could the sun be any where seen. The foundations and some rooms were hewn out of the solid rock, the rest being built of freestone. Close adjoining was a handsome small garden, with fine fountains, with two great _tanks_ or ponds of water, one being thirty steps higher than the other. The way to this retreat is so narrow that only two persons could go abreast, and is almost inaccessible, being very steep and stony. It is a place of much melancholy, yet of great security and delight, abounding in peacocks, turtle-doves, wild fowl, and monkies, which inhabit the rocks impending on every side around.

The 2d of March began the feast of _Norsose_ in the evening. This is the festival of the new year, the ceremonies of which begin on the first new moon after, which this year fell together. It is kept in imitation of the Persian feast of that cause, signifying in that language _nine days_, as anciently it continued only for that number; but these are now doubled. On this occasion, a throne is erected about four feet high in the _durbar court_; from the back of which, to the place where the king comes out from the inner apartments, a space of fifty-six paces long by forty-three broad is railed in, and covered over by _semianes_, or canopies, of cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silk, all joined over head, and held up by canes covered with similar stuffs. At the upper or west end, were set out the pictures of the king of England, the queen, the Princess Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a citizen’s wife of London. Below, there was a picture of Sir Thomas Smith, governor of the East India Company. The whole floor was laid with rich Persian carpets of large size, and into this place come all the great men to wait upon the king, except a few, who were within a smaller railed space, right before the throne, appointed to receive his commands. Within this square there were set out many small houses, one of which was of silver, and other curiosities of value. On the left side, Sultan Churrum had a pavilion, the supporters of which were covered with silver, as were also some others of those near the king’s throne. This was of wood and of a square form, inlaid with mother of pearl, resting on four pillars covered with cloth of gold; and overhead was a fringed drapery like a vallence of network, all of real pearls, whence hung down pomegranates, apples, and pears, and other fruits, all of gold, but hollow. Within that pavilion, the king sat on cushions, very rich in pearls and other jewels. All round the court before the throne, the principal men had tents or pavilions, mostly lined with velvet, damask, and taffety, and some few with cloth of gold, in which they were stationed, making shew of their wealth. Anciently, the kings used to go to every tent, taking away whatever pleased him best: But now the custom is changed, as the king remains on his throne, and receives there such new-year’s-gifts as are brought to him. He makes his appearance every day, and retires at the usual hours of the durbar; and in the interval all sorts of great gifts are made to him, which are very great and almost incredible, though not equal to report. At the close of this feast, in recompence for these gifts, the king advances some of his courtiers, making additions to their charges of horse, according to his pleasure.

On the 12th[198] I went to visit the king, and was brought immediately before him to deliver my present, which gave him much satisfaction. He then appointed me to come within the rail, that I might stand beside him; but not being allowed to step up on the raised platform on which the throne was placed, I could see little, as the railing was high, and covered with carpets. But I had permission to view the inner room at leisure, which, I must confess, was very rich; but consisted of so many articles, all unsuitable to each other, that it seemed patched work, rather than magnificent, as if it aimed to shew all; as if a lady, among her plate on a magnificent cupboard, should exhibit her embroidered slippers. This evening, the son of the Raima, the new tributary formerly mentioned, was brought before the king, with much ceremony, being sent by his father with a present. After kneeling three times, and knocking his forehead on the ground, he was brought within the inner rail, when the king embraced his head. His gift was an Indian tray or voider full of silver, upon which was a carved silver dish full of gold. He was then conducted to pay his respects to the prince. This evening, some elephants were shewn, and some music girls sang and danced.–_Sic transit gloria mundi_.

[Footnote 198: It may be proper to observe, that Churchill’s edition gives the commencement of this festival on the 11th, and says Sir Thomas went to the durbar next day.–E.]

The 13th at night, I went again to wait upon the king at the _Guzalcan_, at which is the best opportunity for transacting business, and took with me my Italian interpreter, determined to walk no longer in darkness, but to prove the king, as I had hitherto been delayed and refused on all hands. I was sent for in, along with my old broker, but my Italian was kept out, because Asaph Khan mistrusted I might say more than he was willing should come to the king’s ears. On coming to the king, he appointed me a place to stand just before him, and sent to ask me many questions respecting the king of England, and about the present I had made him the day before. To some of these I made answers; but I at length said, that my interpreter was kept out, and as I could not speak Portuguese, I wanted the means of satisfying his majesty. On this, though much against the wish or Asaph Khan, my Italian interpreter was called in. I then made him tell the king that I requested leave to speak to him, to which he answered, willingly. On this, the son-in-law of Asaph Khan pulled away my interpreter by force, and that faction so hemmed in the king, by gathering round him, that I could scarcely see his majesty, nor could my Italian approach. Upon this, I ordered the Italian to speak aloud, that I craved audience of the king; who immediately called me before him, and the others made way. Asaph Khan stood on one side of my interpreter, and I on the other: I to inform him what to say, and the other to awe him by winks and signs.

I desired him to say, that I had now been two months at court, one of which I had spent in sickness and the other in compliments, and had effected nothing of all on which I had been sent by the king my master; which was to conclude a firm and lasting treaty of peace and amity between the two sovereigns, and to establish a fair and secure trade and residence for my countrymen in his majesty’s dominions. He answered that this was already granted. I replied, it was so; but that it still depended upon so slender a thread, and such weak conditions, as to be very uncertain in its continuance. That an affair of so high importance required an agreement dear and explicit in all points, and a more formal and authentic confirmation than it now had, by ordinary firmauns, which were merely temporary commands, and respected accordingly. He asked me what presents we would bring him? To which I answered, the league was yet new and weak; that many curiosities were to be found in our country, of rare value, which the king of England would send; and that our merchants would search for such things in all parts of the world, if they were made sure of a quiet trade and secure protection on honourable conditions, having been hitherto subjected to manifold wrongs. He asked me what kind of curiosities I meant, and whether these were jewels or precious stones? To this I answered, that we did not deem such things fit to be sent back from Europe to India, of which he was the principal sovereign, as they were common here in India, and of much higher price with us in Europe: But that we would endeavour to find such things for his majesty as were rare and uncommon in his dominions; such as excellent specimens of painting, carving, enamelling, figures in brass, copper, and stone, rich embroideries, stuffs of gold and silver, and the like.

The king said that these things were all very well, but that he wished to have an English horse. I answered, that this was utterly impossible by sea, and that the Turks would not allow of any being sent by land. In reply, he said he thought it not impossible by sea; and, when I represented the dangers from storms, he said if six were sent in one ship, one of them surely might live, and though it came lean, it might be here made fat. I then told him, I feared it could not be done by so long a voyage; yet, for his majesty’s satisfaction, I should give due notice of his desire.

He then asked to know what were my demands? I answered, That his majesty would be pleased to sanction by his royal signature, certain reasonable conditions which I should propound, in confirmation of a league of peace and amity, and for the security of our nation in their residence and trade in his dominions; as they had hitherto been often wronged, and could not continue on their present terms, of which I forbore to make any specific complaint, because I hoped to procure amendment from his majesty. At these words, Asaph Khan offered to pull away my interpreter, but I held him fast, while Asaph Khan continued to make signs to him not to interpret my words. On this the king became suddenly very angry, pressing to know who had wronged us, and seemed in such fury, that I was unwilling to follow it out, and spoke in broken Spanish to my interpreter, desiring him to say, That I would not trouble his majesty with what was past, but would seek justice of the prince his son, whose favour I doubted not to obtain. Not attending to what my interpreter said, but hearing the name of his son, the king mistakingly conceived I accused him; and hastily saying _mio filio! mio filio_! he called for the prince, who came in great fear, humbling himself. Asaph Khan trembled, and all those present were amazed.

He chid the prince roundly, and he excused himself. But as I perceived the king’s error, I made both the king and prince understand the mistake, by means of a Persian prince who offered himself as interpreter, as my Italian understood Turkish better than Persian. By this means I appeased the king, saying that I in no respect accused the prince, but wished to inform his majesty that I should appeal to the prince’s justice, in regard to the past wrongs our nation had suffered in those places which were under his government. The king then commanded the prince, that he should give as effective justice. In his justification, the prince said that he had already offered me a firmaun, which I had refused. The king asked me the reason of this. To which I answered, that I humbly thanked the prince, but he knew that it contained a condition I could not accept; and besides, that I wished to propound our own demands, in which I would insert all the desires of the king my master at once, that I might not daily trouble his majesty and the prince with complaints. And, when the conditions on both sides were mutually agreed upon, I would reciprocally bind my sovereign, to mutual offices of friendship, and to such reasonable conditions for the benefit of his majesty’s subjects as he might propose: All of which being drawn up in tripartite, I hoped his majesty would graciously sign one, his son the prince another, and I would confirm the third in the name of my sovereign, in virtue of my commission.

The king pressed to know what was the condition in the prince’s firmaun which I had refused, which I stated. So we fell into earnest dispute before the king, with some heat. Mukrob Khan interposed, saying he was advocate for the Portuguese, and spoke slightingly of us, alleging that the king ought to grant no articles to us that were unfavourable for them. I answered, that I did not propose any against them, but only in our own just defence, and that I had not conceived he was so great a friend to the Portuguese. On this the jesuit and all the Portuguese faction struck in, so that I explained myself fully concerning them; and as I offered a conditional peace, so I valued the friendship of the Portuguese at a very low rate, and their enmity at a still lower. After some time, having explained my demands, the king said my proposals were just and my resolution noble, and bade me clearly propound the conditions I desired. Asaph Khan, who had stood silent during all this debate, and who now wished to end it, as we were warm, now interposed, saying, If we talked all night, it could only come to this at last, that I should draw my demands in writing and present them; which, if found reasonable, would be granted by the king. The king said he certainly would do so; and at my request the prince engaged to do so likewise. The king then rose to go away, but on my request he turned round, and I desired my interpreter to say, That I came the day before to see his majesty and his greatness, and the ceremonies of the feast, on which occasion I was placed behind him, in an honourable place certainly, but where I could not see around; and therefore humbly requested his majesty would be pleased to let me stand on the platform beside his throne. In answer to this, he commanded Asaph Khan to let me choose my own place in future.

In the morning of the 14th, I sent a messenger to Asaph Khan, lest he or the prince might have misunderstood me, by reason of the king’s mistake, and had supposed I had complained against either of them, which I did not, neither did I so intend; yet I was willing to let them see that I did not entirely depend upon Asaph Khan, by whom I had hitherto done my business with the king; but, if he should continue his manner of only delivering to the king what he himself pleased, and not what I said, I would find another way. My message was intended to clear up any such doubts, if they remained, and to entreat he would move the prince to favour my demands respecting our residence and trade at Surat. His answer was, that neither the prince nor he had any reason to suspect I intended to complain against them, the error being sufficiently obvious; and that, for his part, he had ever been disposed to favour the English, and would so continue.

The 15th I went again in the evening to see the ceremonies of the _Norose_; and according to the Mogul’s order, I chose my place of standing on his right hand, and on the raised platform, the prince and the son of the Ranna standing on the other side. I here had a full view of every thing that was to be seen; viz. the presents, and the exhibition of the elephants, horses, and dancing girls.

The 23d, the Mogul condemned one of his own nation on suspicion of felony; but as he was one of the handsomest men in India, and the proof was not very clear against him, instead of condemning him to death, he sent him in irons to me as a slave, to be disposed of as I pleased. This was looked upon as a great favour, and I accordingly returned thanks; yet added, that we had no slaves in England, not thinking it lawful to make the image of God like unto a beast, but that I should employ him as a servant, and should restore him to liberty if he behaved well. The king was well pleased with this message.

I went to the _Guzalcan_ on the 26th, and it delivered in the articles which I had drawn up, which were referred to Asaph Khan for his consideration and report. Some time after, Asaph Khan sent a message, desiring me to remove from the place I occupied near the king, because I stood alone, which was not the custom. I refused at the first; but, as he still insisted I should rank myself among the nobles, I removed to the other side, where the prince and young Ranna were. This still more displeased Asaph Khan, who persuaded the prince to complain of me to the king, which he did. On hearing their complaint and my answer, that I had changed my place by order of Asaph Khan, the Mogul said I had done well, and they were wrong to pretend to displace me. So I kept my place in quiet. The following is the substance of the articles delivered to the Great Mogul, which were delayed and opposed: But the conclusion respecting them will be seen hereafter.

_Proposed Articles of Treaty, between the Great Mogul and the King of Great Britain_.

1. There shall be perpetual peace and amity between the king of Great Britain and his majesty the emperor of India.–2. The subjects of England shall have free trade in all the ports of India.–3. The governors of all sea ports shall make public proclamation of this agreement three several times, upon the arrival of any English ships.–4. The English merchants and their servants, shall not be liable to search, or to any ill usage.–5. No presents sent to the Mogul shall be opened.–6. The goods belonging to the English shall not be stopped more than twenty-four-hours at the custom-houses; where they shall only be sealed, and sent to the house or factory of the merchants, to be there opened and rated within six days afterwards.–7. No governor shall take any goods by force, nor unless upon payment at the owner’s price; neither shall any be taken away under pretence of being for the king’s service.–8. The English merchants shall not be hindered from selling their goods to whom they please, nor from sending them to other factories; neither shall they pay any more in this case than has been already paid at the port of entry.–9. Whatever goods the English may purchase in any part of the dominions of the Mogul, shall be allowed to be transmitted to the ports, without any hindrance or molestation, and shall pay no other duty than may be agreed upon at the port of shipping.–10. No goods already entered at a port shall be again opened, the English shewing a certificate of their numbers, qualities, and conditions, from the governor or other proper officers of the place where they were purchased.–11. No confiscation shall be made of the goods or money belonging to any of the English who may die in India.–12. No duties shall be demanded for provisions, purchased during the stay of English ships at any of the ports.–13. The servants of the English merchants, whether English or natives, shall not be punished or beaten for doing their duty.–14. The Mogul shall cause any governor or officer to be punished for the breach of any of these articles.–15. The English ships shall permit all others to pass and repass freely, to and from the ports in the dominions of the Mogul, except those of their enemies with whom they are at war: And the English, while ashore, shall conduct themselves quietly and peaceably, as merchants.–16. The English shall yearly furnish the Mogul with all such European rarities, and other things, as he may desire, and at reasonable rates.–17. The English shall pay duty on their commodities, reasonably rated, at three and a half per cent. and two per cent. on rials of eight or money, and shall not be liable to any other duty or exaction whatsoever.–18. The English shall be ready to assist the Great Mogul against all his enemies. And, lastly, The Portuguese shall be admitted to come into this peace within six months; or, if they refuse, the English shall be at liberty to exercise all hostilities against them.

On the 31st of March, the Great Mogul dined at the house of Asaph Khan, all the way from the palace, which was an English mile, being laid under foot with silks and velvet sewed together, but rolled up as the king passed. It was reported that this feast, and the present made on the occasion, cost six lacks of rupees, which amount to L60,000 sterling.[199]

[Footnote 199: According to Thevenot, a _lack_ contains 100,000 rupees, and a rupee is a French crown and five sols. At which rate, the _six lacks_ must amount at least to L150,000 sterling.–_Churchill_.

The editor of Churchill’s Collection must here have been mistaken the French crowns alluded to by Thevenot. The rupees in India are various, and consequently differ in their value; but two shillings may be assumed as a fair average, in which case the computation in the text is quite correct.–E.]

I received intelligence on the 26th April, that the prince had made one of his servants ask the king at the durbar wherefore he gave so great countenance to the English as to banish the Portuguese from Surat, who brought much more profit to the king in rubies, pearls, and other jewels, while the English came there only in search of profit, by the sale of cloths, swords, knives, and other articles of small value? The king acknowledged that this was true, yet could not be mended. By this the affections of the prince were made sufficiently manifest, and I had fair warning to be on my guard, that I might study to preserve ourselves in the good graces of the king, in which only we could be safe. I resolved, however, to take no notice of this, except by endeavouring to give the prince a better opinion of our nation.

On the 22d of May I went to the king at the durbar, to solicit his authority to get back a youth named Jones, who had run away from me to an Italian, who protected him to the disgrace of our nation, by using the king’s name. The king gave me an order for his delivery; but the prince, who waited every opportunity to injure us, for the sake of his favourite, _Zulphecar Khan_, moved the king in private to send for the youth first, to the Guzalcan, which was done. I had newly broken off from conferring with the prince, on account of his partiality to Zulphecar Khan, and had sent him word that I would no longer refrain from stating our grievances to the king in person, which was the cause of his enmity towards me. When Jones was brought before the king, being instigated by the protection and countenance of the prince, he railed against me to my face, with the most virulent malice, beseeching the king to save his life; on which the king resolved not to deliver him up to me, but to send him as a prisoner to Surat. But the prince, to brave me, begged to have him for a servant, as the fellow had renounced his country, on which the king did so, in spite of every thing I could allege. On this the prince gave him 150 rupees, with the pay of two horsemen, and commanded me not to meddle with him.

On the night of the 23d, Jones came and threw himself at my feet, asking pardon for his lies and mad behaviour. I told him I would not now keep him prisoner, as he was the prince’s servant; but I would not give him any answer till he had made public reparation for his misbehaviour, as far as he could. Accordingly, on the next day, he contrived to get to the _Guzalcan_, and there asked pardon of the king for the lies he had spoken against me, denying every word he had then spoken, alleging he had done so to protect himself against me, whom he had offended, and prayed the king to send for me, that he might ask my pardon in public. The king was well pleased, but the prince fell into a rage. I went to the Guzalcan on the 25th, when the king protested he never believed what Jones had said against me, and that he considered him a villain, yet could not but protect him, as he had cast himself on his mercy. Jones was sent for, and asked my pardon on his knees, declaring on oath to the king that he had in every thing belied me, and that he now made this declaration in a voluntary manner, as he durst not return to his country. The king chid him a little, saying to me that neither he nor any good man could believe such a slanderer. The prince grew angry, and endeavoured to make Jones stand to what he had said formerly against me; and as Jones refused, the prince basely desired him to restore the 150 rupees he had received for bearing witness against me. Jones promised to return the money, for which purpose an under-treasurer was sent along with him to the house in which he lodged, as I would not suffer him to come to mine.

I was forced to seem content, having no way to seek redress, as I had no presents to give, and the king never listens to any request unless well backed, and will even demand it in plain terms, of which the prince takes advantage, urging that the Portuguese bring rich jewels, rubies, and pearls, and treating our English commodities with great scorn. On the 29th of May the Portuguese were admitted to the king with a present, and to sell a ballass ruby, which was said to weigh thirteen _toles_, two and a half of these being equal to an ounce.[200] For this they asked five lacks of rupees, but the king only offered one lack. Asaph Khan also was an advocate for the Portuguese, who made him a present of jewels. They had many rich rubies, ballasses, emeralds, pearls, and other jewels, for sale, with which they so much gratified the king and his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed. The prince and the jesuit fell out about presenting them, which the prince desired, but it had been promised before to Asaph Khan. I had formerly judged concerning the credit of the Portuguese at court by report, but I now experienced the difference between them and us; for they were sought after by all, while they only bought our commodities as it were by way of giving us charity. Besides, the Portuguese had an advantage over us in consequence of their establishments in the neighbourhood, by which they could hinder trade into the Red Sea, being always more at hand to do harm than we, who are only entertained out of a little fear, while our trade and commodities are little cared for.

[Footnote 200: This must be an enormous exaggeration, or error, as in this case the ruby would have weighed 5 1-5th ounces.–E.]

Sec.2. _Occurrences in June, July, and August 1616, from which the Character and Dispositions of the Mogul and his Subjects may be observed_.

The 12th of June a resolution was taken that Sultan Churrum should go to the wars in the Deccan, and a day was fixed for his setting out on his journey, for which all the Bramins were consulted. On this occasion it is reported that Sultan _Parvis_, who is to be recalled, wrote to his father the Mogul, that if his elder brother were sent to assume the command, he would readily obey; but, if dishonoured by sending this his younger brother, he, in the first place, would fall upon him, and would afterwards finish the Deccan war. All the captains, such as Khan-Khanan, Mahomed Khan, Khan Jeban, and others, refuse to serve under the command of Sultan Churrum, who is reputed a tyrant, of whom all men are in greater awe than of the king, more especially now that he is to have the command of the army. Yet the king cannot be persuaded to change his resolution, so that the departure of the prince, with his favourite Zulphecar Khan is determined to take place at the distance of twenty-two days; wherefore I must make haste to finish my business, as after his departure with his minion, Zulphecar Khan, I shall have no chance to recover a single penny, nor to get any justice against him.

The 18th, the king commanded one of his brother’s sons, who had been made a Christian out of policy, to bring him into hatred of the people, to touch a lion on the head which was brought in before the king. But he refused it, being afraid, on which the king desired his youngest son to touch the lion, which he did, without receiving any harm. On this the king commanded his nephew to be taken to prison, whence he is never likely again to be released.

On the 24th a son was born to Sultan Churrum, and being now preparing to set out for the Deccan wars, all men’s eyes are upon him, either for flattery, gain, or envy, none for love. He has received twenty lacks of rupees, equal to L200,000 sterling, towards his expences, and begins to act with more than his usual liberality. Notwithstanding this shew of his father’s affection, a khan at court endeavoured to persuade the king that this expedition would be productive of danger, as prince Parvis, whose honour would be thereby wounded, would certainly not submit without revenge. To this the king answered, “Let them fight, and he who proves the better captain, shall pursue the war.”

The 25th I had an audience of the king, being sent for by Asaph Khan, and was received by his majesty with much courtesy. This Asaph Khan was much in the prince’s favour, wherefore I was unwilling to disoblige him, though he had given me several provocations. At this time Mukrob Khan, another of the great men, made me offers of service, being of a contrary faction to Asaph Khan, but I thought it best to endeavour to make friends of them both. Among other subjects of discourse, Mukrob told me that the English brought too much cloth and broad-sword blades for sale to India, and hardly any thing else, wherefore he advised they should forbear for two or three years, and rather bring the curiosities of China and Japan, which would be more acceptable, and to bring from England the best cloth of gold, and the richest silks wrought with gold and silver, and above all things, large quantities of Arras hangings.

The 30th I visited Abdalla Hassan, having need of his friendship; and, what is rare in this country, he refused to accept of any present. Abdalla is captain over all the soldiers maintained at court, and treasurer of all the armies. He entertained me with great civility, and few compliments, and made me sit beside him to see the soldiers shoot at marks with their bows and firelocks. Most of them hit the mark with a single bullet, being about the size of a hand, affixed to a butt. We had some discourse together about the manner of using weapons in Europe, after which I took my leave and departed.

Most of July passed in soliciting the prince to sign the articles I had presented to the king, as mentioned before. On the 13th I sent him three bottles of Alicant, and a letter concerning the difference between us and the Portuguese about trade, offering to take all the customs to farm, both inwards and outwards, for the use of the company. The prince, according to his usual barbarous custom of transacting all business in public, caused my letter to be twice read over to him by his secretary, often interrupting him with discourse, and sent word that he would read it again at night and consider its contents, and that I should have his answer through _Mirza Sorocalla_.

That night I went to the durbar to visit the king, who, as soon as I came in, sent Asaph Khan to say that he heard I had an excellent painter in my house, and that he wished to see some of his work. I replied, there was only a young man, a merchant, who drew some figures for his amusement, in a very ordinary manner, with a pen, but which were far from having any claim as paintings. The king said I need not fear his taking any man from me by force, as he would neither do me any injury himself, nor suffer any to be done me by others, and desired he might see the young man and his work. I answered, I had no fears of injury from his majesty, and, for his satisfaction, should bring the young man to the Guzalcan with such drawings as he might have, which were probably figures of elephants, deer, or the like. On this the king bowed his head, saying, if I desired to have an elephant, or any other thing in his country, I had only to let him know freely what I wished, and he would give it me, for he was my friend. I made a low reverence, humbly thanking his majesty, and said that elephants were of no use to me, neither was it the custom of any person of our nation, especially of my rank, to ask any thing: Yet, if his majesty were pleased to give me even the value of a rupee, I should thankfully accept it as a mark of his favour. He answered, that he knew not what I might wish for, but there were many things in his country rare in mine, and desired I might not be dainty, but speak to him freely, and he would give me such things as were most acceptable. He then desired me to be merry, for he was the friend of our nation and of me, and should take care we had no injury done to us. He then desired me to attend that night at the Guzalcan, and to bring with me the young man who painted pictures. Then Asaph Khan wished me to send for him to come to his house, where also he invited me to go till the time when the king came out again, assuring me I should be welcome, which I agreed to. I had never before been so graciously treated by the king as now, which all the great men took notice of, and accordingly altered their deportment towards me. It so happened that the jesuit acted as my interpreter on this occasion, by the king’s appointment.

I went from the durbar to the house of Asaph Khan, according to invitation, and continued there till the king came out again, when I was conducted back, accompanied by Mr Hughes, the supposed painter, with whom the king had some discourse. After this, I shewed the king a curious picture I had of a friend of mine, which pleased him much, and he shewed it to all his company. The king sent for his chief painter, who pretended he could make as good, which I denied, on which a wager of a horse was made between Asaph Khan and me in the king’s presence, and to please him, but Asaph afterwards retracted. After this, the Mogul fell to drinking some Alicant wine which I had presented him, giving some of it to those about him, and then sent for a full bottle, and drinking a cup, sent it to me, saying it soured so fast it would be spoiled before he could drink it, and I had none. This done, he turned him to sleep, when all the candles were put out, and I had to grope my way out in the dark.

This day, a gentlewoman attendant upon _Noor-mahal_ was taken in the king’s house in some improper act with an eunuch, when another animal of the same kind, who loved her, slew her paramour. The poor woman was set up to the arm-pits in the ground, with the earth hard rammed around her, being condemned to remain there three days and two nights in that situation, without sustenance, her head and arms exposed to the violence of the sun. If she survived, she was then to be pardoned. The eunuch was condemned to the elephants. This damsel was found to be worth, in pearls, jewels, and money, sixteen lack of rupees.[201]

[Footnote 201: In Purchas this sum is rated in words at sixteen hundred thousand, while in Churchill it is only in figures 160,000.–E.]

On the 22d, I had letters from Burbanpoor in answer to those I had written to Mohabet Khan, who granted my desire of a firmaun in favour of our nation, granting them a house near the governor’s, strictly commanding that no person should molest them by sea or land, neither to exact from them any customs, or to give them trouble on any pretence, with entire liberty to buy, sell, and transport any commodities at their pleasure, without let or hindrance. I received this in a letter from himself, full of civility and kindness, far exceeding any I had hitherto met with in India, protesting the highest respect, and his earnest wish to give me every content in whatever I might desire. I caused this firmaun to be immediately sent to Surat, so that Broach is now provided as a good retreat from the prince’s injuries, and the customs given up, by which L1500 a-year will be saved, besides all manner of searches and extortions. No person doubts the performance of this firmaun, as Mohabet Khan careth not for the prince, and feareth no man, neither needeth he any person’s favour, being much beloved of the king, and reckoned the second man in the empire. He has all his life been liberal of his purse, and honourable in his word, so that he has the good report of all men. In regard to the customs on trade, as the king takes none, and the governors convert them to their own profit, he professes to scorn abusing the liberties of the king’s ports.

On the 6th of August I was sent for to the durbar, where I had much talk with the king, who asked me many questions to satisfy his curiosity, and desired me to come to the Guzalcan at night, when I should see my picture so exactly copied, that I should not know the copy from the original. He asked me what reward I would give the painter who had made the copy so like, to which I answered, I would give fifty rupees, a painter’s reward. To which the king replied, that his painter was a gentleman, and my proffered reward was too small. I said, that I gave the picture willingly, esteeming it rare, and had no inclination to make comparisons or wagers; and that, if his majesty’s servant had performed well, and would not accept my gift, his majesty was most fit to reward him. So, after many merry jests, and brags of the arts in his dominions, his majesty asked me how often I drank in the day, and how much, and what we drank in England. Mentioning beer, he asked what beer was, how it was made, and whether I could make it here in India. To all of which serious state questions I answered to his satisfaction.

He sent for me again at night, being impatient to triumph in the skilful execution of his painter, and shewed me six pictures, all pasted on one board, one being my own, and the other five done by his artist, and all so like, that by candle-light I was at some loss to determine which was which, being greatly beyond my expectation. At length, by closer inspection, I pointed out my own, and explained the differences between it and the copies, which were not apparent to an inexperienced eye. The king was much pleased that I had not seen the difference at first sight, for which he was full of mirth, and exulted over me. I gave him way, and satisfied him much by praising his painter, saying, that I saw his majesty needed no pictures from our country. He then asked me what reward I would give his painter? To which I answered, I would double my former offer, and if he came to my house, would give him an hundred rupees to buy a nag. The king took this kindly, but said his painter would not accept money, but some other gifts which I had before promised. I said this was referable to my own discretion. To which he answered, that this was true, yet he wished I would name it. To this I said, I would give him a good sword, a pistol, and a picture. “Then,” said the king, “you confess he is a good workman, send for him to your house, and shew him such rarities as you have, and let him choose one, in return for which you shall have any one of these pictures you please, that you may shew in England we are not so unskilful as you supposed.” He then pressed me to make a choice, which I did, and which the king wrapped in paper, and placed in a little book of mine, expressing much exultation at the supposed victory of his painter. I then shewed him a picture I had of his majesty, far inferior to the work I now saw, saying I had judged from it, supposing it among the best. When told where I got it, he asked why I bought any such thing? “Have not I the best, and have not I told you that I would give you any thing you desired?” I thanked his majesty, but said I held it impertinent for me to trouble him in trifles, especially as a beggar. To this he replied, that it was no shame to ask from him, and desired me to speak freely at all times, and pressed me to ask for something. To this I answered, that I would not make choice of any gift, as whatever he was pleased to give, I would joyfully accept as a mark of honour. He then said, if you desire my picture, I will either give you one for yourself or for your king. To this I answered, that if his majesty thought proper to send one to my king, I would gladly carry it, and knew that my sovereign would esteem it much, and take it as a mark of friendship; but, as his majesty had emboldened me by his gracious condescension, I would humbly ask one for myself, which I would keep and leave to my posterity, as a memorial of his majesty’s favour. He answered, as my king did not desire one, but I did, I should have one, and so gave immediate order for its making. He then turned himself to sleep, and we had to go out as before, in the dark.

The 9th of August a band of an hundred robbers were brought in chains before the Great Mogul, together with their accusation. Without any ceremony of trial, he ordered them to be carried away for execution, their chief being ordered to be torn in pieces by dogs, and all the rest to be put to death in the ordinary manner. The prisoners were divided into portions, sent for execution to several quarters of the city, and executed in the streets. Close by my house, the chief was torn in pieces by twelve dogs, and thirteen of his fellows, having their hands and feet tied together, had their necks cut by a sword, yet not quite through, and their naked and bloody bodies were left to corrupt in the street, to the annoyance of the whole neighbourhood.

On the 10th, 11th, and 12th, I was occupied at court in giving notice to the king and prince that a Dutch ship lay before Surat, and refused to give notice of its object till the arrival of a fleet to which it belonged, which was expected with the first fair wind. I took advantage of this circumstance to make them apprehensive of the designs of the Hollanders, and the dangers that might arise from them, all of which was well taken. And, being consulted on the subject, I advised not to come to a rupture with them, and yet to exclude them from trade.

The last of these days I went to visit _Gemaldin Ussen_,[202] the viceroy of _Patan_,[203] and lord of four cities in Bengal, a man of seventy years of age, who had often been employed as an ambassador by the Mogul, had more understanding and courtesy than all his countrymen, was universally esteemed for his hospitality and regard to strangers, and was considered as entirely free from secret ambition. He had often invited me to his house, to which I went this day, and was received with extraordinary kindness and friendship. He even offered me a lack of rupees, and such other demonstrations of courtesy, as bespoke their own refusal. He offered me likewise his credit and favour with the king, and his best advice in every emergence; indeed, omitting nothing that could evince his desire to serve me. All this seemed cordially to proceed from the heart, especially from a person of his years and experience; and, in the course of our conversation, he spoke so plainly of many of the chief men about the court, which, from my own experience, I knew for truth, that I was satisfied he was a true-hearted and well-disposed old man. He gave me much information respecting the customs of this empire, their want of laws, their servitude, the increase of the empire, and many other things, having served in grace and favour under three successive kings. He shewed me a book containing the annals of all memorable actions in his time, which he daily committed to record, and offered me a copy if I would procure it to be translated. This also treated concerning the king’s revenue, and the manner in which it was raised, besides confiscations, gifts, and deductions upon the great men. He shewed me that the government of every province paid yearly a certain rent to the king. Thus, for his government of Patna, he gave yearly to the king eleven lacks of rupees;[204] all other profits of the government being his own, he having entire power and authority to take what he thought fit. His government was estimated at 5000 horse, the pay of each being 200 rupees yearly, of which he only kept 1500 on foot, being allowed the surplus as dead pay. Besides which, he had a daily pension of 1000 rupees, and enjoyed some smaller governments. Yet he assured me that several of the great lords had double the emoluments he enjoyed, and that there were above twenty equal to himself.

[Footnote 202: This name does not appear rightly reported, yet we have no means of correcting its orthography, neither is it of much importance. Perhaps it may have been Jemal-ul-dien Ussan Khan.–E.]

[Footnote 203: This is probably a mistake for Patna in Bengal, and he may have been Nabob, or Nawab, perhaps Soubah of Bengal.–E.]

[Footnote 204: Eleven lack, or 1,100,000 rupees, on the computation formerly assigned, are equal to L110,000. In the Pilgrims, at this place, the rupee is said to equal 2s. 2d, which would add L9166:12:4 to that sum.–E.]

In the course of our conversation, this lord praised the good prophet Jesus, and his laws, and was full of much pleasant and profitable discourse. Some days after this visit, when I thought his kindness had been at an end, he borrowed the king’s banqueting-house and pleasure-garden, called _Havar Gemall_, a mile from town, on purpose to treat me, and earnestly inviting me, I promised to come. He went there himself at midnight, carrying his tents and all requisite furniture and provisions, and fitted up a place very handsomely, by the side of the tank, for the entertainment. I went there in the morning, and on my arrival he came to meet me with extraordinary civility, carrying me into the pavilion he had prepared, where he had some company, among whom were two of his sons, of whom he had thirty in all. He had likewise an hundred servants attending. To amuse me, he carried me to see the king’s little closets and retiring rooms, which were painted in the antique manner, having pictures of some of the French kings, and other Christian princes, on several of the pannels. He said he was only a poor servant of the king, yet wished I might have some content, and had therefore invited me to a slight banquet, that we might eat bread and salt together, to seal a friendship which he entreated me to accept. There were many great men, he alleged, who were better able to shew me kindness, but were proud and false-hearted, and he wished me therefore to trust none of them. For, if I had any business to transact concerning the Portuguese or any other, they who acted as my interpreters would never deliver the truth, but only what pleased themselves, or would give satisfaction in the relation. That, therefore, I should never be rightly understood, nor be able to effect my business without being abused and cheated, nor ever clearly know the situation in which I stood, until I had an Englishman who could speak Persian, who was able rightly to deliver what I wished to have said, without using any other person. And, if I could find any such, the king would readily grant me leave to employ him, having conceived a good opinion of me; insomuch, that the preceding night, at the Guzalcan, when the jewels of _Sheik Ferid_, governor of Lahore, who was lately deceased, were presented to him, he remembered me of his own accord, and seeing a picture of himself which pleased him, he delivered it to Asaph Khan, commanding him to send it to me, that I might wear it for his sake, with many words of favour concerning me, which would make all the great men respect me.

While thus conversing, dinner was served. So sitting down on a carpet, a cloth was spread, divers kinds of banqueting dishes were set before us. The like was done a little on one side for the gentlemen of his company, with whom he went to eat, as they hold it a kind of uncleanness to mingle with us. Upon this, I told him that he had promised we should eat bread and salt together, and without his company I felt little appetite, whereupon he arose from the rest, and sat down beside me, and we fell heartily to our repast. It consisted of various kinds of dishes, together with raisins, almonds, pistachio nuts, and various fruits. After dinner, he played at chess, and I walked about, and after some time spent in discourse, I offered to take my leave. But he said he had invited me to eat with him, and hitherto we had only had a collation, wherefore he entreated I might not depart till we had supped together, to which I readily consented.

About an hour after, the ambassador of one of the kings of the Deccan came to visit him, whom he presented to me, using him with civility, but much inferior to the respect he had shewn me. He afterwards asked me, if the king my master would scorn the offer of service from so poor a man as he was, and if he would vouchsafe to accept a present from a stranger, as he proposed to send a gentleman to England with me to kiss the hands of my sovereign, and to see our country. I answered him as became me, with all civility; so he sent for one presently, whom he questioned if he would venture upon such a journey, and as this person seemed willing, he presented him to me, saying he would provide some of the curiosities of the country for the king my master, and send them by this gentleman along with me. By the manner all this seemed to be in earnest.

While we thus spent our time in friendly converse, supper was brought in; and, as in the morning, two cloths were spread, one before me and my chaplain, with one merchant, on which were set various dishes of roast, fried, and boiled meats, with rice and sallads. On this occasion my honourable entertainer desired me to excuse his company, as it was their custom to eat among themselves, and his countrymen might take it ill if he did not eat with them; so he and his guests, and I with my companions, solaced ourselves with good cheer. The meats were not amiss, but the attendance and order were excellent, as the servants were very diligent and respectful. After the manner of this country of giving presents to invited guests, he made me a present of five cases of sugar-candy flavoured with musk, and a loaf of the finest sugar, as white as snow, weighing fifty pounds, and requested my acceptance of an hundred such against my departure. He then addressed me in these terms:–“You refuse these from me, thinking I am poor, but being made in my government, it costs me nothing, as it comes to me _gratis_.” To this I answered, that he had already much too far obliged me, yet would I not refuse his kindness when ready to go away. On which he replied, that he might not be then provided, and therefore desired I would accept now, that he might not lose both his offer and his labour. Thus, calling himself my father, and me his son, we took leave of each other, with many compliments.

I went to visit the king on the 16th, who, as soon as I came in, called to his women, and reached out his own picture set in gold, and hanging to a chain of gold wire, with a pendant of foul pearl, which he delivered to Asaph Khan, whom I warned not to demand any reverence from me on the occasion which I would not willingly perform; as it is the custom here, when he bestows any gift, that the receiver kneels down and touches the ground with his head; and which ceremony had been exacted from the ambassador of Persia. Then Asaph Khan came to me with the picture, which I offered to take in my hand, but he made a sign to me, to take off my hat and put it about my neck, leading me right before the king. Not understanding his purpose, and doubting he might require my conformance with the custom of the country, called _sizeda_, I resolved rather to forego the present than comply. He made a sign to me to return thanks to the king, which I did after the fashion of our country; on which some of the officers called for me to make _sizeda_, but the king immediately said, No, no, in Persian. So, with many gracious words, I returned to my place. You may judge of the king’s liberality by this mighty gift, which was not in all worth thirty pounds, yet was five times the value of such as he usually gives of that kind, and which are yet held as a special favour, as all the great men wear the king’s picture, which yet none may do but those to whom it is given. This ordinarily consists of only a small gold medal, not bigger than a sixpence, impressed with the king’s image, having a short gold chain of six inches to fasten it on their turbans; and to which, at their own charges, some add precious stones or pearl pendents.

_Gemaldin Ussen_, who had invited me to the _Havaer Gemal_, as before mentioned, being newly appointed governor of _Sinde_, came to dine at my house on the 19th, accompanied by two of his sons and two other gentlemen, and attended by about an hundred servants. He partook of some part of the banquet, which had been prepared at my house by a Mahomedan cook, but declined eating of any of the dishes which were cooked after our English fashion, though he seemed to have a good inclination, being influenced by a superstitious notion; yet he desired that four or five dishes, of his own choice, might be sent to his own house, being all baked meats, dressed in a way he had not before seen, saying he would afterwards eat of them in private, which was accordingly done. At this entertainment, he offered us a free trade and secure residence at the chief town, of Sinde, his new government, and having filled himself with my banquet, he took his leave, after receiving a small present from me, according to the fashion of the country. This day, Mr Hall, my chaplain, died suddenly, to my great grief. He was a man of mild and gentle manners, and a most sincere Christian, of unspotted life and conversation.

On the 20th and the night before, there fell a vast storm of rain, called in this country the _elephant_, owing to which such prodigious streams of water flowed into the great tank, the head of which is of stone and apparently of great strength, that it gave way in one place, causing a sudden alarm that the whole fabric would give way and drown all that part of the town in which I dwelt. Insomuch that the prince and all his women forsook their house, and my nearest neighbour carried off his goods and his wife to the skirts of the hills on his elephants and camels. All persons had their horses ready at their doors, that they might save their lives by flight in case of necessity. We were in the utmost consternation, and sat up till midnight, having no alternative, as we thought, but to flee ourselves and abandon all our goods, for it was reported that the water would rise three feet higher than the top of our house, and carry all away, being only a slight mud building. The foot of the tank was level with our dwelling, and the water was of great extent and very deep, so that the surface of the water stood considerably higher than the top of my house, which stood in a hollow, in the very course of the water, and where every ordinary heavy rain occasioned such a current at my door as to be for some hours impassable by man or horse. But the king caused a sluice to be cut during the night, to conduct the water by another course, so that we were freed from the extreme danger; yet the excessive rain had washed down a considerable part of the walls of my house, and so weakened it by breaches in different parts, that I now feared its falling down, as much as I had dreaded its being swept away by the flood. It was every where so bemired with dirt and water, that I could hardly find a place in which to sit or lie dry, and was forced to be at material charges in having it repaired. Thus were we every way afflicted, by fires, smoke, floods, storms, heats, dust, and flies, and had no season of temperate air and quietness.

On the 27th, I received advice from Surat, that the Dutch had obtained permission to land their goods, and to secure them in a warehouse at that place, carrying on trade till the pleasure of the prince were known, and under condition that they should depart at the first warning.

The king went to _Havar Gemal_ on the 29th, whence he employed himself in hunting. At that place, a resolution was taken, to remove the court to Mundu, a castle near Burhanpoor, where there is no town. At this time, Sultan Parvis came from the Deccan wars in disgrace, and arrived with his train near Agimere; and the king commanded him to retire to Bengal, refusing to admit him into his presence. Having thus dispatched him, without the inconvenience dreaded from a meeting between the brothers, he now proposed to settle Sultan Churrum in the Deccan wars, although all the chief men of the court were averse from this measure; on which account, the king feared to send him down, as was formerly proposed, and had therefore delayed this measure until Prince Parvis was withdrawn, and now meant to establish Churrum by means of his own presence at Mundu, in the neighbourhood of the Deccan. If this resolution is executed, it will put us to much trouble and expence, as we must build a new house both for ourselves and goods, because that castle stands on a hill, and has no buildings near it.

The king returned from hunting on the night of the 30th, and about eleven o’clock sent me a very large and fat wild boar, desiring to have the tusks back, and accompanied by a message, saying it was killed by his own hand, and therefore desiring me to be merry, and to eat it with good cheer. On this occasion, I desired Jaddow, who brought this message from the king, to tell Asaph Khan, that I proposed to visit him next day, when I hoped to receive from him a firmaun of the privileges granted by the king. Asaph Khan sent me back word, that they would not be then ready, but it should be sealed some days after, and that he did not wish to see me till he had given me satisfaction.

Sec.3. _Of the Celebration of the King’s Birth Day, with other Occurrences in September 1616_.

The 2d of September was the birth-day of the Great Mogul, which was solemnized with extraordinary festivities. He was then weighed against a variety of articles, as jewels, gold, silver, stuffs of gold and silver, silk, batter, rice, fruits, and many other things, of each a little, all of which is given to the Bramins. On this occasion, the king ordered Asaph Khan to send for me; who did so, and appointed me to come to the place where the king held his durbar. But the messenger mistook, so that I went not in time, and missed the sight. Being there before the king came out, he sent for me as soon as he noticed me, and enquired why I had not come to see the ceremony of weighing, for which he had given order. I explained the reason, as it actually was, on which he chid Asaph Khan publicly for the omission. He was at this time so richly ornamented with jewels, that I must confess I never saw at any one time such unspeakable wealth. He now amused himself in seeing his greatest elephants brought in before him. Some of these were lord-elephants, having their chains, bells, and furniture all of gold and silver, being attended by many gilt flags and streamers, and each having eight or ten inferior elephants to wait upon him, clothed in gold, silk, and silver. In this way there passed about twelve troops, all very splendidly furnished. The first lord-elephant had all the plates on his head and breast set with rubies and emeralds, being a beast of most wonderful stature and beauty. They all bowed down before the king, making their reverences very orderly, and formed as fine a shew of beasts as I had ever seen. The keepers of each chief elephant made a present to the king. After this was over, the king made me some gracious speeches, and went into the interior apartments.

About ten o’clock at night, after I was in bed, the king sent me a message, saying he had heard I had a picture which I had not shewn him, and desired I would come then to him, bringing the picture with me; and if I would not part with it, that he might see it, and have copies taken for his wives. I rose and carried the picture with me, and when I came to the presence, I found him sitting cross-legged on a little throne, his robes all covered over with diamonds, pearls, and rubies. Before him stood a golden table, on which were above fifty pieces of gold plate, all set with precious stones, some of them being large and of great value. His nobles were all around him in their best attire, whom he commanded to drink cheerfully of several kinds of wine, which stood there in large flaggons.

On my approach he asked for the picture, on which I shewed him two. He seemed astonished at one of these, and asked whose it was; to which I replied, that it was the portrait of a friend who was dead. He asked if I would give it him. I replied, that I valued it more than any thing I had, as being the portrait of one I had loved dearly; but if his majesty would pardon my attachment to that picture, and accept the other, which was French and of excellent work, I would most willingly give it. He thanked me, saying it was that only picture which he desired, and which he loved as much as I did; and, if I would give it him, he would value it more than the richest jewel in his house. I answered that I was not so much in love with any thing, but that I would part with it to satisfy his majesty, being extremely glad to have any opportunity to serve him, and was ready even to present him with my heart, if I could thereby demonstrate my affection. He bowed to me, saying he had never before seen so much art and beauty, and conjured me to tell him truly if ever such a woman had lived. I answered, that there certainly did once live a lady whom this portrait resembled in every thing but perfection. He then said, that he accepted my readiness to give him what I so valued as a great kindness; but would only shew it to his ladies, and cause his own painter make five copies, and if I knew my own I should have it back. I answered, that I had freely given it, and would be glad of his majesty accepting it: But he said he would not keep it, and loved me better for putting so much value on the image of my departed friend. He knew, he added, that it would be doing me an injury to take it from me, and would only have five copies taken, which his wives should wear, and would then return me the original with his own hand. In this art of limning or painting in water colours, his artists are wonderfully expert. But he liked not the other picture, which was painted in oil.

He then told me that this was his birth-day, and all men made merry, and asked me therefore if I would drink with them. I said I would willingly do whatever he was pleased to command, as I sincerely wished him many prosperous days, and that the ceremony of this day might be repeated for an hundred years. He asked me what wine I would have, whether that of the grape or made wine, and whether strong or weak. I said whatever he was pleased to order, hoping he would neither command me to have it too strong or in too large quantity. So he called for a gold cupful of mingled wine, half of the grape and half artificial, which he sent me by one of his nobles, with this message, that I should drink it off twice, thrice, four times, or five times, for his sake, and accept the cup and appurtenances as a present. On drinking a portion of it, I found it stronger than any I had ever tasted, insomuch that it made me sneeze, at which he laughed, and called for raisins, almonds, and sliced lemons, which he sent me on a gold plate, and desired me to eat and drink what I liked, and no more. I then made a reverence for my present, after my own manner, though Asaph Khan wanted me to kneel and knock my head upon the ground, but the king accepted it in my own way. The cup was of gold, set all over with small rubies and turquoises; the cover being likewise gold, and set with great rubies, emeralds, and turquoises; and there was likewise a suitable dish or salver on which to set the cup. I know not the value, because many of the stones are small, and the greater, which also are numerous, are not all clean; but there are above two thousand stones in all, and the gold weighs about twenty ounces. On giving me this splendid present, he sent me word that he esteemed me more than ever he had done a Frank, and asked if I were merry in eating the wild boar he had sent me, how I had it dressed, what I drank with it, and many such compliments; which public shew of his grace and favour did me much service in the eyes of all his nobles, who strove to shew me respect.

After this, he threw among those that stood below, two chargers of rupees, and among us who were round the throne two chargers of hollow almonds made of gold and silver mingled; but I would not scramble as did his great men, for I saw his son did not take any up. He then distributed sashes and girdles of gold tissue to all the musicians and servants, and many others. So drinking heartily himself, and commanding others to drink, he and his nobles became as jovial as could be, and of a thousand humours. But the prince, Asaph Khan, two old men, the former king of Candahar, and I, refrained from drinking. When the king was not able any longer to hold up his head, he lay down to sleep, and we all departed. While going out, I moved Asaph Khan for the dispatch of our privileges, assuring him his majesty could give me no present so acceptable. I said farther, that I had no doubt it lay in his power to dispatch me; but if he did not think proper to do so, or if any other hinderance was in my way, I should on the morrow again apply to the king. He desired me not to do so, for the king loved me and had given orders for dispatching my business, which had been hindered by the preparations for this feast; but he would now send it to me with all speed, and do me all manner of service.

Seven months had now been vainly spent in soliciting the signing and sealing of the articles of amity and commerce, formerly detailed, and I had nothing but promises and delays, from day to day, and from week to week. Therefore on the 3d September, the English fleet being hourly expected to arrive at Surat, I delivered to him a memorial, containing the articles I desired to have an order for, that they might be observed in the unloading of the ships. These were, 1. That the presents coming for the king and prince, should not be opened at the port, but sent up to court under the seals of the customhouse officers. 2. That curiosities sent for presents to other persons, and for the merchants to sell, should also be sent to the court sealed, for the prince to make the first choice. 3. That the gross merchandize should be landed, reasonably rated, and not detained at the customhouse, but that the merchants, on paying the customs, should have full liberty to sell or dispose of it as they pleased; and that the ships should be fully supplied with provisions, without paying any custom for the same.

On the 4th, Asaph Khan sent me back my articles, after so long attendance and so many false promises, some of them altered, and others struck out, together with a letter, saying there was no need of any articles, as an order from the prince to trade at Surat was quite sufficient, he being lord there, and that no grant of trade at Bengal or Sinde could ever be allowed. Notwithstanding all this vexation, I durst not change my mode of proceeding, or wholly quit the prince and Asaph Khan. I therefore drew up other articles, leaving out what seemed displeasing in the former, and desired Asaph Khan to put them into form and procure them to be sealed, or else to allow me to apply to the king, that if he denied me I might leave the country. The substance of these new articles was as follows:–1. That all the subjects of the Great Mogul should receive the English in a friendly manner, suffering them to land their goods peaceably, and to procure provisions for their money without paying customs for them.–2. To have liberty, after paying customs for their goods, to sell them to any one they pleased, and none to force them to sell at an under rate.–3. To have liberty to pass with their goods to any part of the empire, without any farther exactions than those payable at the port.–4. To have the presents for the Mogul and prince sealed without being opened, and sent to the ambassador.–5. To have the goods of those that might die freed from confiscation, and delivered to the surviving English factors.–And finally, That no injury should be offered to any of the English.

On the 8th, Asaph Khan sent me word in plain terms, that absolutely he would procure nothing for me sealed, that in any respect concerned the government belonging to the prince, and that I must rest satisfied with a firmaun or order, signed by the prince, which was quite sufficient, and I needed not to apply any more to him. This clearly revealed the purpose he had so long intended, that we should be entirely dependent on the prince; and I now had just cause to look out for new friends, Asaph Khan having forsaken me. He that first took him for our solicitor engaged us in all this misery, for he was the known protector of our enemies, and a slave to their numerous bribes. I therefore determined to try the prince, and to seem entirely dependent upon him. So I went to the prince on the 10th, and desired he would grant his firmaun for the four articles formerly sent to his secretary, which he threw down to his secretary, so that I hoped to be at rest. I received it on the 11th, but on reading it over, I found two of the four clauses much altered, and one entirely left out; so I returned it, declaring roundly I could not accept it, neither would I suffer any goods to be sent ashore. Never was any man so distressed with such pride, covetousness, and falsehood.

At night, I rode to visit the prince’s secretary, _Mirza Socrolla_, with whom I expostulated the business, declaring my resolution to depart. But I now found the firmaun quite different than I had been informed, and containing all the clauses I had required, though in some phrases rather ambiguous in my judgment, which the secretary interpreted favourably, declaring it was the prince’s intent to satisfy me entirely, and that every thing was quite sufficient for our purpose. After urging the obscurity of some points, and as he had declared the meaning of the prince to me, I requested he would explain them in the same sense to the governor of Surat, which he agreed to; and especially gave order that the customer should pay for fifty pieces of cloth, which he had bought many months before, and wished now to return upon the factors, to their extreme loss. At the close of our conference, he expressed the prince’s desire that we would rely entirely on him, and not cross him in matters belonging to his government, by applying to the king, declaring that we should so find him a better friend than we expected. Being thus satisfied, I was in some hope of success, especially as this man is no taker of bribes, and is reputed honest, and pledged his credit that we should sustain no loss or injury, every thing being referred to him by the prince. So I accepted the firmaun, which, on having it translated, I found very effectual and satisfactory.

The 16th, I went to visit the prince, intending to seem entirely dependent upon him, till I heard what entertainment our ships were likely to meet with. But I found him in much perplexity, fearing the coming of Sultan Parvis to court, he being only at the distance of eight coss, anxiously desiring leave to kiss his father’s hands. The king had even granted his desire, but by the influence of Nourmahal, the favourite queen, he had revoked the permission, and Sultan Parvis was ordered away directly to Bengal.[205] The resolution of the king to remove the court from Agimere still continued, but no one knew certainly where he intended to go.

[Footnote 205: At this place there is an expression in the Pilgrims, coupled with this sentence, which is quite inexplicable. “Yea, although the king had fallen down, and taken his mother by the feet, to obtain her leave to see her son.” We are not sufficiently conversant in the secret history of the Zenana of Shah Jehan-guire to explain this; yet strongly suspect that this sentence ought to have run thus: Although the prince’s mother fell at the king’s feet to obtain leave to see her son.–E.]

Sec.4. _Broils about Abdala Khan and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious projects of Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea Fight with a Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences_.

Several days now passed in soliciting the king and great men, and paying my court to them, without any remarkable occurrence; till on the 9th October, I had letters from Surat, giving me an account that four English ships had arrived there. On the 10th, Abdala Khan, the great governor of Ahmedabad, being sent for to court in disgrace, to answer for many insolent and contemptuous neglects of the king’s commands, thought to stand upon his defence and to refuse compliance. But Sultan Churrum, whose ambitious views sought to turn every thing to his advantage, being desirous to oblige so great a man, who was reckoned one of the chiefest captains in the empire, prevailed upon him to submit, on his word to protect him. Abdala came therefore, in pretended humility, habited as a pilgrim, attended by forty servants on foot, until he arrived within a day’s journey of the court, having 2000 horse attending him at some distance behind. He was this day brought to the _Jarruco_, the place where the king sits in public to see sports and hear complaints, and advanced towards the king, between two noblemen, having chains on his legs, and holding his turban over his eyes, that he might see no one till he had the happiness to behold the king. After making his humble reverence, and answering a few questions, the king forgave him, caused his irons to be taken off, and clothed him in a new vest of cloth of gold, with a turban and sash, as is the custom.

The prince, Churrum, now intended to establish his honour and power on the Deccan wars, which his elder brother Sultan Parvis had been recalled from in disgrace, and which the great commander, Khan-Khannan, had not conducted prosperously, being strongly suspected of a secret understanding with the princes of the Deccan, from whom he was believed to receive pensions. Churrum, therefore, induced his father to recall Khan-Khannan, who refused to obey; and wrote to the king, not to send Churrum to the war, but one of his youngest sons, then only about fifteen. This gave Churrum much uneasiness, as he was exceedingly intent upon having the conduct of this war, for which reason he promised to give the subordinate command of the army to Abdala Khan, under himself, if he could contrive to get Khan-Khannan displaced. Fearing troubles from the ambition and factious practices of his son Churrum, the discontent of the two elder sons, Cuserou and Parvis, and the power of Khan-Khannan, the king was anxious to accommodate matters in the Deccan by accepting a peace, and continuing Khan-Khannan in his government; to which end he wrote him a letter of favour, and proposed to send him a vestment, as a sign of reconciliation, according to custom. Before dispatching these, he acquainted a kinswoman of Khan-Khannan, who lived in the seraglio, with his purpose. Whether she was false to her relation, through the secret influence of Sultan Churrum, or was grieved to see the head of her family so unworthily dealt with, who merited so highly, does not certainly appear: But she plainly told the king, that she did not believe Khan-Khannan would wear any thing the king sent, as he knew his majesty hated him, and had once or twice already sent him poison, which he had put into his bosom instead of his mouth, and proved by trials. For this reason, she was confident Khan-Khannan would not dare to put on any thing sent from his majesty. The king offered to wear the dress himself in her presence for an hour, which she might certify in a letter to her relative. To this she answered, that Khan-Khannan would trust neither of them with his life; but, if allowed to continue quietly in his command, would do his majesty good service. Upon this, the king altered his plans, and resolved to invest Sultan Churrum in the supreme command of the Deccan wars, and to follow after him with another army, to ensure his reception.

Khan-Khannan, having due notice of the storm preparing against him, practised with the Deccan sovereigns, who were at his devotion, to offer favourable terms of peace for a season, as he saw no other way of averting the cloud that hung over both him and them, unless by temporizing till the king and the prince were established farther off. For this purpose, there came two ambassadors at this time to court, from the princes of the Deccan, bringing horses richly caparisoned as presents. The king refused to listen to them, or to accept their gifts, and turned them over to his son, saying that peace or war rested entirely with him. The prince was so puffed up by this favour, though informed that the proposed conditions of peace were highly honourable, that he declared proudly he would listen to no terms, till he was in the field at the head of the army, being resolved that Khan-Khannan should not deprive him of the honour of finishing that war.

The ambitious views of this young prince are quite obvious, and form the common talk of the country, yet the king suffers him to proceed, although he by no means intends him as his successor. Sultan Cuserou, the eldest son, is highly beloved and honoured of all men, and almost adored, for his excellent parts and noble dispositions, with which the king is well acquainted, and even loves him dearly. But he conceives that the liberty of this son would diminish his own glory, and does not see that the ambition of Churrum greatly more tarnishes his own fame than would the virtuous character and noble actions of the other. Thus the king fosters division and emulation among his sons, putting so much power into the hands of the younger, which he believes he can undo at his pleasure, that the wisest here foresee much fatal division in this mighty empire when the present king shall pay the debt of nature, expecting that it will then be rent in pieces by civil wars.

The history of this country, for the variety of its incidents, and the many crooked practices of the present king during the reign of his father, Akbar Shah, and these latter troubles, were well worthy of being committed to writing. But, as the country is so remote, many would despise such information, and as the people are esteemed barbarous, few persons would give it credit. I content myself, therefore, with privately contemplating the singular history of this nation, although I could narrate so many singular and amusing state intrigues, subtle evasions, policies, answers, and adages, as could not be easily equalled in the history of one age or country. One incident, however, that occurred lately, I cannot omit relating, as it evinces the wisdom and patience of the emperor, the incorruptible fidelity of a servant, the detestable falsehood of a brother, and the impudent boldness of a faction, ready to dare every infamous action, when permitted by the supreme ruler to exercise an authority beyond the limits of their condition, and contrary to the dictates of reason and true policy.

The favourite Prince Sultan Churrum, together with the favourite Queen _Nourmahal_, aunt to his wife, Asaph Khan father-in-law to Churrum, and brother of _Nourmahal_, and _Etiman Dowlet_, father of _Asaph Khan_ and _Nourmahal_, being the faction that now governed the emperor, and who believed their bad influence in danger of being overthrown if the prince _Cuserou_ were allowed to live, determined to use every effort for his destruction, and to endeavour to get him into their power, that they might end his days by poison, for they knew that he was universally beloved among the nobles, and that his remaining in life and restoration to liberty must some day overthrow and punish their ambitious projects. To attain their infamous purposes, Nourmahal was instructed to practise upon the king’s weakness, by false tears and bewitching blandishments, to insinuate that Sultan Cuserou was not in sufficiently safe custody, and that he still meditated aspiring projects, contrary to the authority and safety of the emperor, who listened to all her insinuations, yet refused to understand her, as she did not plainly speak out her meaning.

As this plan failed, the prince, with Etiman Dowlet and Asaph Khan, took the opportunity of the emperor being drunk, to persuade him, as if for the greater safety and honour of Sultan Cuserou, that it were fitter he should be in the company of his brother Churrum, who would be more regardful of his safety and happiness than could be expected from an idolatrous rajput, to whose custody he had been committed by the emperor. They therefore humbly implored his majesty that Prince Cuserou might be confided to the care of his dear brother Churrum. This was granted by the intoxicated monarch, who immediately fell asleep.

They now deemed their project successful, as having the royal authority; and, considering their own greatness, they believed no one would dare to dispute the warrant, or to refuse delivering the prince into their hands. Accordingly, Asaph Khan went that same night with a guard to the house of _Anna-Rah_, a rajput Rajah, or prince, to demand from, him, in the king’s name and authority, the person of Sultan Cuserou, who had been confided to his custody by the king. Anna-Rah declared that he was the most humble slave of Prince Churrum, whose name Asaph Khan used upon this occasion; but having received charge of Prince Cuserou directly from the hands of the emperor, he would deliver him up to no other person. He therefore entreated that Prince Churrum would have patience till next morning, when he would discharge his duty to the king, whose pleasure, once known, he would implicitly obey. This answer overturned the whole contrivance. In the morning Anna-Rah went to the king, to whom he communicated the demand made upon him in the name of Prince Churrum, saying. That his majesty had given his son Cuserou to his charge, together with the command of 4000 horse, with all of whom he was ready to die at the imperial gate, rather than resign the prince into the hands of his enemies: But, if his majesty required, he was ready at all times to obey his commands. To this the king replied, “You have done honestly and faithfully, and have answered discretely. Continue your purpose, and take no notice of any orders. I will not seem to know any thing of this, neither do you speak of it any farther. Preserve your fidelity, and let us see how far they will prosecute this affair.”

Next day, finding the king silent on the subject, the prince and his faction took no notice of any thing, hoping the king might forget what had passed in his cups over night. I have communicated this incident, that you may beware of scattering your goods in this country, or of engaging your servants and stock too deeply; for the time will come when the whole of this empire will be in commotion, and it is not a few years war that will put a period to the inveterate enmity accumulated on all hands against a day of vengeance. Should Sultan Cuserou prevail in procuring his rightful inheritance, this empire will become a sanctuary for Christians, whom he loves and honours, being a patron of learning, and an encourager of true valour and just government, abhorring all covetousness, and despising the base custom of accepting bribes and presents, in use among his ancestors and the nobility of this empire. Should Sultan Churrum ascend the throne, it will be a great loss to us, as he is a rigid adherent to the superstition of Mahomet, a hater of all Christians, proud, subtle, false, and barbarously tyrannical.[206]

[Footnote 206: From this paragraph it appears that the journal of Sir Thomas Roe was addressed to the Governor and Committees, or Directors of the East India Company.–E.]

The king returned from hunting on the night of the 13th October, and sent me a wild pig. An ambassador is daily expected here from Shah Abbas, king of Persia. This day I received advice of the arrival of four of our ships in safety at Swally roads, and at the same time received letters from England. The fleet, originally consisting of six ships, left England on the 9th March, 1616, losing company of the Rose about the North Cape, in foul weather. The other five arrived safely in Saldanha bay on the 12th June, where the Lion was waiting for a wind, homewards bound, her officers and people all in good health. After staying some time at the Cape without news of the missing ship, they dispatched the Swan for Bantam, and sailed on the 29th June with the other four ships for Surat. On this passage, on the 6th August, when in lat. 12 deg. 50′ S. near the Comora islands, they got sight of a carrack of 1500 tons burden, and 600 men, being the admiral of a fleet for Goa. The Globe fetched her to windward, and after the usual salutations of the sea, the carrack commanded her to leeward, and seconded this order with five shots through her hull, to which the Globe replied with eighteen, and then luffed off. The admiral of the English got now up with all his ships, and demanded satisfaction for the injury, which was replied to with scorn. On this an engagement ensued, in which the commander, Benjamin Joseph, was soon slain, but his successor continued the battle. Towards evening the carrack ran herself ashore on the rocks of _Angazesia_. Our fleet came to anchor in the offing to wait the event, and sent a boat to offer fair terms of battle. But about midnight the carrack was set on fire, and continued to burn all next morning. The English sent their boats to give assistance, but could not approach, and they had reason to believe that not one man was saved.[207] The new viceroy of Goa was in this ship, by whose obstinacy the death of all the rest was occasioned. Our fleet came to anchor off Swally on the 24th September, 1616.

[Footnote 207: It was afterwards known that some few escaped with life and poverty. A more particular account of this fight will be found in the subsequent journal of Alexander Child.–_Purch._]

The 14th October I waited on the emperor, to whom I imparted his majesty’s salutations, which were courteously received, but he immediately began to enquire what presents had been sent to him. I mentioned our late fight and victory, at which he seemed to rejoice, and applauded the valour of our nation; but he immediately shifted the discourse, asking what our king had sent him. I answered, that he had sent many tokens of his love and affection; but knowing that his majesty was lord of the best portion of Asia, and the richest monarch of the East, my sovereign was satisfied the sending of rich gifts to his majesty were to cast pearls into the sea, their common mother and storehouse; but that my master, together with the warmest assurance of his love, had sent him many curiosities, which I hoped would give him entire satisfaction. He urged me to mention particulars, some of which I named. He asked me for French _muffe_ or velvet, to which I answered, that all my letters were not arrived. He then enquired if there were any dogs. To which I answered, that some had been slain in the battle at sea, but that two were preserved for him, at which he seemed much rejoiced. He then said, if I could procure him one of our great horses, such as I had described, being a _roan_ or Dutch horse, he would value it more than an additional kingdom. I answered, that I should use my best endeavours to satisfy his majesty, but much feared it could not be effected, owing to the length of the voyage. He said he would willingly give a lack of rupees for such a horse. I then desired he would be pleased to give an order for the transmission of the presents without being searched, and for the good usage of our people. He answered, that the port belonged to his son, but sent for him, and publicly gave orders for what I required; that the presents should not be searched, nor pay any custom, but should be sent up safe to me with all expedition, that I might distribute them at my discretion. He likewise commanded the prince to give orders for the good usage of our people, and that I should be satisfied in all my demands. This order did not extend to the grant of a fort, as Asaph Khan had absolutely refused to deliver in that clause. This charge was very round and hearty on the part of the king, and a great grace to me. The prince called Asaph Khan forwards in my presence, and promised, before his father and the whole court, to give me all reasonable satisfaction. All this was on the strength of the new presents.

That same day I sent for the Portuguese jesuit who resided at court, and gave him an account of the engagement between our ships and the carrack, offering to make peace between our nation and the Portuguese upon equal terms. He promised to acquaint the viceroy of Goa with my offer, and so departed. The 15th I received accounts from Masulipatan that Captain Keeling had taken a Portuguese ship and two barks; one on the coast of Cochin, laden with tin, and the other freighted from Bengal, both of which were carried to Bantam. I was also informed that Sir Robert Shirley had been dismissed with disgrace from Goa, and was on his way overland to Masulipatan, to procure a passage; but am apt to believe this intelligence is untrue.

The 16th, being with the prince’s secretary about the dispatch of our affairs, he proposed to me, by his master’s orders, to procure him two gunners from our fleet to serve him in the Deccan war, offering good pay and good usage. This I undertook to perform, knowing that indifferent artists might serve there. While at the prince’s palace, Abdala Khan came to visit him, so magnificently attended, that I have not before seen the like. He was preceded by about twenty drums, and other martial music, on horseback, who made abundant noise. After them followed fifty persons bearing white flags, and two hundred well-mounted soldiers, all richly clothed in cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silks, who all entered the gate with him in regular array. Next his person were forty targeteers, in the richest liveries. After making his humble reverence, he presented a black Arabian horse, splendidly caparisoned, all his furniture being studded with flowers of enamelled gold, and set with small precious stones. According to custom, the prince returned a turban, a vest, and a girdle.

Still persisting in his purpose of personally finishing the war in the Deccan, he would give no answer to the ambassadors from that country, but detained them till he should come to the frontiers. Being now about to depart, he and his party thought themselves not secure if Sultan Cuserou remained under the safeguard of Anna-Rah, lest, during the absence of Churrum, the king might be reconciled to Cuserou, by whose liberty all the hopes and power of their faction would be overthrown, in which case their ambition and the injuries they had done could hardly escape punishment. In this view they continued to urge the king to deliver Sultan Cuserou into the custody of Asaph Khan, as deputy on that occasion to Churrum, under pretence that this measure would intimidate Khan-Khannan and the Deccan princes, when they shall learn that Sultan Churrum is so favoured that the king has delivered his eldest son into his keeping, giving him as it were present possession of the kingdom, and the certain prospect of succession. Accordingly, on the 17th of October, Sultan Cuserou was delivered up as they desired, the soldiers of Anna-rah were discharged, and those of Asaph Khan placed over him, assisted by 200 horse belonging to the prince. The sister of Sultan Cuserou, and several other women in the seraglio, have put themselves in mourning, refuse to take their food, and openly exclaim against the dotage and cruelty of the king; declaring, if Cuserou should die, that an hundred of his kindred would devote themselves to the flames, in memory of the king’s cruely to the worthiest of his sons.

The king endeavoured to sooth them by fair words, protesting that he had no evil intentions towards his son, whom he promised speedily to deliver from captivity, and even sent his favourite Nourmahal to endeavour to appease the enraged and disconsolate ladies; but they refused to admit her visit, loading her with curses and threatnings. The common people universally condemn the king’s conduct, saying, that he has not only delivered his son’s life, but his own into the keeping of an ambitious prince and treacherous faction, and that Cuserou cannot perish without extreme scandal to his father, unless he amply revenge his death, for which cause the party will dispatch the king first, and his eldest son afterwards, that through their deaths the ambitious and unnatural Churrum may mount the throne. Every hour new rumours are spread of the deliverance of Cuserou, which are speedily contradicted; for he still remains in the tyger’s den, refuses food, and requires that his father