at our door and thanked me for the salute given him in passing our ship. I requested he would excuse me if I had hitherto neglected any part of my duty towards him, which was owing to my small acquaintance with the country and its customs, but that I meant to wait upon him either at his lodgings or aboard his junk, before he left Firando. He answered, that I should be heartily welcome, and remained so long in conversation, that it was quite dark before he got to his lodgings. At this time I carried the present to him, which he accepted in good part, offering to do our nation all the good in his power at court, whither he was now bound, or to serve us all he could any where else. Of his own accord, he began now to speak about the deserters, asking me if they should all be pardoned for his sake, if he brought them back to us? I answered, that the power of pardon belonged to our general, not to me, and that I had no doubt they might easily get free, except one or two of the chiefs in this and other disorders, who richly deserved punishment. He then said that he wished them all pardoned, without any exception: to which I answered, that I was sure our general would most willingly do any thing desired by his highness, or the two kings of Firando. In conclusion, he said, if I would give it under my hand on the faith of a Christian, that all should be pardoned for this time, and that I would procure the general to confirm this at his return, he would then send to Nangasaki for the deserters, and deliver them into my custody, otherwise he would not meddle in the matter, lest he might occasion any of their deaths. I answered, I was contented with any thing his highness was pleased to command, and so gave him the desired writing under my hand, conditioning that they were all to be sent back. I then returned to our house after which the Dutch waited upon him with their present, but we were before hand with them.
On the 8th _Semidono_ passed our house, and told me that king _Bon-diu_ had a brother along with him, to whom it would be proper that we should give a present, but not so large as that given to Bon-diu. On this, advising with the other gentlemen, I laid out a present for him, and on going to deliver it, I found the Dutch before me with theirs, Captain Brower going with it himself. He accepted it very kindly, promising his interest and assistance to our nation, both at court and any where else. He came soon afterwards to our house, accompanied by many gentlemen, when they looked over all our commodities, yet went away without making any purchases. On this occasion he gave me a small _cattan_, and I gave him two glass bottles, two gally-pots, and about half a _cattee_ of picked cloves, which he said he wanted for medicinal purposes. I likewise gave him and his followers a collation, with which they all seemed contented.
Soon afterwards, _Bon-diu_ sent a gentleman to me, desiring to have my written promise for pardon to our deserters, to which I consented, after consulting with the other gentlemen. If I had not done this, we certainly had never got them back, and the Spaniards would have sent them to Manilla or the Moluccas. Immediately after this, I got notice that _Bon-diu_ and his brother meant to visit our ship, wherefore I sent some banqueting stuff aboard, and went myself to meet them, when they were entertained as we best could. Bon-diu gave two _cattans_, and we saluted them with seven guns at their departure. The brother returned soon after, and requested to have one of the little monkeys for his brother’s children; so I bought one for five dollars from our master-gunner, and sent it to _Bon-diu_. He being ready to go on shore, desired to have me along with him in his boat, which I complied with, and he was saluted with three guns at his departure, which, as I learnt afterwards, was much esteemed by both brothers. When ashore, he insisted to accompany me to our factory, much against my inclination, as I was again forced to give him a collation in Mr Adamses chamber, after which he and his companions went away seemingly satisfied. Late at night, old king Foyne sent a man to me to enquire the particulars of the presents I had given to both brothers, all of which he set down in writing, but I could never know the reason of this. I forgot to mention that Bon-diu, just before going aboard our ship, went to bathe in a new warm-bath at the Dutch factory. The 9th Bon-diu sent one of his men to give me thanks for the kind entertainment he had on board, and sent me by the messenger two barrels of Miaco wine. Soon after, his brother sent me a similar message and present. They were both very earnest to have a perspective-glass, wherefore I sent them an old one belonging to Mr Eaton; but it was soon after returned with thanks, as not suiting them.
On the 10th, two sons of another governor of Nangasaki who dwells in the town, came to see our house, both of them being Christians. After shewing them our commodities, I gave them a collation, accompanied with music, Mr Hownsell and the carpenter happening both by chance to be at the factory. While we were at table, old king Foyne came in upon us quite unexpectedly, and sat down to partake. I then desired our jurebasso to request the speedy sending back of our runaways, which they all promised, provided they should be pardoned, as I had formerly promised, and which promise I now renewed. Old Foyne desired that I would send him next day a piece of English beef; and another of pork, sodden with onions. I accordingly sent our jurebasso next day with the beef and pork, together with a bottle of wine, and six loaves of white bread, all of which he very kindly accepted. He had at table with him his grandson the young king, _Nabison_, his brother, and _Semidono_, his kinsman.
On the 12th I went to visit both kings, and found the old one asleep, but spoke with his governor, after which I went to the young king, who received me.[32] He gave me thanks for the kind entertainment I had given the strangers, which he said his grandfather and he took in as good part as if done to themselves. Towards night, Foyne sent to say that he understood the strangers, who were now departed, had taken away various commodities from me, paying only as they thought good themselves, and not the prices I required. I answered, that they had certainly done so, but I knew not whether it were the custom of the country, being given to understand that they were in use to do so at Nangasaki both with the Chinese and Portuguese, and that in reality what they had taken from me was not worth the speaking of. I was answered, that although this was done at Nangasaki with the Chinese, who were forbidden to trade at Japan, they had not authority to do so with those strangers who had the privilege of trade, more especially here at Firando, where these people had no authority. I sent back my humble thanks to the king for the care he used to see justice done both to strangers and natives, saying, I would wait upon his highness myself to inform him of the whole truth. Captain Brower sent me word that they had taken various commodities from him, paying him just as they pleased; he also sent an empty bottle, desiring to have it filled with Spanish wine, as he had invited certain strangers, and had none of his own.
[Footnote 32: It was now a great festival among the pagans, which began on this day, said to be like the Lent of the papists.–_Purch._]
I heard three or four guns or chambers discharged on the 13th, which I supposed had been done at the Dutch house, in honour of the king; but I afterwards learnt that they were shot by a Chinese junk which was passing for Nangasaki. Shortly after, the old king sent for me to come to dinner at the Dutch house, and to bring Mr Eaton with me, and a bottle of wine.[33] Mr Eaton had taken medicine, and could not go out, but I went. We had an excellent dinner, the dishes being dressed partly in the Japanese fashion, and partly according to the Dutch way, but no great drinking. The old king sat at one table, accompanied by his eldest son and two brothers of the young king, as the young king had sent to say he was not well. At the other table there sat, first, _Nabesone_, the old king’s brother, then myself, next me _Semidono_, then the old king’s governor, and below him _Zanzebar’s_ father-in-law, and various other Japanese gentlemen on the other side of the table. Captain Brower did not sit down, but carved at table, all his own people attending and serving on their knees. Captain Brower even gave drink to every one of his guests with his own hands, and upon his knees, which seemed very strange to me. When they had dined, Foyne and all his nobles went away, and Captain Brower accompanied me to our house. I asked him why he served these people on his knees, when he told me it was the custom of the country, even the king serving his guests on his knees when he made a feast, to do them the more honour. Before night the old king came to the English house, and visited all its apartments. I gave him a collation, and after staying an hour, and taking one thing and another, he went his way.
[Footnote 33: These things are mentioned to shew how poor Cockes was imposed upon among them; as, taking advantage of his weak side, they seem all to have wished to get from him all they could, without any design of serving him in return.–Astl. I. 518. b.]
On the 16th, learning that two Christians were arrived from Nangasaki, I went to visit them, and to enquire about our runaways. One was George Peterson, a Dutchman, born in Flushing; the other was Daman Maryn, a native of Venice. They told me that our runaways had been conveyed away in a small bark for _Macoro_,[34] and that they two had deserted in hope of procuring a passage in our ship to return to their own countries; they said they were well known to Mr Adams, and were desirous to have gone immediately on board, being both seafaring men. The Dutchman had served three or four and twenty years with the Spaniards, and came master’s mate in one of their ships from _Agua-pulca_ [Acapulco.] for Manilla in the Philippine islands. They had plenty of money, and would have sent it to our ship or to our factory; but I told them that I durst not presume to entertain them in the absence of our general, yet would do them all the service in my power at his return. I accordingly sent Miguel to inform the king that these two strangers were come to seek a passage in our ship, not being Spaniards nor subjects of Spain. The king sent me back for answer, that they were welcome, if they were such as they reported themselves; but, if Spaniards or Portuguese, he could not allow them to remain in Firando, as the Spanish ambassador had procured an order from the emperor that all Spaniards should retire to Manilla.
[Footnote 34: Called in the sequel Macow, or Macao, the Portuguese settlement on the coast of China, at the mouth of the _Bocca-tigris_, or river of Canton.–E]
The two strangers came to me early on the 17th, requesting me to accompany them to wait upon the king, to give them the better countenance, which I agreed to. On the way, they told me that our fugitives had given out at Nangasaki that more of our people would follow them, as none of any account would stay to navigate the ship home, because their officers used them more like dogs than men. They alleged also, that twenty resolute Spaniards might easily get possession of our ship in one or two small boats. The old king received us very kindly, and asked the strangers many questions about the wars in the Molucca islands between the Spaniards and Dutch. They said the Spaniards were resolved to prosecute this war with much vigour, having prepared a strong force for that purpose. They also told the king that all our fugitives had, as they believed, been secretly conveyed away from Nangasaki seven days before, in a _soma_ that went from thence for _Macow_.[35] The king would not believe them, saying it was impossible such a man as Bon-diu, having given his word to restore them, should be found false to his promise. In the end, he agreed to allow these men to remain, and to go along with our ship, if our general pleased to take them. So the poor men returned much contented to their lodgings, assuring me they would prove faithful to us, and that we need not wish any worse punishment to our fugitives than the bad treatment they would receive from the Spaniards.
[Footnote 35: Macow, or Macao, a town of the Portuguese near the continent of China. Miguel, the jurebasso, servant to Mr Adams, was suspected of double-dealing in this affair of the fugitives: the circumstances I omit.–_Purch._]
The 18th we had a total eclipse of the moon, which began about eleven p.m. The 19th, about the same hour, a fire began in Firando, near the young king’s house, by which forty houses were burnt down; and, had not the wind fallen calm, most of the town had been destroyed. Had not our Englishmen bestirred themselves lustily, many more houses had gone to wreck, for the fire took hold three or four times on the opposite side of the street to our house, which they as often extinguished, for which they were very much commended by the king and other principal people. Old Foyne came to our door on horseback, and advised us to put all our things into the _godown_, and daub up the door with wet clay, which would place them in safety. Captain Brower likewise, and some of his people, came very kindly to our house, offering to assist us either by land or water, if needful. It could not be known how this fire began, but there were reports among the Japanese that there would soon be a still greater fire, which had been predicted by the devil and his conjurers. I pray God it may not be done purposely by some villainous people, on purpose to rob and steal what they can lay hold of during the trouble and confusion.
The 20th I went to visit Captain Brower at the Dutch house, to return thanks for his friendly assistance the night before. Towards night, Hernando the Spaniard and Edward Markes returned from Nangasaki, where they could not procure sight of any of our fugitives, though they were still at that place. A Portuguese or Spaniard at Nangasaki, in high authority about sea affairs, told Markes we should never have our men back; but that if all the rest of our people would come, leaving the ship empty, they would be well received, and would be still more welcome if they brought the ship with them. The Japanese, who had been sent by king Foyne along with our people to look for our runaways, would not allow Markes to stir out of doors for a night and half a day after their arrival at Nangasaki, he going abroad himself, and Hernando lodging at a different place, whence I suspect there was some fraudulent understanding between the Japanese and Hernando, and have now lost hope of ever getting our men back. I blamed the jesuits, and the old king agreed with me, and told me he would take care that no more of our people should be carried to Nangasaki, except they stole the ship’s boats, as the others had done, of which I gave notice to Mr James Foster, our master. Foyne at this time issued an edict, strictly forbidding any of the Japanese from carrying away any of our people, without previously making it known to him and me.
The 23d I was informed of a great pagan festival to be celebrated this day, both kings and all the nobles being to meet at a summer-house erected before the great pagoda, to see a horse-race. I think there must have been above 3000 people assembled together on this occasion. All the nobles went on horseback, each being accompanied by a retinue of slaves, some armed with pikes, some with fire-arms, and others with bows and arrows. The pikemen drew up on one side of the street, and the shot and archers on the other, the middle being left open for the race. Right before the summer-house, where the king and nobles were seated, was a large round target of straw, hung against the wall, at which the archers running at full career on horseback discharged their arrows. The street was so crowded, that neither the present we sent, nor we ourselves, could get admission, so we passed along the street and returned by another way to our house. Late at night, the brother of Zanzibar’s wife came to our house, bringing me a present of a haunch of venison and a basket of oranges, being accompanied by Zanzibar himself. About ten at night, the Chinese captain, our landlord, came to inform us that the king had ordered a tub of water to be kept ready on the top of every house, as the devil had given out that the town was to be burnt down that night: Yet the devil proved a liar: We got however a large tub on the top of our house, which held twenty buckets of water; and all night long people ran about the streets calling out for every one to look well to their fires, so that it was strange and fearful to hear them.
This report of burning the town was still current on the 24th, and every one was making preparations to prevent it. I made ready fifteen buckets, which cost six _condrines_ each, which I filled with water and hung up in our yard, setting a large tub beside them full of water, besides that on the house top. I gave orders likewise to get two ladders ready for carrying water to the roof, and provided nine wine casks filled with tempered clay, ready for daubing up the doors of the _gadonge_, [godown or fire-proof warehouse,] if need should require in consequence of a conflagration, from which dire necessity may God defend us. All night long, three or four men ran continually backwards and forwards in the streets, calling out for every one to have a care of fire, and making so horrible a noise, that it was both strange and fearful to hear them.
On the 25th, the Chinese captain, our landlord, was taken sick, and sent for a piece of pork, which I sent him, and immediately afterwards I went to visit him, carrying a small bottle of Spanish wine. While I was there, Semidono and our guardian’s father-in-law came likewise to visit him. The king sent me word, by Miguel, our jurebasso, that he had a bad opinion of Hernando Ximenes our Spaniard, and that he meant to have run away when lately at Nangasaki. But I knew this to be false, as he had then free liberty to go where he pleased, and did not run away. I had another complaint made against him, that he was a notorious gambler, and had enticed several to play, from whom he won their money, which I believe rather than the other accusation. I find by experience, that the Japanese are not friendly to the Spaniards and Portuguese, and love them at Nangasaki the worse, because they love them so well.[36] In the night between the 24th and 25th, some evil-disposed persons endeavoured to have set the town of Firando on fire in three several places, but it was soon extinguished, and no harm done; but the incendiaries were not discovered, though doubtless owing to the conjurers and other base people, who expected an opportunity of making spoil when the town was on fire.
[Footnote 36: This is quite obscure, and may perhaps allude to the efforts of the Jesuits at Nangasaki, to convert the Japanese to a new idol worship, under the name of Christianity.–E.]
The 26th of October, Mr Melsham being very sick, _Zanzibar_ came to visit him, and urged him to use the physic of the country, bringing with him a _bonze_, or doctor, to administer the cure. Mr Melsham was very desirous to use it, but wished our surgeon to see it in the first place. So the bonze gave him two pills yesterday, two in the night, and two this morning, together with certain seeds; but, for what I can see, these things did him no good. God restore his health! At this time, all our waste-cloths, pennants, brass sheaves, and other matters, were sent aboard, and our ship was put into order to receive our general, whose return was soon expected. Last night another house was set on fire by some villains, but was soon extinguished with very little harm; yet our nightly criers of fire continue to make such horrible noises, that it is impossible for any one to get rest. The Chinese captain still continued sick, and sent to beg some spiced cakes and two wax-candles, which I sent him, as I had done before. Mr Melsham now grew weary of his Japanese doctor and his prescriptions, and returned to our surgeon Mr Warner, to the great displeasure of Zanzibar and the bonze.
Sec.10. _Conclusion of Observations by Mr Cockes_.
Our Chinese landlord came to our house on the 30th October, to inform me of a general collection of provisions of all kinds, then making at every house in Firando, to be sent to the two kings, in honour of a great feast they were to give next day, together with a comedy or play. By his advice, and after consulting with the other gentlemen of the factory, I directed two bottles of Spanish wine, two roasted hens, a roasted pig, a small quantity of rusk, and three boxes of confections and preserves to be sent, as a contribution towards their feast. Before night the young king sent one of his men to me, requesting me to furnish him with some English apparel, for the better setting out their comedy, and particularly to let him have a pair of red cloth breeches. I answered, that I had nonesuch, and knew not any of our people who had; but any clothes I had that could gratify his highness were much at his service. At night the old king sent to invite me to be a spectator of their comedy on the morrow, and to bring Mr Foster, our master, along with me.
Next day, being the 31st, I sent our present, formerly mentioned, to the kings by our jurebasso before dinner, desiring their highnesses to excuse the master and myself, and that we would wait upon them some other time, when they had not so much company. This however did not satisfy them, and they insisted on our company, and that of Mr Eaton; so we went and had a place appointed for us, where we sat at our ease and saw every thing. The old king himself brought us a collation in sight of all the people; Semidono afterwards did the like in the name of both kings, and a third was brought us in the sequel by several of their principal nobles or attendants. But that which we most noted was their play or comedy, in which the two kings, with their greatest nobles and princes, were the actors. The subject was a representation of the valiant deeds of their ancestors, from the commencement of their kingdom or commonwealth to the present time, which was mixed with much mirth to please the common people. The audience was very numerous, as every house in the town of Firando, and every village, place, or hamlet in their dominions brought a present, and all their subjects were spectators. The kings themselves took especial care that every one, both high and low, should eat and drink before they departed. Their acting, music, singing, and poetry, were very harsh to our ears, yet the natives kept time to it, both with hands and feet. Their musical instruments were small drums or tabors, wide at both ends and small in the middle, resembling an hour-glass, on one end of which they beat with one hand, while with the other they strained the cords which surround it, making it to sound soft or loud at their pleasure, and tuning their voices to its sound, while others played on a fife or flute; but all was harsh and unpleasant to our ears. I never saw a play of which I took such notice, as it was wonderfully well represented, yet quite different from ours in Christendom, which are only dumb-shews, while this was as truth itself, and acted by the kings themselves, to preserve a continual remembrance of their affairs.
On this occasion, the king did not invite the Dutch, which made our being present seem the greater compliment. When I returned to our house, I found three or four of the Dutchmen there, one of whom was in a Japanese habit, and came from a place called _Cushma_,[37] which is within sight of Corea. I understood they had sold pepper there and other goods, and suspect they have some secret trade thence with Corea, or are likely soon to have, and I trust if they do well that we shall not miss, as Mr Adams was the man who put them upon this trade, and I have no doubt he will be as diligent for the good of his own countrymen as he has been for strangers. Hernando Ximenes was with Captain Brower when the two men came from Cushma, and asked them whence they came, at which Brower was very angry, telling him he should have no account of that matter.
[Footnote 37: Key-sima, an island considerably to the N.E. of Firando, and nearly midway between Niphon and Corea, from which it may be about forty miles distant.–E.]
Towards night, I was informed that two Spaniards were arrived from Nangasaki, and were lodged with _Zanzibar_. They sent for our jurebasso to come to them, but I did not allow him, on which they and Zanzibar came to our house. One of them was _Andres Bulgaryn_, a Genoese, who had passed Firando only a few days before, and the other _Benito de Palais_, pilot-major of the Spanish ship lately cast away on the coast of Japan, the same person who came here formerly from Nangasaki to visit Captain Adams. They said they had come to visit their friends, me in the first place; and used many words of compliment, after which they entered into conversation respecting our fugitives. They pretended that it was not the fathers, as they called the jesuits, who kept our people from being seen and spoken with, but the natives of Nangasaki, who they said were very bad people. In fine, I shrewdly suspected these fellows of having come a-purpose to inveigle more of our people to desert, as the others did, wherefore I advised our master to have a watchful eye both to the ship and boats, and to take special notice who kept company with our men, as it was best to doubt the worst, for the best will save itself.
On the night of the 1st November, two houses were set a-fire on the other side of the water, which were soon extinguished, but the villains could not be found out. This day I sent word to Mr Foster on board, to look well to the ship and the boats, and to the behaviour of our people, as I strongly suspected the two Spaniards of being spies, come to entice away our men. I sent him word likewise, that I understood the Spaniards meant to invite him that day to dinner, but wished him to beware they did not give him a _higo_.[38] He answered, that he had the same opinion of them I had, and should therefore be mainly on his guard. He came soon after on shore, and the Spaniards came to our house, where by much entreaty they prevailed on Mr Foster and Mr William Eaton to go with them to dinner at Zanzibar’s house, along with Hernando and the other two Spaniards. But these two Spaniards came to me, and desired me to tell Mr Foster and those who went with him, to take heed they did not eat or drink of any thing they did not see tasted by others, as they were not to be trusted, which I communicated to Mr Foster and Mr Eaton. Ximenes told me that Mr Adams had goods in his hands belonging to the pilot-major, who had come in the hope of finding Mr Adams here, and meant to wait his return. He said they had likewise brought letters from the bishop and other fathers to the other two Spaniards, advising them to return to Nangasaki, but which I think they will not do. I this day sent our jurebasso to both kings and the other nobles, to give them thanks for the kind entertainment we had received the day before.
[Footnote 38: From the sequel, this unexplained term seems to imply treachery.–E.]
The 2d, some villains set fire to a house in the fish street, which was soon put out, and the incendiaries escaped. It is generally thought these fires were raised by some base renegados who lurk about the town, and who came from Miaco: Yet, though much suspected, no proof has hitherto been brought against them. There has, however, been orders given to construct gates and barriers in different parts of all the streets, with watches at each, and no person to be allowed to go about in the night, unless he be found to have very urgent business. Another villain got this night into the house of a poor widow, meaning to have robbed her; but on her making an outcry, he fled into the wood opposite our house, where the Pagoda stands.[39] The wood was soon after beset all around by above 500 men, but the robber could not be found. At night, when we were going to bed, there was a sudden alarm given that there were thieves on the top of our house, endeavouring to set it on fire. Our ladders being ready, I and others went up immediately, but found nobody, yet all the houses of our neighbours were peopled on the top like ours on similar alarms. This was judged to be a false alarm, risen on purpose to see whether any one would be found in readiness. At this very time there was a house set on fire, a good way from our house, but the fire was soon quenched. The night before, three houses were set a-fire in different parts of the town, but the fires were all extinguished at the beginning, so that no hurt was done. At this time, an order was issued to give notice of all the inhabitants dwelling in every house, whether strangers or others; and that all who were liable to suspicion should be banished from the dominions of the two kings of Firando. Bars or gates were erected to shut up the passages at the ends of all the streets, and watches were appointed in different places, with orders not to go about crying and making a noise, as had been done hitherto without either form or fashion. Yet, notwithstanding these precautions, a villain set fire about ten o’clock this night to a house near the Pagoda, opposite our house. He was noticed by the watch, who pursued him in all haste, but he escaped into the wood above the Pagoda. The wood was immediately beset by more than 500 armed men, and old king Foyne came in person with many of his nobles to assist in the pursuit; yet the incendiary escaped, and I verily believe he ran about among the rest, crying _stop thief_ as, well as the best.
[Footnote 39: This word signifies either the idol, or the idol temple, or both.–_Purch._]
On the night of the 4th, fire was set to several houses, both in the town and country round. An order was now given, to have secret watches in various parts of the town every night, and that no person should go out during the night except upon important occasions, and then to have a light carried before them, that it might be seen who they were. If this rule be duly enforced, our house-burners will be put to their wits end. I proposed these measures to the king and others above a week before, and now they are put in execution.
On the 5th I received a letter from Domingo Francisco, the Spanish ambassador, dated five days before from _Ximenaseque_, [Simonoseki,] and another from George the Portuguese. The ambassador went over land from that place to Nangasaki, and sent the letter by his servant, to whom I shewed the commodities he enquired after, referring him for others till the return of our general, but gave him an answer, of which I kept a copy. The man chose two pieces of fine _Semian chowters_ and eight pieces of white _bastas_, paying seven _tayes_ each for the _chowters,_ and two _tayes_ each for the _bastas_. A Spanish friar or Jesuit came in the boat along with the ambassador’s servant, and asked to see our ship, which the master allowed him at my request, and used him kindly; for the old saw has it, That it is sometimes good to hold a candle to the devil. This day Mr Eaton, Hernando, and I dined with Unagense, and were kindly entertained.
About ten o’clock of the 6th November, 1613, our general and all his attendants arrived at Firando from the emperor’s court, accompanied by Mr Adams. Immediately after his arrival, he sent me, with John Japan, our jurebasso, to visit both the kings, and to thank them for their kindness, for having so well accommodated him with a barge or galley, and for the care they had taken of the ship and every thing else during his absence. They took this message in good part, saying they would be glad to see our general at their houses. At this time certain merchants of Miaco came from Nangasaki to our house to look at our commodities, and among the rest took liking to ten pieces of _cassedy nill_, for which they agreed to give three _tayes_ each. As had been done by other merchants, I sent the goods to their lodging, expecting to receive the money as usual; but they only sent me a paper, consigning me to receive payment from _Semidono_, who was newly gone from Firando on a voyage, and was met by our general. I sent back word to the merchants that I must either have payment or the goods returned, to which they answered, I should have neither one nor the other; and as the person with whom they lodged refused to pass his word for payment, I was forced to apply to both the kings for justice; but I first sent word aboard our ship, if the boat of Miaco weighed anchor to go away, that they should send the skiff to make her stay, which they did, and made her come to anchor again. In the mean time I went to the kings. The younger king said that _Semidono_ was able enough to pay me; but when I asked him if Semidono refused to pay, whether he would, he answered no. While we were talking about the matter, the old king came in, and told me he would take order that I should be satisfied; so in the end the person with whom the merchants lodged passed his word for payment of the thirty _tayes_; yet the orders of old _Foyne Same_ had come too late, if our skiff had not stopt the Miaco merchants. This day Captain Brower and all the merchants of the Dutch factory came to visit our general, and _Nobisone_ sent him a young porker as a present, with a message saying he would come to visit him in a day or two.
Sec.11. _Occurrences at Firando after the Return of Captain Saris_.[40]
The 7th of November, 1613, I sent in the first place some presents to the two kings of Firando, and afterwards went to visit them. On the 8th, Andrew Palmer, the ship’s steward, and William Marnell, gunner’s mate, having been ashore all night and quarrelled in their cups, went out this morning into the fields and fought. Both are so grievously wounded, that it is thought Palmer will hardly escape with his life, and that Marnell will be lame of his hands for life. The 9th I went aboard ship early, and called the master and all the officers into my cabin, making known to them how much I was grieved at the misconduct of some of them, particularly of Palmer and Marnell, who had gone ashore without leave, and had so sore wounded each other, that one was in danger of his life, and the other of being lamed for ever; and besides, that the survivor ran a risk of being hanged if the other died, which would necessarily occasion me much vexation. I also said, I was informed that Francis Williams and Simon Colphax were in the boat going ashore to have fought, and that John Dench and John Winston had appointed to do the like. John Dench confessed it was true, and that he had seen Palmer and Marnell fighting, and had parted them, otherwise one or both had died on the field. I told them these matters were exceedingly distressing to me, and I trusted would now be remedied, otherwise the ship would be unmanned, to the overthrow of our voyage, and the vast injury of the honourable company which had entrusted us. After much contestation, they all engaged to amend what was amiss, and not to offend any more, which I pray God may be the case. I told them also, that old king Foyne had complained to me, threatening, if any more of them went ashore to fight and shed blood, contrary to the laws of Japan, he would order them to be cut in pieces, as he was determined strangers should have no more licence to infringe the laws than his own subjects.
[Footnote 40: We here resume the narrative of Captain Saris. Purch. Pilgr. I. 378. The observations of Mr Cockes, contained in the three preceding sub-sections, break off abruptly in the Pilgrims, as above.–E.]
At my return ashore, old _Foyne Same_ came to visit me at the English house, and told me that the piece of _Poldavy_, and the sash I gave him, were consumed when his house was burnt down. This was in effect begging to have two others, which I promised to give him. I likewise got him to send some of his people aboard, along with John Japan, our jurebasso, to intimate to our men that if any of them went ashore to fight, he had given strict orders to have them cut in pieces. This I did in hopes of restraining them in future from any more drunken combats. Towards night, Juan Comas, a Spaniard, came from Nangasaki, bringing two letters from Domingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for Mr Cockes, together with three baskets of sugar as a present to me, and a pot of conserves, with many no less sugared words of compliment in his letters, saying how sorry he was that our seven fugitives had gone away during his absence, excusing himself and the Jesuits, who he pretended had no hand in the matter, and pretending they had never spoken against us, calling us heretics. He said our men had gone from Nangasaki, three of them in a Chinese or Japanese _soma_ for Manilla, and four in a Portuguese vessel. Yet I esteem all these as vain words to excuse themselves, and throw the blame on others; for the Spaniards and Portuguese mutually hate each other and the Japanese, as these last do them.
The 11th I visited _Nobesane_, who used me kindly, and would have had me dine with him next day, but I excused myself on account of the press of business in which I was engaged, and the short time I had to stay. I met old king Foyne at his house, who requested to have two pieces of English salt beef, and two of pork, sodden by our cook, with turnips, radishes, and onions, which I sent him. The 12th, the governors of the two kings came to visit me at our factory, whence they went aboard the Clove, accompanied by Mr Cockes, to signify to our crew that they should beware of coming ashore to fight and shed blood; as, by the law of Japan, those who went out to fight and drew weapons for that purpose, were adjudged to death, and all who saw them were obliged to kill both offenders, on pain of ruining themselves and all their kindred if they neglected putting the combatants to death.
The 14th I sent Mr Cockes and our jurebasso to wait upon the kings, to entreat they would provide me twelve Japanese seamen who were fit for labour, to assist me in navigating the ship to England, to whom I was willing to give such wages as their highnesses might deem reasonable. The kings were then occupied in other affairs, so that my messengers spoke with their secretaries, who said they needed not to trouble the kings on that business, as they would provide me twelve fit persons; but that there were several vagrant people about the town who would be willing enough to go, yet were very unfit for my purpose, as they would only consume victuals, and of whom the Dutch made use without making any request on the matter, and it was not known what had become of these men or of the ship; but, as the matter was now referred to them, they would look out for such as were fit for our purpose.
The 18th, Foyne sent me word he would visit me, and meant to bring the dancing girls of the country along with him, which he did soon after, accompanied by three courtezans, and two or three men, who all danced and made music after their fashion, though harsh to our ears. The 19th, the Chinese captain, and George Duras, a Portuguese, came to visit me, requesting me to send to _Semidono_ to procure pardon for two poor fellows who were like to lose their lives for bidding a poor knave flee who had stolen a bit of lead not worth three halfpence; and though the malefactor was taken and executed, these men were in danger of the same punishment, had I not sent Mr Cockes to _Semidono_ with my ring, to desire their pardon for my sake, which he engaged to procure, and did in effect.
The 20th, _Samedon_, king of _Crats_,[41] sent me word he meant to go on board our ship, so I went there to meet him, and he came along with both the kings of Firando, when we saluted them with five pieces of ordnance; and we afterwards fired three with bullets at a mark, at the request of Samedon, who gave me two Japanese pikes, having _cattans_ or _sables_ on their ends. At their departure we again saluted them with seven guns, one being shotted and fired at the mark. The 22d I sent a present to the king of _Crats_, which was delivered to him at the house of _Tomesanes_ the young king, where he was at breakfast. Samedon accepted it very kindly, sending me word by Mr Cockes that he was doubly obliged to me for his kind entertainment aboard, and for now sending him so handsome a present of such things as his country did not produce, all without any desert on his part, and the only recompence in his power was, if ever any of the English nation came into his dominions, he would give them a hearty welcome, and do them all the service in his power.
[Footnote 41: This personage must have been governor of one of the provinces, islands, or towns of Japan; but no place in that eastern empire bears a name in modern geography which in the smallest degree resembles Crats.–E]
The 25th, the purser and Mr Hownsell came ashore, and told me that Andrew Palmer, the steward, had died the night before, Thomas Warner, our surgeon, affirming that he owed his death to his own obstinacy, his wound being curable if he would have been ruled. I desired that he might be buried on an island as secretly as possible, as we were about to get some Japanese into our ship, who might be unwilling to embark if they heard of any one having died. On the 28th a Japanese was put to death, who some said was a thief, and others an incendiary. He was led by the executioner to the place of punishment, a person going before him carrying a board, on which the crime for which he was to be punished was written, and the same was exhibited on a paper flag carried over his head. Two pikemen followed the culprit, having the points of their pikes close to his back, ready to slay him instantly if he offered to resist.
The ship being ready to depart, several of the natives complained that the ship’s company owed them money, and desired to be paid. To prevent greater inconvenience, I listened to these people, and wrote to the master to make enquiry aboard as to who were in debt, that I might satisfy their creditors, making deductions accordingly from their wages.
On the 26th I assembled my mercantile council to consult about leaving a factory here in Firando, upon these considerations. 1. The encouragement we had privately received at the Moluccas. 2. That the Dutch had already a factory here. 3. The large privileges now obtained from the emperor of Japan. 4. The certain advice of English factories established at Siam and Patane. 5. The commodities remaining on hand appointed for these parts, and the expected profit which farther experience might produce. It was therefore resolved to leave a factory here, consisting of eight Englishmen, three Japanese _jurebassos_ or interpreters, and two servants. They were directed, against the coming of the next ships, to explore and discover the coasts of Corea, _Tushmay_, other parts of Japan, and of the adjoining countries, and to see what good might be done in any of them.
The 5th of December, 1613, Mr Richard Cockes, captain and _Cape_ merchant of the English factory now settled at Firando in Japan, took his leave of me aboard the Clove, together with his company, being eight English and five others, as before mentioned. After their departure, we mustered the company remaining aboard, finding forty-six English, five _swarts_ or blacks, fifteen Japanese, and three passengers, in all sixty-nine persons. We had lost since our arrival in Japan ten Englishmen; two by sickness, one slain in a duel, and seven who deserted to the Portuguese and Spaniards, while I was absent at the court of the emperor. The English whom we left in the factory were Mr Richard Cockes, William Adams, now entertained in the service of the company at a hundred pounds a year, Tempest Peacock, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edward Saris, and William Nelson.
Sec.12. _Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence Home to England_.
That same day, being the 5th December, we set sail with a stiff northerly gale, steering S. by W. 1/2 a point westerly. By exact observation on shore, we found the island of Firando to be in lat. 33 deg. 30′ N. and the variation 2 deg. 50′ easterly.[42] We resolved to keep our course for Bantam along the coast of China, for which purpose we brought our starboard tacks aboard, and stood S.W. edging over for China, the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale and fair weather. The 7th it blew very hard at N.W. and we steered S.S.W. encountering a great current which shoots out between the _island_ of Corea[43] and the main land of China, occasioning a very heavy sea. The 8th, being in lat. 29 deg. 40′ N. we steered W.S.W, on purpose to make Cape _Sumbor_ on the coast of China. The sea was very rough, and the wind so strong that it blew our main course out of the bolt ropes. The 9th, in lat. 28 deg. 23′, we sounded and had forty-nine to forty-five fathoms on an oozy bottom. The weather was clear, yet we could not see land. The 11th we had ground in forty-nine, forty-three, thirty-eight, thirty-seven, and thirty fathoms, the water being very green, and as yet no land to be seen.
[Footnote 42: The town of Firando is in lat. 33 deg. 6′ N. and even the most northern part of the island of that name only reaches to 33 deg. 17′. The town is in long. 128 deg. 42′ E. from Greenwich.–E.]
[Footnote 43: Corea was long thought to be an island after the period of this voyage. Astl. I. 492. c.–It is now known to be an extensive peninsula, to the east of China, having the Yellow sea interposed.–E.]
The 12th, in thirty-five fathoms, and reckoning ourselves near the coast of China, we had sight of at least 300 sail of junks, of twenty and thirty tons each and upwards, two of which passed us close to windwards, and though we used all fair means to prevail upon them to come aboard we could not succeed, and seeing they were only fishing vessels we let them pass. Continuing our course we soon espied land, being two islands called the _Fishers islands_.[44] At noon our latitude was 25 deg. 59′ N. and we had ground at twenty to twenty-six fathoms. About seven p.m. while steering along the land, we came close by a rock, which by good providence we had sight of by moonlight, as it lay right in our course. When not above twice our ship’s length from this rock, we had thirty fathoms water, on which we hauled off for one watch, to give the land a wide birth, and resumed our course S.W. after midnight. The wind was very strong at N.E. and continually followed as the land trended. The 13th, in lat. 24 deg. 35′ N. and variation 1 deg. 30′ easterly, having the wind strong at N.E. with fair weather, we steered S.W. keeping about five leagues off the islands along the coast of China. The 15th we came among many fisher boats, but had so much wind that we could not speak any of them, but they made signs to us, as we thought to keep to the westwards. At noon our lat. was 21 deg. 40′ N. and having the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale, we steered W.N.W. northerly, to make the land, and about two hours afterwards had sight of it, although by our dead reckoning we ought still to have been fifty-six leagues from it. It is to be noted, that the islands along the coast of China are considerably more to the southward than as laid down in the charts. About three p.m. we were within about two leagues of an island called _Sancha_[45].
[Footnote 44: By the latitude indicated in the text, Captain Saris appears to have fallen in with the coast of Fo-kien, and to have passed through between that province and the island of Formosa, without discovering the existence of that island.–E.]
[Footnote 45: Probably the island of Tchang-to-huen, to the S.W. of the bay of Canton, the situation of which agrees with the latitude in the text, and the sound of the two first syllables of which name has some affinity with that given by Saris, evidently from Spanish or Portuguese charts. At this part, of his voyage, Saris entirely misses to notice the large island of Hai-nan.–E.]
The 18th, in lat. 15 deg. 43′ N. we had sight of an island called Pulo-cotan, being high land, and is about twenty leagues, according to report, from the shoal called _Plaxel_. In the morning of the 19th the coast of Cambodia was on our starboard side, about two leagues off, along which we steered S.E. by E. easterly, our latitude at noon being 13 deg. 31′ N. estimating the ship to be then athwart _Varella_. We have hitherto found the wind always _trade_ along shore, having gone _large_ all the way from Firando, the wind always following us as the land trended. The 20th at noon we were in latitude 10 deg. 53′, and three glasses, or an hour and half after, we had sight of a small island, which we concluded to be that at the end of the shoal called _Pulo-citi_. We found the book of _Jan Huyghens van Linschoten_ very true, for by it we have directed our course ever since we left Firando. The 22d we had sight of _Pulo Condor_ about five leagues off, our latitude at noon being 8 deg. 20′ N.
About four a.m. on the 25th we made the island of _Pulo Timon_, and two hours afterwards saw _Pulo Tinga_. The 28th at three p.m. we had oosy ground at twenty fathoms, having divers long islands on our starboard and sundry small islands on our larboard, forming the straits of China-bata, which we found to be truly laid down in a chart made by a Hollander called _Jan Janson Mole_, which he gave to Mr Hippon, who gave it to the company. _Pulo Bata_, one of these islands, is low land, and is full of trees or bushes at the S.W. end.
A little before noon on the 29th, we perceived the colour of the water a-head of the ship to change very much, by which observation we escaped an imminent danger. This shoal seemed of a triangular shape, the S.W. end being the sharpest, and is not far from the entrance into the straits of _China-bata_. At noon our latitude was 4 deg. 6′ N. At eight p.m. we came to anchor in seven fathoms, the weather threatening to be foul in the night, the place very full of shoals, and our experience little or nothing. Before our anchor took hold, we had six 1/4, five 1/2, six, and then seven fathoms, soft sandy ground.
In the morning of the 30th we spoke the Darling, then bound for Coromandel, her company consisting of twenty-one English and nine blacks. By her we first learnt of the death of Sir Henry Middleton, the loss of the Trades-increase, and other incidents that had occurred during our voyage to Japan. In the night of the 30th God mercifully delivered us from imminent danger, as we passed under full sail close by a sunken ledge of rocks, the top of which was only just above water within a stone’s throw of our ship; and had not the noise of the breakers awakened us, we had not cleared our ship. We instantly let go our anchor, being in a rapid current or tide-way, in seventeen fathoms upon oozy ground. When morning broke on the 31st we had sight of the high land of Sumatra, having an island a-stern, the ledge of rocks we had passed on our starboard, and three small islands forming a triangle on our larboard bow. We were about eight leagues off the high land of Java, but could not then get into the straits of Sunda, as the wind was quite fallen.
The 1st January, 1614, being quite calm, was mostly spent at anchor. The 2d, having a little wind, we set sail, and about eight o’clock fell in with the Expedition, homewards bound for England, laden with pepper, by which ship we wrote to our friends in England. The 3d we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, end to our great grief found no lading ready for us, for which neglect I justly blamed those I had left to provide the same, while they excused themselves by alleging they did not expect us so soon back. I questioned _Kewee_, the principal Chinese merchant, who came to visit me on board, as to the price of pepper. He answered, that it was already known ashore I was homewards bound, and must necessarily load pepper; and, as my merchants had not provided any before hand, I might be assured it would rise. He said the price was then at twelve dollars for ten sacks, but he could not undertake to deliver any quantity at that price. I offered him twelve dollars and a half the ten sacks, but he held up so high, that we had no hope of dealing for the present. Of the ten persons left by us in the factory when we departed for Japan, we found only five alive at our return, while we only lost one man between Firando and Bantam.
I went ashore on the 4th to visit the governor of Bantam, to whom I presented two handsome _cattans_, or Japanese swords, and other articles of value; and this day I bargained with _Kewee_ for 4000 sacks of pepper at thirteen dollars the ten sacks, bating in the weight 3 per cent and directed the merchants to expedite the milling thereof as much as possible. I employed the 5th in reducing the several English factories at Bantam under one government, settling them all in one house; also in regulating the expences of diet, that all might be frugally managed, to prevent extravagance in rack-houses abroad, or in hanger-on blacks at home, which had lately been the case. I directed also that there should be fewer warehouses kept in the town, and that these might be better regulated, and the goods stowed in a more orderly manner. Hitherto the multiplication of factories, having one for each voyage, had occasioned great expence, and had raised the price of pepper, as each outbid the other, for the particular account of their own several voyages, with great loss to the public.
The 6th was employed in re-weighing the pepper received the day before, most of the sacks being found hard weight, and many to want a part of what was allowed by the king’s beam; wherefore I sent for the weigher, whom I used kindly, entreating him to take a little more care to amend this fault, which he promised to do, and for his better encouragement I made him a present to the value of five dollars. The 16th being Sunday, I staid aboard, and about 2 p.m. we observed the whole town to be on fire. I immediately sent our skiff ashore to assist the merchants in guarding our goods. The wind was so violent, that in a very short space of time the whole town was burnt down, except the English and Dutch factories, which it pleased God of his mercy to preserve.
Being ashore on the 20th, I procured two Chinese merchants, named _Lackmoy_ and _Lanching_, to translate the letter which the king of Firando in Japan had given me to deliver to our king, James I. It was written in the Chinese character and language, which they translated into the Malay, and which in English was as follows:
_To the King of Great Britain, &c._ “Most mighty king, I cannot sufficiently express how acceptable your majesty’s most loving letter, and bountiful present of many valuable things, sent me by your servant Captain John Saris, has been to me; neither the great happiness I feel in the friendship of your majesty, for which I render you many thanks, desiring the continuance of your majesty’s love and correspondence. I am heartily glad at the safe arrival of your subjects at my small island, after so long a voyage. They shall not lack my help and furtherance to the utmost, for effecting their so worthy and laudable purposes, of discovery and commerce, referring for the entertainment they have received to the report of your servant, by whom I send to your majesty an unworthy token of my gratitude; wishing your majesty long life. Given from my residence of Firando, the sixth day of the tenth month. _Your majesty’s loving friend, commander of this island of Firando in Japan,
FOYNE SAM-MASAM.”_
My interpreters could not well pronounce his name, Lanching saying it was _Foyne Foshin Sam_, while Lackmoy said it was written as above. This comes to pass by reason of the Chinese characters, which, in proper names, borrow the characters of other words, of the same or nearest sound, and thereby occasion frequent mistakes.
The 22d, such houses as had escaped in the former fire of the 16th, were now burnt down; yet the English and Dutch houses escaped, for which we were thankful to God. On the 26th, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons arrived from Holland, called the Flushing. At the island of Mayo, the company mutinied against the captain, whom they would have murdered in his cabin, had it not pleased God that a Scotsman revealed the plot when the mutineers were already armed to carry it into effect, so that they were taken between decks with their weapons in their hands. In this ship there were several English and Scots soldiers. She did not remain at Bantam, but sailed towards evening for Jacatra.
The 27th, our lading being fully procured, and several of our company fallen sick, I went ashore to hasten our merchants to get us ready for sailing. The 1st February, the Darling was forced back to Bantam; and order was taken by mutual consultation for the proper care of her goods, and for her immediate departure for _Succadanea_ in the island of Borneo, and thence to Patane and Siam.
The 13th of February we got out from the straits of Sunda, in which the tide of flood sets twelve hours to the eastwards, and the ebb twelve hours to the westwards. On the 16th of May we anchored in the bay of Saldanha, where we found the Concord of London, being the first ship set out by the united company. We now found the natives of this place very treacherous, making us to understand by signs; that two of their people had been forcibly carried off. They had sore wounded one of the people belonging to the Concord; and while we were up in the land, they assaulted the people who were left in charge of our skiff, carried away our grapnel, and had spoiled the boat-keepers if they had not pushed off into deep water. The 19th a Dutch ship arrived bound for Bantam, the master being Cornelius van Harte.
We remained here twenty-three days, where we thoroughly refreshed the ship’s company, and took away with us alive fourteen oxen and seventy sheep, besides good store of fish and beef, which we _powdered_ there, finding it to take salt well, contrary to former reports. For ten days after leaving Saldanha, we had the wind N.W. and W.N.W. but after that we had a fine wind at S.W. so that we could hold our course N.W. On the 27th September, thanks be to God, we arrived at Plymouth; where, for the space of five or six weeks, we endured more tempestuous weather, and were in greater danger of our lives, than during the whole voyage besides.
Sec.13. _Intelligence concerning Yedzo, or Jesso, received from a Japanese at Jedo, who had been twice there_.[46]
Yedzo, or Jesso, is an island to the N.W. of Japan, from which it is ten leagues distant. The natives are of white complexions, and well-conditioned, but have their bodies covered all over with hair like monkies. Their weapons are bows and poisoned arrows. The inhabitants of the south extremity of this country understand the use of weights and measures; but those who inhabit the inland country, at the distance of thirty days journey, are ignorant of these things. They have much silver and gold-dust, in which they make payment to the Japanese for rice and other commodities; rice and cotton-cloth being of ready sale among them, as likewise iron and lead, which are carried there from Japan. Food and cloathing are the most vendible commodities among the natives of that country, and sell to such advantage, that rice often yields a profit of four for one.
[Footnote 46: This article is appended to the Voyage of Saris, in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 384.–E.]
The town where the Japanese have their chief residence and mart in Yetizo is called _Matchma_,[47] in which there are 500 households or families of Japanese. They have likewise a fort here, called _Matchma-donna_. This town is the principal mart of Yedzo, to which the natives resort to buy and sell, especially in September, when they make provision against winter. In March they bring down salmon and dried fish of sundry kinds, with other wares, for which the Japanese barter in preference even to silver. The Japanese have no other settled residence or place of trade except this at Matchma [48]. Farther northward in Yedzo there are people of a low stature like dwarfs.[49] The other natives of Yedzo are of good stature like the Japanese, and have no other cloathing but what is brought them from Japan. There is a violent current in the straits between Yedzo and Japan, which comes from the sea of Corea, and sets E.N.E. The winds there are for the most part like those usual in Japan; the northerly winds beginning in September, and ending in March, when the southerly winds begin to blow.
[Footnote 47: In modern maps, the southern peninsula of Yesso, or Yedso, is named _Matsaki_, apparently the same name with that in the text.–E.]
[Footnote 48: In our more modern maps, there are four other towns or residences on the western coast of the peninsula of Matsaki, named Jemasina, Sirekosawa, Famomoli, and Aria.–E.]
[Footnote 49: The island of Kubito-sima, off the western coast of Yedzo, is called likewise in our maps, the Isle of Pigmies.–E.]
Sec.14. _Note of Commodities vendible in Japan_.[50]
Broad-cloths of all sorts, as black, yellow, and red, which cost in Holland eight or nine gilders the Flemish ell, two ells and three quarters, are worth in Japan, three, four, to five hundred.[51] Cloth of a high wool is not in request, but such as is low shorn is most vendible. Fine _bayes_ of the before-mentioned colours are saleable, if well cottoned, but not such as those of Portugal. Sayes, _rashes_, single and double bouratts, silk grograms, Turkey grograms; camblets, _Divo Gekepert, Weersetynen, Caniaut, Gewart twijne_;[52] velvets, musk, sold weight for weight of silver; India cloths of all sorts are in request; satins, taffetas, damasks, Holland linen from fifteen to twenty stivers the Flemish ell, but not higher priced; diaper, damasks, and so much the better if wrought with figures or branches; thread of all colours; carpets, for tables; gilded leather, painted with figures and flowers, but the smallest are in best demand; painted pictures, the Japanese delighting in lascivious representations, and stories of wars by sea or land, the larger the better worth, sell for one, two, or three hundred. Quick-silver, the hundred cattees sell from three to four hundred.
[Footnote 50: This forms a part of the Appendix to the Voyage of Saris, Purch. Pilg. I. 394; where it is joined to the end of observations by the same author on the trade of Bantam, formerly inserted in this Collection under their proper date.–E.]
[Footnote 51: This account is very vaguely expressed; but in the title in the Pilgrims, the sales are stated to be in _masses_ and _canderines_, each canderine being the tenth part of a masse. The information contained in this short subdivision is hardly intelligible, yet is left, as it may possibly be of some use towards reviving the trade of Japan, now that the Dutch are entirely deprived of their eastern possessions.–E.]
[Footnote 52: These articles, in italics, are unknown.]
The hundred cattees of vermilion are worth from three to six hundred. Paint for women’s faces, the hundred cattees are worth twenty-eight. Cooper in plates, 125 Flemish pounds are worth from 90 to 100. Lead in small bars, the 100 cattees from 60 to 88. Lead in sheets is in greater request, the thinner the better, and 100 pounds Flemish sell for 80. Fine tin, in logs or bars, 120 pounds Flemish bring 350. Iron, twenty five Dutch ounces worth four. Steel, the 100 cattees, worth from one to two hundred. Tapestry. Civet, the cattee worth from 150 to 200. China root, the 100 cattees or pekul worth 40. China sewing gold, the paper worth three masse three. Powdered Chinese sugar, the 100 cattees or pekul worth forty to fifty. Sugar-candy, the pekul or 100 cattees, from fifty to sixty. Velvets, of all colours, eight ells the piece, from 120 to 130. Wrought velvets, from 180 to 200. Taffetas of all colours, and good silk, worth, the piece, from twenty-four to thirty or forty. Satin, seven or eight ells long, the piece worth from 80 to 100. Figured satin, from 120 to 150. _Gazen_, of seven pikes or ells, from forty to fifty. Raw silk, the cattee of twelve pounds Flemish, from thirty to forty. Untwisted silk, the weight of twenty-eight pounds Flemish, from thirty to forty. Twisted silk, from twenty-eight to forty.
Drinking-glasses of all sorts, bottles, canns, cups, trenchers, plates, beer-glasses, salt-sellers, wine-glasses, beakers, gilt looking-glasses of large size, _Muscovy glass_, salt, writing-papers, table-books, paper-books, _lead to neal_ pots. Spanish soap is in much request, and sells for one masse the small cake. Amber beads, worth 140 to 160. Silk stockings, of all colours. Spanish leather, neats leather, and other kinds of leather used for gloves, worth six, eight, or nine. Blue _candiques_ of China, from fifteen to twenty. Black _candiques_, from ten to fifteen. Wax for candles, 100 pounds Flemish worth from 200 to 250. Honey, the pekul, worth sixty. _Samell_ of Cochin-China, the pekul, worth 180. Nutmegs, the pekul, twenty-five. Camphor of Borneo, or _barous, the pound hollans_, from 250 to 400. Sanders of _Solier_, the pekul, worth 100. Good and heavy Callomback wood, the pound, worth one, two, three, to five. Sapan, or red wood, the pekul, from twenty to twenty-six. Good and large elephants teeth, from 400, to 500, 600, 700, and even 800. Rhinoceros horns, the Javan cattee, worth thirty. Gilded harts-horns, the piece, worth 300, 400, 500. Roch allum in request, in so much that what cost only three gilders has sold for 100 gilders; but not in demand by every one.
The Chinese in Japan will commonly truck for silver, giving gold of twenty-three carats, at the rate of from fifteen to twenty times its weight in silver, according as silver is plenty or scarce.
The following commodities are to be bought in Japan, and at the rates here quoted. Very good hemp, 100 cattees, being 120 pounds of Holland, are worth from sixty-five to seventy. _Eye-colours_ for dying blue, almost as good as indigo, made up in round cakes, and packed 100 cakes in a fardel, worth fifty to sixty. Dye-stuff for white, turning to red colour, made up in fardels of fifty _gautins malios_, worth five to eight. Very good white rice, cased, worth, the _fares_, eight three-fifths. Rice of a worse sort, the bale, worth seven three-tenths. At Jedo, Osaka, and Miaco, there is the best dying of all sorts of colours, as red, black, and green; and for gliding gold and silver, is better than the Chinese varnish. Brimstone is in great abundance, and the pekul may be bought for seven. Saltpetre is dearer in one place than another, being worth one and a half. Cotton-wool, the pekul, may be bought for ten.
Sec.15. _Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the Departure of Captain Saris_.[53]
“This subdivision consists entirely of letters from Japan, and conveys some curious information respecting the transactions of the English in Japan, whence they have been long excluded. They are now perhaps of some interest, beyond the mere gratification of curiosity, as, by the entire expulsion of the Dutch from India, there seems a possibility of the British merchants in India being able to restore trade to that distant country. In the _Third_ PART of our Collection, various other relations of Japan will be inserted.”–E.
[Footnote 53: These are appended in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 406–413, to the observations of Mr. Richard Cocks, already given in conjunction with the voyage of Captain Saris.–E.]
No. I. _Letter from Mr Richard Cocks, dated Firando, 10th December, 1614_.[54]
To this day, I have been unable to complete my old books of accounts, owing to the dispatching of our people, some to one place and some to another, and owing to the rebuilding of our house, and afterwards buying a junk, and repairing her. She is now ready to set sail for Siam, having been at anchor these ten days, waiting for a fair wind to proceed on her voyage, at _Couchi_, a league from Firando, where your ship rode at your departure from hence. She is called the Sea-Adventure, of about 200 tons burden, in which Mr Adams goes as master, with Mr Wickham and Mr Edward Sayers as merchants, in consequence of the death of Mr Peacock, slain in Cochin-China, and the probability that Mr Carwarden has been cast away in his return from thence, as we have no news of him or of the junk in which he sailed, as I have at large informed the worshipful company.
[Footnote 54: This letter appears to have been written to Captain Saris.–E.]
Since your departure from Japan, the emperor has banished all jesuits, priests, nuns, and friars, from the country, shipping them off for _Anacau_ [Macao] in China, or Manilla in the Philippine islands, and has caused all their churches and monasteries to be pulled down or burnt. _Foyne Same_, the old king of Firando, is dead, and _Ushiandono_, his governor, with two other servants, cut open their bellies to bear him company, their bodies being burned, and their ashes entombed along with his. Wars are likely to ensue between _Ogusho Same_, the old emperor, and _Fidaia Same_, the young prince, son of _Tico Same_, who has strongly fortified himself in the castle of _Osaka_, having collected an army of 80,000 or 100,000 men, consisting of malcontents, runaways, and banished people, who have repaired from all parts to his standard, and he is said to have collected sufficient provisions for three years. The old emperor has marched against him in person, with an army of 300,000 men, and is at the castle of _Fusima_. The advanced parties of the two armies have already had several skirmishes, and many have been slain on both sides. The entire city of Osaka has been burned to the ground, excepting only the castle, so that Mr Eaton had to retire with his goods to _Sakey_,[55] yet not without danger, as a part of that town has likewise been burnt. So great a tempest or tuffoon has lately occurred at _Edoo_ [Jedo,] as had never been before experienced at that place. The sea overflowed the whole city, obliging the people to take refuge on the hills: and the prodigious inundation has defaced or thrown down all the houses of the nobles, which you know were very beautiful and magnificent.
[Footnote 55: It has been formerly explained that _Sakey_ was a town on the river Jodo, directly opposite to Osakey or Osaka, the river only being interposed.–E.]
Let this suffice for Japanese news; and I now proceed to inform you of our success in selling our goods. The emperor took all our ordnance, with most of our lead, and ten barrels of gunpowder, with two or three pieces of broad-cloth. Most of our other broad-cloths are sold, namely, black, hair-colour, and cinnamon-colour, at fifteen, fourteen, thirteen, and twelve tayes the _tattamy_; but they will not even look at Venice-reds and flame-colours, neither are _stammels_ in such request as formerly, but they enquire much for whites and yellows. As the Dutch sold most of their broad-cloths at low prices, we were forced to do so likewise. In regard to our Cambaya goods, they will not look at our _red Zelas_, blue _byrams_, or _dutties_, being the principal part of what is now left us; and only some white bastas sell at fourteen or fifteen masses each. _Cassedys nill, alleias_, broad _pintados_, with spotted, striped, and checquered stuffs, are most in request, and sell at good profit. We have also sold nearly half of our Bantam pepper for sixty-five _masse_ the _pekull_, and all the rest had been gone before now, had it not been for the war. I am in great hope of procuring trade into China, through the means of Andrea, the China captain, and his two brothers, who have undertaken the matter, and have no doubt of being able to bring it to bear, for three ships to come yearly to a place near _Lanquin_,[56] to which we may go from hence in three or four days with a fair wind. Of this I have written at large to the worshipful company, and also to the lord-treasurer.
[Footnote 56: As Nangasaki is uniformly named _Langasaque_ in this first English voyage to Japan, I am apt to suspect the _Lanquin_ of the text may have been Nan-kin.–E.]
Some little sickness with which I have been afflicted is now gone, for which I thank God. Mr Easton, Mr Nealson, Mr Wickham, and Mr Sayer, have all been very sick, but are all now well recovered, except Mr Eaton, who still labours under flux and tertian ague. May God restore his health, for I cannot too much praise his diligence and pains in the affairs of the worshipful company. Jacob Speck, who was thought to have been cast away in a voyage from hence to the Moluccas, is now returned to Firando in the command of a great ship called the Zelandia, together with a small pinnace called the Jacatra. The cause of his being so long missing was, that in going from hence by the eastward of the Philippines, the way we came, he was unable to fetch the Moluccas, owing to currents and contrary winds, and was driven to the west of the island of Celebes, and so passed round it through the straits of Desalon, and back to the Moluccas. The Chinese complain much against the Hollanders for robbing and pilfering their junks, of which they are said to have taken and rifled seven. The emperor of Japan has taken some displeasure against the Hollanders, having refused a present they lately sent him, and would not even speak to those who brought it. He did the same in regard to a present sent by the Portuguese, which came in a great ship from Macao to Nangasaki. You thought, when here, that if any other ship came from England we might continue to sell our goods without sending another present to the emperor; but I now find that every ship which comes to Japan must send a present to the emperor, as an established custom. I find likewise that we cannot send away any junk from hence without procuring the yearly licence from the emperor, as otherwise no Japanese mariner dare to leave the country, under pain of death. Our own ships from England may, however, come in and go out again when they please, and no one to gainsay them.
We have not as yet been able by any means to procure trade from _Tushma_ into Corea; neither indeed have the inhabitants of Tushma any farther privilege than to frequent one small town or fortress, and must not on pain of death go beyond the walls of that place. Yet the king of Tushma is not subject to the emperor of Japan.[57] We have only been able to sell some pepper at Tushma, and no great quantity of that. The weight there is much heavier than in Japan, but the price is proportionally higher.
[Footnote 57: No place or island of any name resembling _Tushma_ is to be found in our best maps. The name in the text probably refers to _Tausima_, called an some maps _Jasus_, an island about forty miles long, about midway between Kiusiu and Corea.–E.]
I have been given to understand that there are no great cities in the interior of Corea, between which inland country and the sea there are immense bogs or morasses, so that no one can travel on horseback, and hardly even a-foot; and as a remedy against this, they have great waggons or carts upon broad flat wheels, which are moved by means of sails like ships. Thus, by observing the monsoons or periodical winds, they transport their goods backwards and forwards, by means of these sailing waggons. In that country they make damasks, sattins, taffaties, and other silk stuffs, as well as in China.
It is said that _Fico Same_, otherwise called _Quabicondono_, the former emperor of Japan, pretended to have conveyed a great army in these sailing waggons, to make a sudden assault upon the emperor of China in his great city of Pekin, where he ordinarily resides; but was prevented by a nobleman of Corea, who poisoned himself to poison the emperor and many of the nobles of Japan. On which occasion, as is said, the Japanese lost, about twenty-two years ago, all that they had conquered in Corea.
James Turner, the youth who used to play the fiddle, left a girl here with child; and though I gave her two tayes in silver to bring up the child; she killed it as soon as it was born, which is a common thing in this country. The whistle and chain belonging to Mr Foster, the master of the Clove, are found, and are under the charge of Mr Adams, who will be accountable for them. I meant to have sent you a Japanese almanack by a former letter to the same effect as this, dated the 25th _ultimo_, and sent by the Sea Adventure by way of Siam, but forgot to do so; and which I now send along with this letter. I pray you that this letter may suffice for your brother, Mr George Saris, and the rest of my loving friends: And, with hearty commendations in general, I leave you all to the holy protection of the Almighty; resting always your ever loving friend at command, RICHARD COCKS.
_No. 2. Letter from Mr Richard Cocks, dated Firando, 10th December, 1614, to the Worshipful Thomas Wilson, Esq. at his House in the Britain-burse[58] in the Strand._
[Footnote 58: Perhaps that now called Exeter Change.–E.]
My last to you was of the 1st December, 1613, from this island of Firando in Japan, and sent by Captain John Saris in the ship Clove. In that letter, I advised you how unkindly the Hollanders dealt with us at the Moluccas; since which time there has not occurred any matter of moment to communicate, except what I have detailed in another letter to my good Lord Treasurer. It is given out here by the Hollanders, that our East India Company and that of Holland are likely to join into one; and if this prove true, it is thought it will be an easy matter to drive the Spaniards and Portuguese out of these eastern parts of the world, or else to cut them off from all trade. You would hardly believe how much the Hollanders have already daunted the Portuguese and Spaniards in these parts, especially in the Moluccas, where they daily encroach on the Spaniards, who are unable to withstand them, and are even in fear that they may shortly deprive them of the Philippine islands. The Portuguese also are in great fear of being driven by them out of the trade they now carry on from Ormus to Goa, and with Malacca and Macao in China.
There is one thing of which I cannot yet conceive the issue, and that is the robbing and plundering the Chinese junks, which is daily done by the Hollanders in these parts, the goods whereof must amount to great value, and suffice to fit out and maintain a great fleet, which is worthy of consideration. Should the emperor of Japan fall out with the Hollanders, and debar them from the trade of his dominions, which is not unlikely, the Hollanders will then make prize of the Japanese junks as well as of those of China; for their strength at sea in these parts is sufficient to do what they please, if only they had a place to retire to for revictualling and refitting their ships; for they are of late grown so stout, that they mock at those who were formerly their masters and teachers. It is very certain that they have got possession of several fortresses at the Moluccas and other parts; yet, to my certain knowledge, the natives in these parts are more inclined towards the Spaniards, although at the first they were glad of the arrival of the Hollanders, having been disgusted by the intolerable pride of the Spaniards. But now they have time to reflect, that the Spaniards brought them abundance of money, and were liberal though proud; while the poor Hollanders, who serve there both by sea and land, have such bare pay, that it can hardly supply clothes and food; and their commanders allege, that all the benefits derived from conquest or reprisals, belong to the states and the _Winthebbers_, as they call them. It is hard to judge how all these things may end.
Were it not for the misbehaviour of the Hollanders, I am of opinion that we should procure trade with China, as we only demand leave for three ships to come and go there, and merely to establish factors there to transact our business, without bringing any Jesuits or _padres_, whom the Chinese cannot abide to hear of, because they came formerly in such great numbers to inhabit the land, and were always begging and craving, to the great displeasure of the pagans. I am however in good hope of success, as our English nation has acquired a good fame and character since our arrival, which I am given to understand has come to the ears of the emperor of China, who has heard how we have been received by the emperor of Japan, having large privileges allowed us, and also that we have at all times held the Castilians in defiance both by sea and land. I have been informed of these things by the Chinese who come hither, and that the emperor and other great men of China delight to hear accounts of our nation. I had almost forgotten to mention, that some China merchants lately asked me, if we were allowed to trade with China, whether the king of England would prevent the Hollanders from robbing and spoiling their junks? Which question was rather doubtful to me, yet I answered that his majesty would take measures to prevent the Hollanders from injuring them.
We have lately had news that a tuffon or tempest has done vast injury at Jedo, a city of Japan as large as London, where the Japanese nobility have very beautiful houses, now mostly destroyed or greatly injured. The whole city was inundated, and the inhabitants forced to take shelter in the hills; a thing never before heard of. The palace of the king, which is a stately building in a new fortress, has had all its gilded tiles carried away by a whirlwind, so that none of them could be found. The pagans attribute this calamity to some charms or conjurations of the Jesuits, who were lately banished: but the Japanese converts to popery ascribe it to the vengeance of God, as a punishment for having banished these holy men.
We have lately had a great disaster in Cochin-China, to which place we sent a quantity of goods and money, to the value of L730, as it cost in England, under the care of Mr Tempest Peacock and Mr Walter Carwarden, who went as merchants in a Japanese junk, carrying our king’s letters and a handsome present for the king of Cochin-China. They arrived at the port called _Quinham_,[59] delivered his majesty’s letters and present, and were entertained with kind words and fair promises. The Hollanders, seeing that we adventured to that country, would needs do the same, and were at first kindly entertained; but in the end, Mr Peacock and the chief Dutch merchant going ashore one day in the same boat, to receive payment from the king for broad-cloth and other commodities they had sold him, they were treacherously assailed on the water, their boat overset, and both were killed in the water with harpoons, as if they had been fishes, together with their interpreters and other attendants, who were Japanese. Mr Carwarden being aboard our junk escaped sharing in this massacre, and came away, but neither he nor the junk have ever been since heard of, so that we fear he has been cast away.
[Footnote 59: _Turon_ is the port of Cochin-China in the present time, and _Quinham_ is unknown in modern geography; perhaps the old name of some island or village at the port or bay of Turon.–E.]
It is commonly reported here, both among the Chinese and Japanese, that this was done by order of the king of Cochin-China in revenge against the Hollanders, who had burnt one of his towns, and had slaughtered his people most unmercifully. The origin of this quarrel was occasioned by a large quantity of false dollars, sent to _Quinham_ by the Hollanders some years ago, and put off in payment for silks and other Chinese goods, to the great injury of the merchants of that country. When the falsehood of the money was discovered, they laid hands upon the Dutch factors, and are said to have put some of them to death. Upon this the Dutch ships came upon the coast, and landed a body of men, who burnt a town, putting man, woman, and child to the sword. This, as reported, was the occasion of our present mischance, and of the slaughter of Mr Peacock, because he was in company with the Hollanders. Along with this letter, I send you a Japanese almanack, by which you will see the manner of their printing, with their figures and characters. And so I leave you to the holy protection of the Almighty, resting always, &c.
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 3. _Letter from Edmond Sayer, dated Firando, 5th December, 1615. But having no Address_.
I received a letter from you by the hands of Captain Copendall of the Horiander, who arrived here on the 29th of August this year, by which I learnt your safe arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, homewards bound, and of the loss of some of your company; and I make no doubt that, long ere now, you are safe arrived in England, by the blessing of God. I sent you a letter, dated in November, 1614, by the Dutch ship called the Old Zealand, in which I informed you of the death of Mr Peacock and Walter Carwarden, both betrayed in Cochin-China, to our great grief, besides the loss of goods to the company.
The last year, Mr Wickham, Mr Adams, and I, when bound for Siam in a junk we had bought, and meeting with great storms, our vessel sprung a leak, and we were fain to bear up for the _Leukes_[60] islands, where we had to remain so long, before we could stop our leaks, that we lost the monsoon, and had to return here. We have fitted her out again this year, and are now ready to sail again for Siam. My greatest hope in these parts is, that we shall be able to establish trade with China, of which we seem to have a fair prospect through the efforts of the China captain and his brothers; and I make no doubt that we shall have a factory there ere long.
[Footnote 60: The Liqueo islands are here obviously meant, a group to the south of the south-western extremity of Japan, in 28 deg. N. and long. 129 deg. 30′ W. from Greenwich; such being the latitude and longitude of the centre of the great Liqueo, the principal island of the group.–E.]
This last summer we have had great troubles, in consequence of war between the emperor and _Fidaia Same_, and we do not certainly know whether the latter be slain or fled; but the emperor gained the victory, with a vast loss of men on both sides.[61] Having no other news to write, I commit you to the protection of the Almighty, and am, &c. EDMOND SAYER.
[Footnote 61: In the text of the Pilgrims, this loss is estimated at 400,000, and in a marginal note at 40,000, both in words at length; for which reason the number is omitted in the text.–E.]
No. 4. _Letter, with no address, from Edmond Sayer, dated Firando, 4th December, 1616._
Worshipful Sir,–My duty always remembered. Having a favourable opportunity, I could not omit to trouble you with a few lines. I am but newly arrived here in Firando from a difficult and tedious voyage to Siam, to which country we went in a junk belonging to the right honourable company, in which Mr Adams was master, and myself factor. Having bought there more goods than our own junk could carry, we freighted another junk for Japan, in which Mr Benjamin Fry, the chief in the factory at Siam, thought it proper for me to embark, for the safety of the goods. The year being far spent, we were from the 1st June to the 17th September in our voyage between Siam and _Shachmar_, during which we experienced many storms and much foul weather, and lost twenty of our men by sickness and want of fresh water. The great cause of our tedious and unfortunate voyage was in our not having a good pilot. The one we had was a Chinese, who knew nothing of navigation; for, when out of sight of land, he knew not where he was, nor what course to steer. Besides he fell sick, and was unable to creep out of his cabin, so that I was obliged to do my best to navigate our junk; which, with what small skill I possessed, and by the aid of God, I brought safe to _Shachmar_, where we arrived on the 17th of September, having then only five men able to stand on their legs. In consequence, I arrived so late at Firando that I could not go this year to Siam. But Mr William Eaton has gone there in the company’s junk, having two English pilots, named. Robert and John Surges.–I am, &c. EDMOND SAYER.
_No. 5. Letter from Richard Cocks to Captain John Saris, dated Firando, 15th February, 1617.[62]_
[Footnote 62: Perhaps the date of this letter, according to modern computation, ought to have been 1618, as in those days the year did not begin till Lady-day, the 25th March.–E.]
My last letter to you was dated 5th January, 1616, and sent by way of Bantam in the ship Thomas, which went from hence that year along with another small ship called the Advice. In that letter I wrote you at large of all things that had then occurred, and mentioned having received two of your letters from London; one dated 4th November, 1614, and the other 15th August, 1615. The Advice has since returned to Japan, and arrived at Firando on the 2d of August last, and by her I had a letter from the honourable company, dated 30th January, 1616.
You will perhaps have heard that Captain Barkeley, while on his death-bed, narrowly escaped losing 6000 dollars, paid out for custom on pepper; for, if he had died before it was found out, perhaps some other man might have taken credit for paying that sum. It is a common saying, that it is easy for those who live at Bantam to grow rich, as _no man dies _without an heir_. We have been again this year before the emperor of Japan, but could not procure our privileges to be enlarged, having still only leave to carry on trade at Firando and Nangasaki, and our ships to come only to Firando.
Mr Edmond Sayer went last year to Cochin-China with a cargo amounting to about 1800 tayes, in goods and money; and when ready to cone away, was defrauded of 650 tayes, by a Chinese and others, of whom he had bought silk for the worshipful company. He had weighed out the money, waiting to receive the silk, and the money lay in the room where he sat; but some of the thievish people made a hole through the cane-wall of the room, and stole away the money unperceived. I am sorry for this mischance; but Mr Sayer is in hopes to recover it this year, as he left a person to follow out the suit, and goes back himself in a Chinese junk, with 2000 tayes in silver to purchase silk. He is to be accompanied by one Robert Hawley, as his assistant and successor, in case be should die, and Mr William Adams goes pilot, in place of the Chinese. God send them a prosperous voyage, and that they may recover the lost money. Our own junk, the Sea Adventure, made another voyage last year to Siam, Mr William Eaton being merchant; and has gone back again this year. God send them a prosperous voyage.
Last year, the Hollanders sent a fleet of ships from the Moluccas to Manilla, to fight the Spanish fleet: But the Spaniards kept safe in port for five or six months, so that the Hollanders concluded they durst not come out at all, and therefore separated to look out for Chinese junks, of which some say they took and plundered twenty-five, while others say thirty-five. It is certain that they took great riches, and all under the assumed name of Englishmen. At length the Spanish fleet put to sea, and set upon five or six of the Dutch ships, the admiral of which was burnt and sank, together with two other ships, the rest escaping. The Spaniards then separated their fleet, to seek out the remaining Dutch ships. The Spanish vice-admiral fell in with two Dutch ships one morning and fought them both all day; but was at length constrained to run his ship ashore and set her on fire, that she might not be taken by the Hollanders. These two Dutch ships, and one that was in the former fight, came afterwards to Firando, together with two other large Dutch ships from Bantam, as big as the Clove, intending to have intercepted the Macao ship, which they narrowly missed. Thus five great Holland ships came this year to Firando, the smallest of them being as large as the Clove. One of these, called the Red Lion, which was she that rode beside us at the Moluccas, was cast away in a storm at Firando, together with a Chinese junk they brought in as a prize. All the goods were recovered, but were all wet. The emperor allows them to make good prize of all they take.
The Black Lion, one of their ships, of 900 tons burden, was sent away for Bantam, fully laden with raw silk and other rich Chinese commodities. Another, called the Flushing, of 700 or 800 tons, is gone for the Moluccas, fully laden with provisions and money. The Sun, a ship of 600 or 700 tons, with a galliass of above 400 tons, are left to scour the coast of China, to make what booty they can, and to return next monsoon. The galliass has sailed already, but the Sun waits for the Macao ship departing from Nangasaki, that she may endeavour to take her. The Macao ship had actually sailed, but seeing the galliass, she returned to Nangasaki, and will, as I think, hardly venture to sail this year. As I said before, the Dutch have always robbed the Chinese under the name of Englishmen, which has greatly injured our endeavours to procure trade in that country; so that we have been obliged to send people to give notice to the Chinese governors, that they were Hollanders who have taken and plundered their junks, and not Englishmen. In fine, I have advised the worshipful company at large of every thing of moment, which I doubt not will be communicated to you. I send you here inclosed a copy of my last year’s letter; and so, committing you to God, I rest your loving friend at command,
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 6. _Extract of a Letter from Richard Cocks, without Date or Address_.
There came two friars in that ship as ambassadors from the viceroy of New Spain, with a present for the emperor; but he would neither receive the present, nor speak with them that brought it, even sending Mr Adams to order them to quit his dominions, as he had formerly banished all men of their cloth, and continued still in the same mind. It is said that _Fidaia Same_ had promised to receive the jesuits again into Japan, if he had got the victory and been settled in the empire. Had this taken effect, we and the Hollanders had doubtless been turned out of Japan, so that it is better as it is.
Last year, when we fitted out our junk, we employed a Spaniard, called Damian Marina, the same person who thought to have gone with you in company with George Peterson. This Damian was a good helmsman, and was therefore employed by us, and another Spaniard, named Juan de Lievana, went with them as passenger. The junk however lost her voyage, and they returned to Nangasaki, where the carrak of Macao soon afterwards arrived. Understanding that these two Spaniards had gone in our vessel, the Portuguese arrested them and put them in irons in their ship, condemning them to death as traitors to their king and country, for serving their English enemies. I took their defence in hand, and procured an order from the emperor to set them at liberty, to the great displeasure of the Spaniards and Portuguese; and these two men are going passengers to Bantam in the Hosiander.
We have had great troubles in Japan, in consequence of the wars, by transporting our goods from place to place, to save them. Mr Adams is gone again in the junk for Siam, accompanied only by Mr Edmond Sayer. Mr Nealson is very sick; but Mr Wickham and Mr Eaton are both well. I long to hear from you, and I pray you to deliver the inclosed to my brother. Yours, most assured at command,
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 7. _Letter from Richard Cocks, without Address, dated Firando, 10th March, 1620_.[63]
[Footnote 63: In the Pilgrims, the date of this letter is made 1610, evidently by error of the press; and, as observed of No. 5, the real date, according to modern computation, ought to be 1621. The introductory paragraph is a note by Purchas, distinguished by inverted commas, retained as a curious specimen of his mode of writing.–E.]
“Hollanders abuses of the English in those parts, are here published for knowledge of these eastern affairs and occurrents, as it is meet in a history. But neither were these national, but personal crimes, and done in time and place of pretended hostility; and now, I hope, satisfaction is or shall be made. Neighbourhood of region, religion, and customs, are easily violated by drink, covetousness, and pride, the three furies that raised these combustions. This history hath related the worth of many worthy Hollanders: If it yields a close-stool for Westarwood, as excrements rather than true Dutch, or a grain-tub or swill-tub for some brave brewers and bores, that embrued with nobler blood than themselves, prefer their brutish passions to God’s glory, religion, and public peace let it be no imputation to the nation, which I love and honour, but to such baser spirits as have [like scorbutical humours in these long voyages, and their longer peace and want of wonted employments,] been bred as diseases to their, and infections to our bodies. My intent is to present others with their acts, and myself with prayers, that all may be amended.”–_Purchas_.
* * * * *
It is now almost three years since I wrote your worship any letter. The purpose of this is to inform you of the unlooked for and unruly proceedings of the Hollanders against our English nation, in all these parts of the world, not sparing us even in this empire of Japan, contrary to the large privileges granted to us by the emperor, that the Japanese should not meddle with or molest us. But these Hollanders, having this year seven ships great and small in this port of Firando, have, with sound of trumpet, proclaimed open war against our English nation, both by sea and land, threatening to take our ships and goods, and to kill our persons, as their mortal enemies. This was done by one Adam Westarwood, their admiral or lord-commander, as they call him, and was openly proclaimed aboard all their ships. They have even come to brave us before our own doors, picking quarrels with us, and forcibly entering our house, thinking to have cut all our throats, yet only wounded two persons; and, had it not been for the assistance of the Japanese our neighbours, who took our parts, they had assuredly slain us all, as there were an hundred Hollanders to one Englishman. Not contented with this, they took our boat when going about our business, in which was one Englishman, whom they carried prisoner to their house, threatening to put him to death; and indeed he was in imminent danger, among a crowd of drunken fellows, who threatened to stab him with their knives. This young man was Richard King, son to Captain King of Plymouth. Besides this, as two of our barks were passing their ships, within the town and harbour of Firando, they pointed a cannon at them, which missed fire, yet shot at them with muskets, which missed the Englishmen and killed a Japanese. For all this there is no justice executed against them by the king of Firando, though he has received the commands of the emperor to that effect.
Yon will also please to understand, that two of these ships which they have brought to Firando are English ships, taken by them from Englishmen in the Indies. They also took two other ships from us, which were riding at anchor in the road of Patania, where we have a factory, and had not the least suspicion of any such event. In this unwarrantable affair, they killed Captain John Jordaine,[64] our chief president for the right worshipful company in the Indies. Several others were then slain, and the Hollanders carried the ships and goods away; but six of the mariners, which were in these captured English ships, escaped from them here at Firando, and came to our house. The Hollanders sent to me, demanding to have these men given up to them. But I answered, that I must first see their commission, that I might know by what authority they presumed to take our ships and goods, and to slay our men, the faithful subjects of his majesty. Upon this, they went to the _Tono_, or king of Firando, desiring to have their _English slaves_,[65] as they were pleased to call our men, delivered up to them. But they were told, that they must first demand of the emperor, and whatever he ordained should be obeyed; but that, in the meantime, he did not consider the English to be their slaves. This was the grand occasion on which they grounded their quarrel against us, and meant to have killed us all. But I trust in God and his majesty, by the solicitations of our right honourable and right worshipful employers, that his majesty will not suffer his true and loyal subjects to lose their lives, ships, and goods by this thievish and unthankful rabble, who are assembled in these parts of the world, and who make a daily practice to rob and steal from all, whether friends or foes: And I trust that you will become a solicitor in this so just cause, against so inveterate an enemy.
[Footnote 64: This Captain Jordaine is said to have been treacherously slain in the time of a treaty–_Purch._]
[Footnote 65: And who was the happy instrument of their own delivery, from what they accounted slavery, but the English nation?–_Purch._]
This Adam Westarwood, their lord-commander, set my life to sale; offering fifty dollars to any one that would kill me, and thirty dollars for every other Englishman that they could slay: But hitherto God hath preserved me and the rest in this place; for though they have wounded two or three of our men, none have died. This villainous proceeding[66] of their lord-commander was secretly told me by some of their own people, who advised me and the rest of us to take heed to our safety. They also informed me of the noble parentage of this their lord-commander Westarwood, telling me that his father is a close-stool maker at Amsterdam, or thereabouts; and that the best of their captains are the sons of shoemakers, carpenters, or brewers. God bless their honourable and worshipful generation! I would say, God bless me from them. To make an end of this matter, I went up this year to the emperor’s court at Meaco, to complain of the abuses offered to us in his dominions, contrary to the privileges his majesty had granted us. I had very good words, and fair promises made me that we should have justice, and that the _tono_ or king of Firando should be ordered to see it performed: But as yet nothing has been done, though I have many times made earnest suit on the subject.
[Footnote 66: Unchristian, uncivil, inhumane, immane, devilish impiety.–_Purch._]
While I was at the court, and in the emperor’s palace at Meaco, there were several Spaniards and Portuguese there to pay their obeisance to the emperor, as is their custom every year on the arrival of their ships. There was also a Hollander at the court, who had lived almost twenty years in Japan, and speaks the Japanese language very fluently. In my hearing, and that of others, this fellow began highly to extol their king of Holland, pretending that he was the greatest king in Christendom, and held all the others under his command. He little thought that we understood what he said; but I was not slack in telling him, that he need not be so loud, for they had no king in Holland, being only governed by a count, or rather that they governed him. Nay, if they had any king at all in whom they could boast, it certainly was the king of England, who had hitherto been their protector, and without whose aid they had never been able to brag of their States. This retort made the Spaniards and Portuguese laugh heartily at the poor Hollander, and made him shut his mouth.
And now for the news of this country. The emperor is great enemy to the name of Christians, especially to the Japanese who have embraced the faith; so that all such as are found are put to death. While at Meaco, I saw fifty-five martyred at one time, because they would not forsake the faith, and among them were some children of five or six years old, who were burnt in the arms of their mothers, calling on Jesus to receive their souls. Also, in the town of Nangasaki, sixteen others were martyred for the same cause, of whom five were burnt, and the rest beheaded and cut in pieces, and their remains put into sacks and cast into the sea in thirty fathoms deep: Yet the priests got them up again, and kept their remains secretly as relics. There are many others in prison, both here and in other places, who look hourly to be ordered for execution, as very few of them revert to paganism. Last year, about Christmas, the emperor deposed one of the greatest princes in all Japan, called _Frushma-tay_, lord of sixty or seventy _mangocas_, and banished him to a corner in the north of Japan, where he has a very small portion in comparison with what was taken from him, and he had the choice of this or of cutting open his own belly. It was thought that this would have occasioned great troubles in Japan, for all the subjects of _Frushma-tay_ were up in arms, and meant to hold out to the utmost extremity, having fortified the city of _Frushma_, and laid in provisions for a long time. But the _tay_ and his son, being then at the emperor’s court, were commanded to write to their vassals, ordering them to lay down their arms and submit to the emperor, or otherwise to cut open their own bellies. Life being sweet, they all submitted, and those were pardoned who had taken up arms for their _tay_. The emperor has given their dominions, which were two kingdoms, to two of his own kinsmen; and this year the emperor has ordered the castle belonging to Frushma to be pulled down, being a very beautiful and gallant fortress, in which I saw him this year, and far larger than the city of Rochester. All the stones are ordered to be conveyed to Osaka, where the ruined castle, formerly built by _Fico-Same_, and pulled down by _Ogosha-Same_, is ordered to be rebuilt three times larger than before; for which purpose all the _tonos_ or kings have each their several tasks appointed them; to be executed at their several charges, not without much grumbling: For they had got leave, after so many years attendance at court, to return to their own residences, and were now sent for again all of a sadden to court, which angreth them not a little: “But go they must, will they nill they, on pain of belly-cutting.”
At this time there runs a secret rumour, that _Fidaia Same_ is alive, and in the house of the _Dairo_[67] at Meaco; but I think it has been reported several times before this that he was living in other places, but proved untrue. There are some rich merchants here that belong to Meaco, who are much alarmed by this report, lest, if true, the emperor may burn Meaco; and who are therefore in haste to get home. Were Fidaia actually alive it might tend to overthrow the emperor’s power, for, though a great politician, he is not a martial man: But be this as it may, things can hardly be worse for us. I advised you in my last of the destruction of all the Christian churches in Japan; yet there were some remnants left at Nangasaki till this year, and in particular the monastery of Misericiordia was untouched, as were all the church-yards and burying-places; but now, by order of the emperor, all is destroyed, all the graves and sepulchres of the Christians opened, and the bones of the dead taken out by their parents and kindred, to be buried elsewhere in the fields. Streets have been built on the scites of these churches, monasteries, and burying-grounds, except in some places, where pagodas have been erected by command of the emperor, who has sent heathen priests to occupy them, thinking utterly to root out Christianity from Japan. There were certain places near Nangasaki where several jesuit fathers and other Christians were martyred, in the reign of _Ogosha Same_, and where their parents and friends had planted evergreen-trees, and erected altars near each tree, where many hundreds went daily to say their prayers; but now, by command of the emperor, all these trees are cut down, the altars destroyed, and the ground all levelled, it being his firm resolution utterly to root out the remembrance of all matters connected with Christianity.
[Footnote 67: The Dairo was formerly the sovereign of Japan, uniting the supreme civil and spiritual power, committing the military affairs to a kind of generalissimo, who usurped supreme authority, and reduced the Dairo to be a kind of sovereign pontiff or chief-priest.–E.]
In the months of November and December, 1618, there were two comets seen all over Japan. The first, rising in the east, was like a great fiery beam, rent to the southwards, and vanished away in about the space of a month. The other rose also in the east, like a great blazing star, and went northwards, vanishing quite away within a month near the constellation of Ursa-Major or Charles-waine. The wizards of Japan have prognosticated great events to arise from these comets, but hitherto nothing material has occurred, excepting the deposition of _Frushma-tay_, already related.
I am almost ashamed to write you the news which the Spaniards and Portuguese report, though some of them have shewn me letters affirming it to be true, of a bloody cross having been seen in the air in England; and that an English preacher, speaking irreverently of it from the pulpit, was struck dumb: On which miracle, as they term it the king of England sent to the pope, to have some cardinals and learned men brought to England, as intending that all the people of England should become Roman catholics. I pray you pardon me for writing of such nonsense, which I do that you may laugh; yet I assure you there are many Spaniards and Portuguese here who firmly believe it. I know not what more to write you at this time: But I hope to come to England in the next shipping that comes here; and I trust in God that I may find your worship in good health.
RICHARD COCKS.
SECTION XVI.
_Ninth Voyage of the East India Company, in 1612, by Captain Edmund Marlow_.[68]
We sailed from the Downs on the 10th February, 1612, in the good ship James, and crossed the equator on the 11th April.[69] The 27th of that month, at noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 19 deg. 40′ S. and in longitude, from the Lizard, 11 deg. 24′ W. We this day saw an island fourteen leagues from us in the S.E. which I formerly saw when I sailed with Sir Edward Michelburne. It is round like Corvo, and rises rugged, having a small peaked hill at its east end. Its lat. is 23 deg. 30′ S. and long. 10 deg. 30′ W. from the Lizard; and there is another island or two in sight, seven or eight leagues E.N.E. from this.[70]
[Footnote 68: Purch. Pilg. I. 440.–The relation of this voyage in the Pilgrims is said to have been written by Mr John _Davy_, the master of the ship: Probably the same John _Davis_, or _Davies_, formerly mentioned as having frequently sailed as master to India in these early voyages, and from whose pen Purchas published a _Rutter_, or brief book of instructions for sailing to India. On the present occasion, this voyage has been considerably abbreviated, especially in the nautical remarks, which are now in a great degree obsolete and useless, and have been already sufficiently enlarged upon in the former voyages to India.–E.]
[Footnote 69: From some indistinct notices, in the commencement of this voyage, the Dragon and Hosiander appear to have belonged to the _tenth_ voyage of the East India Company, and the Solomon to the _eleventh_ voyage; and that these three ships sailed from England at the same time with the James, which belonged to the _ninth_ voyage.–E.]
[Footnote 70: This seemeth the island of Martin Vaz.–_Purch._ The island of Trinidad, or Martin Vaz, is only in lat. 20 deg. 15′ S. and long. 29 deg. 32′ W. from Greenwich.–E.]
We saw the island of St Lawrence on the 29th June, and anchored in five fathoms water in the bay of St Augustine on the 28th at night. Next day we weighed, and brought the ship to anchor in the river, one anchor being in thirty-five and the other in ten fathoms. A ship may ride here in shallower water at either side, the deep channel being narrow. In this anchorage no sea can distress a ship, being protected by the land and shoals, so that it may well be called a harbour, from its safety. We remained here twenty days, and sailed for Bantam on the 18th of July.
In the morning of the 24th September we saw the islands of Nintam, in lat. 1 deg. 30′ S.[71] The sound between the two great islands is eighteen leagues from Priaman, and eleven leagues from the shoals before _Ticoo_, which must be carefully avoided during the night, by laying two or three or four leagues off till day-light. When you see three hummocks that resemble three islands, take care always to have a person stationed on the outer end of the boltsprit to give warning of any spots in your way, as there are coral beds, which may be easily seen and avoided. The course from this sound for Ticoo or Priaman is E.N.E. to these shoals. In passing this sound, keep your lead always going, and come no nearer the large southern island than the depth of sixteen fathoms, as there are shoals towards the east side, and a breach or ledge also off the northern island, on the larboard going in for Priaman. When nearing the shoals of Ticoo, set the three hummocks on the main, which look like islands, as all the land near them is very low; and when you have these hummocks N.E. by E. then are you near the shoals, and when the hummocks are N.N.E. you are past the shoals. But great care is necessary everywhere, as it is all bad ground hereabout, till past the high land of _Manancabo_, which is in lat 4 deg. 30′ S. or thereby.
[Footnote 71: Pulo Mintao is probably here meant, which is to the south of the line, but touches it at its northern extremity. The sound in the text, is probably that between Pulo Botoa and Pulo Mintao.–E.]
We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 26th September, where we found the Thomas, and remained fourteen days to refresh our sick men, when the Hector and our ship sailed for Bantam, where we arrived in company with the Janus and Hector on the 23d October. The 4th November we weighed from the road of Bantam, intending to proceed by the straits of Sunda for Coromandel; but the winds and currents were so strong against us, that we were forced back into the straits of Sunda to refit our ship, which was much weather-beaten. The 11th December, we anchored again at Pulo Panian, and went to work to trim our ship and take in ballast. Being ballasted, watered, and refitted, we sailed again on the 10th January, 1613, for the straits of Malacca. But, being too late in the monsoon, and both wind and current against us, we got no farther than seventy leagues from Bantam by the first of March, with much toil to the men. Wherefore we concluded to take in wood and water, and to return for Bantam by the outside of Sumatra.
Having again sailed for Coromandel, we were at noon of the 5th June, 1613, in lat. 12 deg. N. and long. 23 deg. W. from the salt hills, having been carried by the currents 4 deg. 30′, or ninety leagues out of our reckoning. Whoever sails from Bantam, either up or down, will find such uncertain reckoning that he may well miss his destined port, unless he looks well to the variation of the needle, which will help materially in ten or fifteen leagues, and indeed there is no other way of dealing with these currents. We now got sight of the land, which is so very low that the pagodas or pagan churches are first descried. With the aid of the lead, you may sail boldly on this coast of Coromandel in fifteen fathoms by night, and ten by day; but a steady man must always be kept at the lead on such occasions, as the sea shoals suddenly; for after thirteen fathoms, it will suddenly fall off to shoal water, being like a well or steep bank, and the ground ooze. The course along the coast is N. by E. to Pullicate, and so to Masulipatam.
The 6th June we anchored at noon in the road of Pullicate, in eight fathoms on sand. There is a middle ground, having only five fathoms, and within that another, having six, seven, and eight. The marks for the road where we anchored, are the round hill by the other hill, W. by N. and the Dutch fort S.W. by W. The latitude is 13 deg. 30′ N. and the variation 18 deg. 10′. Departing from Pullicate roads on the night of the 7th, we were on the 8th in lat. 14 deg. 40′ at noon, having sailed twenty-three leagues since last night, our depth of water being twenty-three to twenty-fire fathoms, and our course N. by E. but the lead is our sure guide on this coast, under God. The 9th at noon we were in lat. 15 deg. 30′, having the land in sight, but not the high land of _Petapoli_ [Putapilly]. During the last twenty-four hours, we sailed seventeen leagues north, in fifteen and sixteen fathoms. The high land now in sight is known by a pagoda or pagan temple, and is five leagues from the high land of Putapilly, in the road of which place we anchored on the 10th in five fathoms on sand, this new high land bearing from us N.N.W. the platform of palm trees upon the island E.N.E. by E. and the bar N.W. by N. The whole sea coast is low land. The latitude here is 15 deg. 52′. Having established a factory, in which we left Mr George Chansey and our purser as merchants, with other seven men to assist in taking care of our goods, we sailed from Putapilly on the forenoon of the 19th.
We anchored in the road of Masulipatam on the 21st, where we found a ship belonging to Holland. We remained here for six months, until the 6th January, 1614, and then set sail for Putapilly, where we arrived on the 19th of that month, and remained there, taking in the merchants and their goods till the 7th February, when we sailed for Bantam. We arrived there on the 20th April, and on the 10th June set sail for Patane. By noon of that day, being in lat. 5 deg. 44′ S. we had sight of the islands nine leagues from Bantam, our course, after getting clear of the road, being N.N.E. in five, six, seven, eight, twelve, fourteen, and so to twenty-four fathoms. At six in the morning of the 11th, we were close beside the two islands that are north from Bantam near Sumatra, in lat. 5 deg. S. and in twenty fathoms; this being the surest course both going to and from Bantam, but it is necessary to keep a good look-out for the sand-banks which are even with the water. The 12th, being involved in a strong adverse current, we were forced to anchor in a quarter less four fathoms, in sight of a reef, twelve leagues short of Lucapara, and forty-eight from Bantam.
The 14th, we came in with the island of Banda and the main of Sumatra, and went through between them in five 1/2 fathoms. In this passage it is proper to keep nearer the Sumatra shore, though the water is deeper on the Banda side of the strait; as that side is rocky, while the side towards Sumatra is oozy. The 16th we came to Palimbangan point; and the 17th at noon, being in lat, 1 deg. 10′ S. we anchored in nine fathoms, on account of it falling calm with a strong current, the isle of Pulo Tino being to seawards. The 30th, we anchored in the road of Patane in three 1/2 fathoms. On the 1st August we sailed to Sangora to trim our ship, being a good place for that purpose under shelter of two islands hard by the main, and fourteen or fifteen leagues from Patane. We anchored in Sangora road, under the eastermost of the two islands, on the 4th; and having put our ship into good trim, we came away on the 9th September, and returned to Patane next day. We remained there a month taking in the goods of the Globe, to carry them to Bantam, for which place we sailed on the 9th October, and arrived at Bantam on the 9th November. We continued there till the 27th January, 1615, to load our ship, and to get all things in readiness for our voyage home to England.
The 29th we set sail from Bantam, homewards bound; and when some hundred leagues from thence, our captain, Mr Edmund Marlow, died. He was an excellent man, and well skilled in the mathematics and the art of navigation. The first place at which we anchored was Saldanha bay, where we arrived on the 29th April, 1615, and next day our consort the Globe came in. Having well refreshed and refitted our ships, we set sail from thence on the 17th May, and arrived at St Helena on the 3d June. Sailing from thence along with our consort, on the 7th of that month, we arrived in England on the 3d of August, giving praise to God for our safety.
SECTION XVII.
_Tenth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1612, written by Mr Thomas Best, chief Commander_.[72]
From the full tide of this voyage, in the Pilgrims, we learn that there were two ships employed in this _tenth_ voyage, named the Dragon and the Hosiander, in which were about 380 persons; and these were accompanied by two other ships, the James and the Solomon, which belonged to other voyages, each voyage being then a separate adventure, and conducted by a separate subscription stock, as formerly explained in the introduction to the present chapter. We learn from other parts of the Pilgrims, that the James belonged to the _ninth_ voyage, related immediately before this, and the Solomon to the _eleventh_, to be afterwards narrated.–E.
[Footnote 72: Purch. Pilgr. I.456.]
Sec.1. _Observations during the Voyage from England to Surat_.
We sailed from Gravesend on the 1st of February, 1612. At noon on the 22d March we made the latitude 15 deg. 20′ N. and at two p.m. were abreast of Mayo, one of the Cape Verd islands, being S.W. by S. about twelve leagues from Bonavista. To the N. and N.N.W. of Mayo the ground is all foul, and due N. of the high hummocks a great ledge of rocks runs out from the land for five or six miles, a mile without which ledge there