afterwards that he had been sacrificed. On being questioned whence they procured their gold, they answered that it came from the west, frequently repeating _Culchua_ and _Mexico_, words we did not then understand; but an interpreter, named Franciso, who had been along with Grijalva, though he did not understand the language of Tabasco, said that he knew Culchua, which he alleged lay far inland. On the day following, having erected a crucifix and built an altar, the name of Tabasco was changed to that of _Santa Maria de la Vittoria_; and on this occasion, the twenty Indian women who had been presented to Cortes by the chiefs were baptized by our chaplain, Olmedo, who preached to them many good things of our holy faith, Aguilar serving as interpreter. Cortes gave one of these women to each of his captains. These were the first Christian women in New Spain.
The young native who was baptised by the name of Donna Marina was a woman of high rank, which she shewed in her and appearance, of a beautiful person and countenance, a quick genius and high spirit, and rendered very essential services in the sequel of our expedition. She was a native of the village of _Painalla_, in the province of _Guacacualca_, or _Coatzacualco_[10]. Her father was prince or cacique of Painalla and several other districts, under subjection to the empire of Mexico; but dying while she was an infant, her mother married another cacique, by whom she had a son, to whom they wished to give the succession which ought to have belonged to Marina. For this purpose they gave her away privately to some merchants of _Xicallanco_, a place on the borders of Tabasco in Yucutan, giving out that she was dead, and going into mourning for the daughter of one of their slaves who died at this time, and was much of the same age. These merchants sold her to some chief in Tabasco, by whom she was afterwards presented to Cortes, who presented her to Puertocarrero; and when that cavalier returned to Spain, Cortes took her to himself, and had a son by her, named Don Martin Cortes, who became a knight of St Jago. She afterwards married, during our expedition to Higueras, a cavalier named Juan Xaramillo. During the expedition to Higueras in Honduras, in the year 1524, in which she accompanied Cortes, she had occasion to see her mother and brother; as Cortes summoned all the neighbouring caciques to meet him at Coatzacualco, among whom they came, as they now governed their territory conjunctly, the second husband being dead. On seeing Donna Marina, the old lady and her son cried bitterly, being afraid of being put to death; but Marina assured them of her forgiveness, saying that she thanked GOD their intended injury had been the means of drawing her from the worship of idols to the true faith, and was happier in having a son by her lord and master Cortes, and in the husband she then possessed, than if she had been sovereign of all New Spain, and gave them at parting a handsome present of gold. I was personally acquainted with her mother and half brother, who were both afterwards baptized, the mother by the name of Martha, and the brother by that of Lazarus. Donna Marina perfectly understood her native language of Coatzacualco, which is the same with that of Mexico; and as she could likewise converse with Aguilar in the _Maja_ language, which is spoken in Yucutan and Tabasco, we thus acquired a medium of intercourse with the Mexicans, Tlascalans, and other nations of Anahuac or New Spain, which was of infinite importance to us in the sequel. In a little time she learnt the Spanish, by which the circuitous means of double interpretation was avoided. She was always faithful to the Spaniards, to whom her services were of the very highest importance; as she not only was the instrument of their negotiations with the various nations of Anahuac, but often saved their lives by giving them notice of dangers, and suggesting the means of avoiding them. Don Martin Cortes, her son, was afterwards most unjustly put to the torture at Mexico in 1568, on some unfounded suspicion of intended rebellion, his iniquitous and barbarous judges, paying no regard to the memory of the unequalled services rendered by his parents to the Catholic king and the Spanish nation.
We remained five days longer in Tabasco, taking care of our sick and wounded, during, which time Cortes used his endeavours to conciliate the natives, whom he enjoined to preserve their allegiance to his Catholic majesty, by which they would secure his protection. They promised faithfully to perform all that he had enjoined, and thus became the first native vassals of the Spanish monarchy in New Spain. On Palm Sunday, with the assistance of the natives, we erected a cross made of a large _cieba_ tree, on the field where the late battle was fought, as a lasting memorial of our victory, as this tree has the power of reproducing its bark. The natives attended us in our procession to adore the holy image of the cross, and they likewise assisted us in our preparations to reimbark, our pilots wishing to get away from this part of the coast, the anchorage being unsafe for the ships, as the wind blew strongly on the shore. Every thing being in readiness, and Cortes having taken leave of the natives, we all embarked on the evening of Palm Sunday, and set sail next morning for St Juan de Ulua. While we proceeded along the coast, such of us as had been there before along with Grijalva, pointed out to Cortes the different places which we recollected; saying here is _la Rambla_, there _Tonala_, or St Antonio, there the river of _Coatzacualco_, the _Sierra Nevada_, or Snowy Mountains, and those of St Martin, the _Roca Partida_, or Pierced Rock, the rivers of Alvarado, and the Vanderas, _Isla Blanca_, _Isla Verda_, _Isla de los Sacrificios_, and early in the evening of Holy Thursday, 21st April, we arrived at the harbour of St Juan de Ulua. While we were pointing out these places to the general, Puertocarrero came up to him, saying: “These gentlemen seem to make an exhibition, as who should say, here you have the Montesinos of France, here you see the great and flourishing city of Paris, and so forth: But I say, here you have the land of riches, and look well to your measures.” Cortes perfectly understood the meaning of his words, to which he answered: “GOD grant us good fortune in arms like the paladin Orlando; for having such gentlemen as you under my command, I shall know well how to bring our enterprize to a happy conclusion.”
[1] Diaz minutely enumerates and describes all the horses, mentioning who they all belonged to.–E.
[2] According to Clavigero, II. 7. this armament, by which a great and populous empire was subverted, consisted of eleven vessels, carrying 1O9 mariners, 508 soldiers, divided into eleven companies, ten field-pieces, four falconets, and sixteen horses. Alaminos, who had been pilot to Cordavo and Grijalva, was chief pilot of this expedition.–E.
[3] On a former occasion, the chaplain of the expedition was named Bartholome de Olmedo, but this other clergyman appears likewise to have attended the expedition.–E.
[4] In Clavigero and other Spanish authors, this person is named de Olid, but Diaz uniformly gives him the name in the text.–E.
[5] Diaz says that this was the expedition of Cordova; but that was in 1517, two years before. According to Clavigero, Aguilar had learnt the Maja language, which was spoken by the inhabitants of Yucutan and Cozumel, and became very useful to Cortes as his interpreter.–E.
[6] This river is called Chiapa by Clavigero.–E.
[7] Clavigero calls the field of battle the plain of _Ceutla_, where he says there was another Indian town not far distant from Tabasco.–E.
[8] According to Clavigero, this place was named _Madona della Vittoria_, which was destroyed by the English about the middle of the seventeenth century, the inhabitants removing to _Villahermosa_, at a greater distance from the coast.–E.
[9] There are no lions or tigers in America, but Europeans have loosely given these names to other species of the same genus, such as the felis onca, or jaguar; F. discolor or jaguarate; and F. concolor, or puma; which last is often called the American lion, and the jaguar is the Mexican tiger.–E.
[10] In this account of Donna Marina, the information given by Clavigero, II. 9. is here combined with that of Bernal Diaz, and the orthography of the Mexican names of places has been corrected throughout from the former writer, a native of New Spain, and intimately acquainted with its language. As the Mexicans do not pronounce the letter _r_, they used to call her _Malintzin_, tzin being an affix of dignity; from which she is still remembered in Mexico by the name of _Malinchi_.–E.
SECTION IV.
_Arrival of the Armament at St Juan de Ulua, and account of Occurrences at that Place_.
As already mentioned, we arrived at the port of St Juan de Ulua on the evening of Holy Thursday, the 21st April 1519, where we came to anchor, Cortes hoisting the royal standard of Spain. In about half an hour after our arrival, two large canoes or _piraguas_ full of Mexicans were seen coming off from the shore towards the flag-ship[1]. On coming aboard, they inquired for the _Tlatoan_, or general, who was pointed out to them by Donna Marina, who acted as interpreter on the occasion with the aid of Aguilar. She translated the speech of the Mexicans to Aguilar in the Maja language of Yucatan, who again translated that to Cortes in Spanish. The reply of Cortes was translated by Aguilar to Marina in Maja, which she again retranslated to the Mexicans in their language. The Mexicans, approaching Cortes with much respect, said that they were sent to wait upon him by a servant of their sovereign _Montezuma_, to inquire who we were, and what was our business; and that, if we were in want of any thing, they had orders to supply us. Cortes thanked them for their attention, making them a present of some cut glass and other toys, and invited them to partake of some refreshments, stating that he had come to trade with them, and to confer with their king on affairs of the highest importance, assuring them that no one should receive any injury, but that all should have reason to be satisfied with his visit to their country.
Next day being Good Friday, we disembarked the cavalry, artillery, and infantry, on the sand hills where the city of New Vera Cruz now stands, where we constructed huts for the troops, posting the artillery for the protection of our cantonment, and erected an altar for public performance of our devotions. Many of the natives came to visit us next day, bringing hatchets with them, and assisted us in making our huts more comfortable, more especially that of our general; they also brought a present of many large cloths or mantles to protect us from the sun, and made us a considerable present of fowls, bread, and plumbs, and some gold. The bearers of this present informed Cortes that the governor of the province intended to wait upon him on the second day after, being Easter Sunday, the 24th of April. Accordingly _Teuchtlile_, the governor, came at the time specified, accompanied by a chief named _Quitlatpitoc_[2], who was afterwards named Ovandillo, with a great retinue bearing various articles of provisions with much ceremony and respect. These men advanced, making three profound reverences to Cortes and the soldiers who were with him; and, after exchanging civilities, Cortes ordered mass to be performed in their presence, after which he and the two Mexican lords with several Spanish officers, sat down to dinner. When this was over, he informed the Mexican chiefs, that he was the servant of the greatest king in the world, who had sent him to visit their sovereign, whose fame had reached him, and who had ordered him to communicate some affairs of the greatest importance. To this Teuchtlile answered somewhat haughtily: “You are only just arrived in this land, and yet speak already of seeing our king: receive in the meantime this present which he has sent you, and we shall speak of other things hereafter.” He then took from a _petlacalli_, or basket of reeds, many admirably wrought toys of gold, with various artificial works in coloured feathers, which he presented to Cortes, together with ten loads of fine garments of white cotton, and an abundant supply of provisions, such as fowls, fruit, and roasted fish. There were many other articles in the present made on this occasion which I do not now remember the particulars of, as it is long ago. Cortes presented them in return with artificial diamonds, and requested they would encourage the natives to barter with us, which they engaged to do. We afterwards learnt that these Mexican chiefs were the governors _Cuetlachtlan_, _Tustepeque_, _Cuetzpaltepec_, _Tlacatlalpan_, and other districts, which had been lately reduced under the Mexican empire. Cortes then produced a richly carved and painted arm-chair, some artificial jewels called _margajitas_[3] enveloped in perfumed cotton, a string of artificial diamonds, and a crimson velvet montero cap ornamented with a gold medal of St George killing the dragon; which he requested _Teuchtlile_ to convey to Montezuma as a present from the king of Spain, and to signify his request to be permitted to wait upon him. The chief made answer, that his sovereign would assuredly be happy to hold intercourse with ours, and that he should convey a true report of this request to Montezuma, who would instruct him what answer he should make.
Some able Mexican painters accompanied the two chiefs on this occasion, who drew accurate representations of Cortes and the other Spanish officers and soldiers, of Donna Marina, Aguilar, and every circumstance that seemed worthy of remark, even our dogs, guns, and balls, in order to convey exact information to Montezuma. On perceiving this, Cortes ordered the cannon to be loaded, and ordered the cavalry to be exercised in their presence under Alvarado. He drew off the attention of the chiefs as if by accident, and had the cannon discharged without any previous notice. The prodigious noise of the explosion, and the strange effects of the balls among the trees, impressed the natives with terror and amazement, yet their painters endeavoured to represent even this for the information of their king. Teuchtlile happened to notice a partly gilt helmet[4] on one of our soldiers, which he said resembled one which had belonged to their ancestors, and which was now placed on the head of _Huitzilopochtli_, their god of war, and which he wished to carry along with them to Montezuma. Cortes immediately complied with his request, saying that it would be proper to return it full of grains of gold, as a fit present for our emperor, in order to see whether the gold of Mexico was the same with that of Spain. Teuchtlile now took leave of Cortes, assuring him that he would very soon return with an answer from Montezuma. Our presents, and intelligence of all that had passed at this interview, were conveyed with amazing rapidity to Montezuma by this officer, who was as much distinguished for swiftness of foot as for his high rank. Montezuma was particularly struck with the appearance of the helmet, as it impressed him strongly with the opinion that we were destined by heaven to acquire the rule over his empire[5]. On the departure of Teuchtlile, the other chief, Cuitlalpitoc, took up his residence in a temporary building near the camp, whence his people supplied the table of Cortes with provisions, and our soldiers procured subsistence by means of barter with the natives.
At the end of six or seven days, Teuchtlile returned to the camp, accompanied by more than an hundred men bearing presents from Montezuma. He had another Mexican chief along with him, named _Quintalbor_[6], who had so strong a resemblance to our general, that the soldiers always called him _the other_ Cortes. On coming into the presence of Cortes, the ambassadors touched the ground with their hands, which they kissed in token of respect, and then fumigated him and the rest of the Spaniards with incense. After some conversation, the presents were displayed on mats and mantles spread out on the ground. The first was a plate of gold, as large as a coach wheel, most admirably wrought, and representing the sun[7], said to exceed the value of 20,000 crowns. The next was an equally well wrought plate of silver, but larger, representing the moon. The helmet was returned as desired, full of native grains of gold to the value of 3000 crowns; but the information with this circumstance conveyed to us of the richness of the mines of this country was inestimable. There were then displayed a number of toys or ornaments of gold, remarkably well executed, resembling various animals, as deers, dogs, lions, tigers, apes, ducks, &c. twelve arrows, a bow with its cord, two rods like those used by officers of justice, five palms long, ten collars, and many other ornaments, all cast or moulded in fine gold. There were likewise several representations of plumes of feathers in fillagree work, some of gold and others of silver, with several fans of the same materials, and some beautiful plumes of green feathers. There were likewise thirty loads of the finest cotton cloth, and many other articles which I do not now remember. The ambassadors then made a speech, in which they desired Cortes to accept this present in the same spirit of good will in which it was sent by their sovereign, and to divide it among the _teules_[8] who accompanied him. They also delivered the following message from Montezuma: “He rejoiced to hear of the arrival of so many valiant men in his empire; should be happy to see our sovereign and to interchange presents with him, and would render us every service in his power; but that a visit to his court would be attended with numerous difficulties, as the way to it is through barren deserts and the countries of inimical nations, and he could not therefore wish us to attempt the journey.” Cortes received this message with the appearance of much good humour, and presented the ambassadors with fine Holland shirts and other articles of small value; but made them the following reply: “That, after having passed so great an extent of sea, he could not possibly return without executing the orders of his sovereign, which were to wait upon the great Montezuma in person, and to communicate to him matters of great importance which he was commanded to deliver.” The ambassadors replied, that they would convey his message to their sovereign, but gave no hopes of bringing back a favourable answer. Cortes made up a second present for Montezuma out of our small means, consisting of a Venice drinking glass, curiously gilt and ornamented with figures, three fine shirts, and some other articles of European manufacture, with which the ambassadors returned to Mexico, leaving Quitlalpitoc, as formerly, to supply our camp with provisions.
As the uninhabited sand banks on which we were encamped were much infested with mosquitos, and seemed unfit for a settlement, Cortes sent Francisco de Montejo with two small ships, to examine the coast in search of a port in a better situation for a colony. He accordingly proceeded along the coast as far as the river of Panuco, which the currents prevented him from passing, and on his return he reported that the only place he could find for the purpose, was a town or fortress called _Quiabuistlan_[9], twelve leagues from St Juan de Ulua, near which there was a harbour which his pilot said was sheltered from the north wind. This place was afterwards called Puerto del Nombre Feo, from its resemblance to a harbour of that name in Spain. Montejo employed ten or twelve days in this expedition, in which time Quitlalpitoc became exceedingly remiss in supplying our wants, so that we began to be in great distress for provisions. The bread and bacon we had brought from Cuba became rotten, and we must have starved but for our success in fishing, as the few natives who occasionally brought fowls for sale valued them much higher than they had done at the first. After waiting a long time with much impatience, Teuchtlile returned to the camp alone, the other ambassador having fallen ill by the way. He delivered a present of ten loads of the finest cotton garments, four jewels resembling emeralds, called _calchihuis_, so highly valued by the Mexicans, that he said each was worth more than a load of gold, and besides these, some gold ornaments to the value of 3000 crowns, and some ornamental work in feathers. After delivering this present, Teuhtlile said, that Montezuma desired to have no more messages, and that henceforth all farther intercourse between the Spaniards and Mexico must cease. Though much mortified at this refusal, Cortes made a polite answer; after which, turning to some of us who were present, he said, “Assuredly this is a great and rich king; and, with the permission of God, we must see him.” To which we all answered that we were ready to march at his command. At this moment the bell tolled for the _Ave Maria_, and we all fell on our knees before the holy cross. The Mexican chiefs were curious to know the meaning of all this, and asked why we adored that piece of wood. On this, at the suggestion of Cortes, Father Olmedo explained the mystery of the cross, by virtue of which the evil spirits were chased away, and endeavoured to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, representing the abomination of their idolatry, and the barbarity of their human sacrifices, the putting a stop to which was the principal object of our voyage to their country. He then shewed them an image of the Holy Virgin with the child Jesus in her arms, desiring them to take it with them and adore it, and to plant similar crosses to that they now saw in their temples instead of their accursed images. Teuhtlile promised that he would relate every thing he had seen and heard to his sovereign, and went his way.
At this time considerable quantities of gold were brought by the natives to barter with the soldiers for toys, but very few provisions, so that we were forced to pay away this gold again to our mariners for fish, as otherwise we should have been reduced to absolute want. Cortes was perfectly aware of this private traffic, which however he considered as tending to advance his own schemes, although he carefully concealed his opinions on the subject; but the adherents of Velasquez began to express much displeasure at the practice, and demanded of Cortes to take such measures as might bring all the gold into a public stock under the charge of a common treasurer, for the benefit of all concerned. Cortes immediately complied with their requisition, and appointed Gonzalo Mexia to this office; but said angrily to those who had insisted on this regulation, “Our brave companions are suffering under a scarcity of provisions, and I connived therefore at the trifling traffic in gold which they have been carrying on, because we have great prospects before as of acquiring much wealth. I have now proclaimed the regulations which you have demanded; and we shall see in future how the soldiers will be able to procure food.” Soon afterwards we found that all the Mexicans had quitted our neighbourhood without taking leave, which we learned in the sequel had been done by orders from Montezuma, who had resolved to allow of no farther intercourse between us and his empire. This sovereign was extremely bigotted to the idolatrous worship, established in his dominions, sacrificing boys every day to his false gods, that they might direct his proceedings. The priests accordingly pretended, that the gods had prohibited the reception of the cross into Mexico, and had forbidden any farther intercourse with the Spaniards. This gave occasion to the removal of Quitlalpitoc and his attendants, on which we deemed it necessary to prepare against approaching hostilities, all our remaining provisions being removed to the ships for security, and the utmost vigilance enjoined in the camp in case of any sudden attack.
While in this state of uncertainty and alarm, I and another soldier happened one day to be standing on guard on the sands at some distance from the camp, when we observed five natives approaching towards us. As they were so few, we did not choose to occasion any unnecessary alarm, and allowed them to draw near. They saluted us in a friendly manner, and desired by signs to be conducted to our general. Leaving my comrade at the outpost, I attended them to the camp, being then young and active, though now old and worn down with fatigues. These Indians were very different in their appearance from the Mexicans, and spoke a different language called the Totanaquean. They wore large rings of stone painted blue in their ears, and had some fine leaves of gold depending from their lips. When I presented them before Cortes, they saluted him with great reverence, giving the title of _Lopelucio_, which signifies lord in their language. But as their language was not understood by any of our interpreters, Donna Marina asked in Mexican if any of them could speak that tongue, on which two of them said they did. They now delivered their message in the Mexican language, saying, That their lord, who was chief of the city of _Chempoalla_, had sent them to congratulate us on our arrival, and would be proud to serve such valiant men as he was told we were, and would have waited upon us sooner, but had not dared to approach the camp from dread of the people of _Culchua_, who were with us. Cortes was much pleased to discover by this embassy, that Montezuma had enemies in the country, who bore his yoke with impatience; he treated these people therefore with much kindness, and dismissed them with presents, desiring them to return thanks to their chief for his courtesy, and that he would pay him an amicable visit as soon as possible.
The sands on which we had so long encamped were much infested by the small mosquito or sand-fly, which is the most troublesome of all, and would hardly ever allow us to sleep; our bread was all spoiled, and our bacon became rotten, and we had hardly now any thing to eat. The faction of Velasquez, and those who had left comfortable plantations in the island of Cuba, became very impatient of our present situation, which certainly required a speedy change, and Cortes therefore proposed to take possession of the fortified town of _Chiahuitztla_, near the new harbour which Montejo had discovered. The persons already mentioned were much dissatisfied with this intended movement, complaining that our force was inadequate to encounter the natives of this vast country, having already lost more than thirty-five of our number; and that the proper proceeding under the existing circumstances, was to return to Cuba, and report to Velasquez all that had been done hitherto. Cortes replied to these remonstrances, That we had no cause as yet to complain of fortune, the deaths that had happened being the ordinary fate of war; that it was our own fault if we wanted provisions in a land of plenty; and that it would be disgraceful to quit the country without seeing more of it, which, with the blessing of God, he was resolved to attempt. This reply somewhat calmed the remonstrants, but by no means extinguished the spirit of the malcontent party. Cortes had obtained the concurrence of many of the officers and companions in a scheme for appointing him to the independent command of the expedition, among whom were Puertocarrero, the Alvarados, De Oli, Escalente, De Lugo, and myself; but this was suspected by Montejo, who closely watched all our proceedings. One night, Puertocarrero, Escalente, and De Lugo, who was my distant relation, came very late to my hut, desiring me to take my arms and join Cortes who was going his rounds. On leaving the hut, these gentlemen informed me they wished to have some conversation with me out of hearing of my comrades, who belonged to the party of Velasquez, saying, “Senior del Castillo, you have now visited this country a third time to your great loss. Cortes has deceived us, having represented in Cuba that he was authorised to establish a colony; whereas it now appears he has only powers to trade, and means to return to Cuba, when all the wealth we have acquired will be given up to Velasquez. Many of us have resolved to take possession of this country under Cortes for his majesty, electing Cortes for our general until the royal pleasure is made known, and we expect your vote on this occasion.” I concurred with them heartily in this plan; and we went through all the huts of the camp, canvassing votes for Cortes.
This affair became soon known to the party of Velasquez, which was more numerous than ours, and its leaders haughtily demanded of Cortes to desist from these underhand dealings, as it was his duty to return to Velasquez, because we were not provided for the establishment of a colony. Cortes answered mildly, that he would return immediately; but we of the other party exclaimed against this resolution; saying that he had deceived us by pretending to have a commission to colonize, when it now appeared he only meant to trade, and we now demanded him to fulfil his original engagement with us, as most conducive to the service of God and the king. We asserted that more soldiers would soon join us, if we were once established; and that he and Velasquez had drawn us to our ruin, by giving us hopes of a settlement, which was now denied; and we insisted on Cortes accepting the command of us, who were determined to try our fortunes in this new country, while such as chose to return to Cuba were welcome to depart. Cortes, after affecting for some time to refuse our offer, at length complied, and was appointed by us captain-general and supreme magistrate, in the name of the king, and without dependence on Velasquez. The worst part of the business was, that we assigned him a fifth part at all the gold which might be acquired, after deducting the share belonging to the king. Being now formally invested by us with the supreme authority, of which a formal instrument was drawn up by Diego de Godoy, the royal notary, Cortes proceeded immediately to the settlement of a town, which was denominated _Villa Rica, de la Vera Cruz_. It was called _Villa Rica_, because of the words of Puertocarrero formerly mentioned, “behold the rich lands;” and _de la Vera Cruz_, because he arrived at this place on Holy Thursday and disembarked on Good Friday. On this occasion we elected civil magistrates of the new colony; Puertocarrero and Montejo being the two first alcaldes, Pedro de Alvarado captain of the expeditions, Christoval de Oli maestre de campo, Juan de Escalente alguazil major, Gonzalo Mexia treasurer, Alonzo de Avila contador, Corral standard-bearer, Ochoa Viscanio and Alonzo Romero military alguazils.
These steps gave great offence to the faction of Velasquez, insomuch that they used many mutinous expressions, and were almost ready to proceed to acts of violence. They declared that they would not submit to the usurped authority of Cortes, being resolved to return to Cuba, according to the orders and instructions of Velasquez. Cortes declared that he had no desire to detain any against their inclinations, even if he should remain alone. This pacified many of the malcontents; but Juan Velasquez de Leon, Diego de Ordas, Escobar, Escudero, and some others were so violent in their opposition, that Cortes was obliged to have them arrested, and they were detained for some time in irons. By a private concert with Cortes, Juan de Escalente demanded by our authority, that the instructions from Velasquez should be produced, that we might be enabled to lay a detailed account of the whole proceedings before the king for our justification. The tenor of these was, “To return as soon as we had procured all the gold which could be had.” This appeared afterwards to have been a very necessary precaution, from the steps which were taken against us by Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, bishop of Burgos and archbishop of Rossano.
[1] Clavigero denominates this part of the Mexican empire by the incommunicable name of Chalchiuhcuecan.–E.
[2] In the work of Bernal Diaz, the names of these two Mexican chiefs are Tendile and Pitaipitoque. We have here adopted the orthography of Clavigero in preference, because he appears to have perfectly understood the Mexican language; and shall continue to do so in the sequel without farther notice, as often as his work enables us to do it with certainty–E.
[3] Perhaps mock-pearls, or the word may possibly be the same with what we term marcasites.–E.
[4] Clavigero calls this a gilt mask or vizor.–E.
[5] According to Clavigero, there was an ancient tradition current among the Mexicans, that _Quetzalcoatl_, their god of the air, had disappeared long ago, promising to return after a certain period, and to govern them in peace and happiness; and on the first appearance of the Spaniards on their coast, observing certain marks of resemblance between them and their mythological notions of this god, they believed their god of the air had returned, and was about to resume the government.–E.
[6] Clavigero alleges that this name neither is nor can be Mexican, but does not correct the orthography.–E.
[7] According to Clavigero, this plate was thirty palms of Toledo in circumference and was worth 10,000 sequins, representing what he calls the _Mexican centary_, or rather _cycle_ of fifty-two years, and having the sun in the centre.–E.
[8] By Clavigero this expression is made _Teuctin_, which he says signifies lords or gentlemen as applied to all the Spaniards; and that this word having some resemblance to Teteo, the Mexican term for gods, made them believe that they were considered as gods by the Mexicans.–E.
[9] Chiahuitztla, near which Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, the first Spanish settlement in Mexico was built; but which was afterwards removed to the dry sands at St Juan de Ulua, where Vera Cruz, the port of Mexico, now stands.–E.
SECTION V.
_The Spanish Army advances into the Country, and an account of their Proceedings before commencing the March to Mexico_.
The hardships we now endured for want of provisions required immediate relief, and Alvarado was detached with a party of an hundred soldiers, to search the country for maize and other provisions. These now sent were mostly of the party of Velasquez, as it was thought prudent that the adherents of Cortes should remain with him in a body. Alvarado marched to several small villages belonging to the district of _Costitlan_, which he found deserted by the inhabitants, who had retired on his approach. In the temples he found several bodies of men and boys recently sacrificed, and the stone knives yet smoking with which the horrible ceremony had been performed. The limbs had been severed from the bodies, and taken away to be eaten, as our people were informed. Our soldiers were exceedingly shocked at these abominable scenes; but such were seen by us everywhere in our after-progress through the country. In these villages, abundance of provisions were procured, which were brought to the camp; but nothing else was brought away, as Cortes had strictly forbidden them to touch any thing else. They returned with the provisions and two prisoners to the camp, where we were all rejoiced in the novelty of good fare. Cortes, by his address and good management, soon drew over many of the adherents of Velasquez to his interest, gaining some by the unfailing influence of gold, and others by promises. By these means, having brought the prisoners from the ships, in which they had been hitherto confined, he attached most of them sincerely to his party, and in a few days set them all at liberty. We now proceeded towards the fortress of Chiahuitztla, and passed, during the march, a large fish which had been cast ashore. We arrived at a river where the town of Vera Cruz now stands, and crossed to a village on the opposite side in the district dependent on the town of Chempoalla. In some temples belonging to this village, we found the instruments and remains of human sacrifices, large quantities of parrots feathers, and certain books made of a kind of paper, folded up like Spanish cloth. From this village we altered our line of march, which had been hitherto along the coast, and advanced inland towards the west, when we came into an extensive plain without any beaten track, where we saw several herds of deer. Alvarado, on his swift chesnut mare, gave chace to one of the deer, which he wounded with his lance, but it escaped from him into the woods. Having advanced some way into the plain, we were met by twelve Indians bringing a present of provisions, who had been sent by the chief of a town a days journey from us, inviting us to come to his residence. Cortes returned thanks for the provisions, and we proceeded to a village where we halted for the night, finding as usual the remains of human victims, both male and female; but as this was universal, I shall not disgust my readers by repeating the horrid details.
Early next morning we resumed our march, guided by the friendly Indians who had joined us the preceding day, and sent forwards some of them to apprize the chief of Chempoalla of our approach. When about a league from that place, we were met by twenty principal inhabitants, who presented Cortes and the cavalry with bouquets of very odoriferous flowers, apologizing for the absence of the cacique, as he was too fat and unwieldy to be able to come so far in person. Continuing our march, we arrived at the town of Chempoalla, viewing with admiration the beauty of its situation and buildings, and the elegant plantations of trees in its neighbourhood. Our advanced guard preceded us to the great square, which had been recently plastered and white-washed, and one of our horsemen was so amazed at its splendid appearance, that he rode back at full speed to inform Cortes that the walls of the houses were all of silver. We used afterwards to laugh at this man, saying that every thing white was silver in his eyes. The buildings in this square were appointed for our quarters, where we were all well lodged in spacious apartments, and where the natives had provided a plentiful entertainment for us, with baskets of plumbs and bread made of maize. We were much pleased with the place and our reception; some of the soldiers calling it Seville, and others Villa Viciosa, on account of its pleasantness[1]. When the fat cacique of Chempoalla understood that we had finished our repast, he caused Cortes to be informed that he intended paying him a visit, and came accordingly, attended by many principal natives of the town, dressed in their richest mantles, and ornamented with gold. Cortes received him with great ceremony, embracing him in sign of respect, and they sat down together. The cacique ordered a present to be laid before Cortes, consisting of mantles and some gold, but of small value, making an apology for its worthlessness, because he had lately been forced to submit to the dominion of Montezuma, who had stripped him of all his gold, and now held him completely enthralled. Cortes promised to repay his present with good services, and would soon take measures to free him of the thraldom of which he complained, having been sent hither by a great emperor to redress wrongs, to punish the wicked, and to put a stop to human sacrifices, adding many things concerning our holy religion. The cacique then made a polite answer, and took his leave.
We resumed our march next morning, attended by above 400 natives who were appointed to carry our baggage. These Indian porters are called _tamenes_ in the language of the country, who carry a burthen of about fifty pounds weight, being relieved at the end of every five leagues; and we were informed that every cacique is bound to provide such men on demand, for the service of every respectable person who passes through their territories. We arrived at night in a village near the town of Chiahuitztla, where we found an abundant supply of provisions, provided for our use by order from the cacique of Chempoalla. At ten o’clock of the following morning, we entered the fortified town of Chiahuitztla, which is situated upon a high rock of very difficult ascent, marching in close order with our artillery in front. At this time, one Villanueva happened to quit his rank, on which his captain Alonso de Avilla, a harsh tempered officer, gave him a thrust of his lance in the arm, which lamed him ever after. We advanced to the middle of this city, not only without any resistance, but even without meeting a single individual; but on approaching the temples in the great square, fifteen persons in rich dresses came to meet Cortes, carrying pans of incense, who excused the absence of the people from fear, requesting us to stop and refresh ourselves in their city, and promising that the inhabitants should return before night. Cortes gave a similar account of the object of our mission, with that already given to the cacique of Chempoalla, and made them a present of some trifles, desiring them to supply us with provisions, which was immediately complied with. Soon after our arrival, Cortes received notice of the approach of the fat cacique of Chempoalla in a litter, in which he was carried by his principal nobles. On his arrival, he and the chiefs of Chiahuitztla, made bitter complaints of the tyranny of Montezuma over the whole district of the Totonacas, which contained above thirty towns, having engrossed all the gold, and oppressed them by heavy tributes, but particularly by taking away their sons for sacrifices to the idols, and their daughters as slaves. Cortes consoled them as well as he could, promising the redress of all their grievances; and while they were thus conferring, notice was brought that five Mexican collectors of the tribute had just arrived. This intelligence greatly alarmed the natives, who went away trembling to receive them, leaving Cortes quite alone.
As the Mexican officers went to their apartments, they passed us in great state, without deigning even to look towards Cortes. They were dressed in finely wrought mantles and trowsers, having their shining black hair tied up on the top of their heads, each carrying a bunch of roses in their hands; and they were attended by many servants, who fanned them, every one of whom carried a cord and a hooked stick. On coming to their apartments, where chocolate had been made ready for their refreshment, they were attended by a numerous company of the principal people of the place; and, having taken their chocolate, they sent for the fat cacique of Chempoalla and the chiefs of Chiahuitztla, whom they severely reprimanded for having received and entertained us, contrary to the orders of Montezuma; and after threatening severe punishments, they made a demand of twenty men and women, to be offered as sacrifices to the Mexican idols, to expiate this heavy offence. On Cortes being informed of their barbarous exaction, he proposed to the chiefs to seize these officers, till Montezuma might be informed of their tyrannical conduct to his subjects; but they were terrified at the proposal, and refused their concurrence. But Cortes made them be seized, and ordered them to be fastened by the neck to some large staves and collars, like a pillory, so that they were unable to move, even ordering one of them to be soundly beaten, who proved refractory. Cortes then caused a proclamation to be made, that no tribute or obedience was in future to be paid to Montezuma, and that every one of his officers who entered the district should be imprisoned. This intelligence soon spread over the country; and the natives said that such measures could only be attempted by _teules_, or superior beings, by which name they distinguished their idols, but ever afterwards applied to the Spaniards. The native chiefs were now bent upon sacrificing to their idols those officers whom before they dared hardly look at, meaning thereby to prevent them from carrying intelligence to Mexico of what had been done; but Cortes prevented this by placing them under a guard of our soldiers. He made two of them be brought before him at midnight, whom he caused to be unbound; and, pretending ignorance of what had happened, he asked who they were and why they had been made prisoners. They answered that they were Mexican officers, who had been made prisoners by the chiefs of that town by his encouragement. He pretended to know nothing of the matter, and expressed sorrow for what had befallen them. Then ordering food to be given them, he treated them kindly, and desired them to inform Montezuma, that he was exceedingly desirous of becoming his friend and servant, and that he was much displeased with the Totonacas for having used them ill. He promised likewise to set their companions free, and to reprimand the caciques for their conduct. He then desired them to go their ways as quickly as possible; but they said they would assuredly be destroyed in attempting to pass through the country of the Totonacas; on which he sent them in a boat with six sailors, who were ordered to land them beyond the territory of Chempoalla.
When the caciques discovered next morning that two of their prisoners had escaped, they were anxious to sacrifice the others immediately: But Cortes, pretending to be angry at the escape of the two whom he had released, ordered the others to be sent in chains on board one of the ships, to get them out of the power of the Totonacas, directing them to be freed from their chains immediately on getting aboard, with assurance of being soon allowed to return to Mexico. The caciques now consulted with Cortes in what manner to defend themselves from the resentment of Montezuma, who must soon learn the evil treatment of his officers, and would speedily overwhelm them under the force of his innumerable armies. With a cheerful countenance, Cortes assured them that he and his valiant companions would defend them from all attacks of the Mexicans; and the caciques, in return, engaged to support us with all their forces. They likewise at this time entered into promise of allegiance to the king of Spain, of which a formal instrument was drawn up before the royal notary, Godoy, and proclamation of this change of dominion was made through the province, to the great joy of the natives for being relieved from the vexatious exactions of the Mexican officers.
No time was lost in taking advantage of this important alliance, and we immediately proceeded to lay the foundations of a colony in a plain about half a league from Chiahuitztla, where we now were. The foundations of a church, square, fort, and arsenal were traced out, and all the buildings were raised to the first story, as also the walls and parapets of the fort, which were provided with loop-holes and barbicans. Cortes gave an example of industry, in carrying earth and stones for the buildings, and in digging out the foundations, and was imitated by all the officers and soldiers; some in digging, others in constructing the walls of clay, some in carrying water, or in making bricks and tiles, while others prepared the timber, and the smiths were busy in making ready the iron work. By these means, and by the aid of the natives, we soon nearly completed the fort, with the church and houses.
In the meantime, on receiving information of the rebellion of the Totonacas, and the usage his officers had received, Montezuma was enraged against Cortes, and ordered two armies to march, one for the punishment of the rebels, and the other against us. But when they were ready to march, the two officers arrived who had been liberated by Cortes, and gave a favourable report of the treatment they had received while in our hands. This lessened his anger, and induced him to send us an amicable message, which was brought by two of his nephews, under the care of four old nobles of the highest rank belonging to his court. These brought a present of gold and mantles, worth about 2000 crowns, and delivered a complimentary message to Cortes, thanking him for liberating the officers, yet complaining of him for instigating the Totonacas to rebel whom he would severely punish hereafter, yet refrained from doing so while we were among them, since he believed we were of the same ancestors with himself, and were the people of whom their ancient prophesies had made mention. Cortes desired the ambassadors to believe that he and all his people were entirely devoted to the service of the great Montezuma, on whose account he had protected the officers; and causing the other three who were on board ship to be brought, he delivered them to the ambassadors. He then complained of the unkindness of Montezuma, in ordering Cuitlalpitoc and the natives to desert us, by which incivility we had been deprived of provisions, and had been under the necessity of coming into the country of the Totonacas, who had received us with much kindness. He farther trusted that Montezuma would pardon what had happened, who could not now look for tribute from that province, the inhabitants of which had become vassals to the king of Spain. He desired them likewise to say, that he hoped soon to have it in his power to pay his respects in person to the great Montezuma, when he had no doubt of settling everything to his entire satisfaction. He then presented glass diamonds and coloured beads to the young princes, and ordered out the cavalry to perform their evolutions in his presence, at which they were extraordinarily astonished and much pleased. After all this, the ambassadors returned to Mexico, much satisfied with their reception. This embassy had a great effect on the natives of the country in our favour, as they concluded we must certainly be very formidable indeed, since even the great Montezuma seemed afraid of us.
At this time the fat cacique of Chempoalla complained to Cortes of certain outrages committed by the soldiers of a Mexican garrison in a town called Cincapacinga, nine leagues off Chiahuitztla, where we were then quartered, and requested his assistance. Turning to some of the Spaniards who were about him, Cortes said jocularly: “You see that these people esteem us as superior beings; let us encourage their prejudice, and make them believe that one of us can drive an army of the natives before him. I will send old Heredia the musketeer, whose fierce scarred countenance, great beard, one eye, and lame leg, will terrify them.” Heredia had served in the wars of Italy, and was ordered by Cortes to proceed only to the river, where he was to fire a musket as a signal, meaning only to try how far the credulity of the Indians would carry them. As Heredia was present, Cortes pointed him out to the Indians, and desired him to go with his _teule_, who would kill or make prisoners of all their enemies. The caciques set out accordingly with their warriors, headed by Heredia, who went firing his musket before them. As soon as they reached the river, the old soldier made the appointed signal, and Cortes sent to recal them, having sufficiently tried their faith, and informed them that he would march against their enemies with all his troops. When the soldiers were ordered to prepare for this duty, those who were of the party of Velasquez refused to obey, and insisted on returning to Cuba. The mutineers who avowed themselves on this occasion were only seven in number; and on being reprimanded by Cortes, they insolently replied, that they wondered at his temerity, in attempting to establish a colony among such prodigious multitudes of natives with so small a force; that they were already tired of being so dragged about, and were resolved to go back to their plantations in Cuba. Though he disapproved their conduct, Cortes declared he would not oppose them; on which they embarked, taking on board their provision of bread, vegetables, and oil for the voyage, and one of them named Moron sold a good horse to Juan Ruano, receiving its price in an assignment over some property in Cuba. When the vessel was about to sail, we all waited on Cortes, having the civil officers of the colony at our head, and requested that no one should be allowed to quit their colours, for which these men rather deserved to die, than to be thus permitted to depart. Cortes appeared at first unwilling to recal his permission, but at last acceded to our wishes, and the seven deserters were obliged to return, under the ridicule of us all. Moron in particular was most laughed at, as having lost his horse, which Ruano refused to return, referring to the assignment in Cuba for the agreed payment.
The discontents being for the present appeased, Cortes set out against Cincapacinga with 400 soldiers, and was joined at Chempoalla by 1000 of our allied natives, divided into four companies. We marched five leagues the first day, and reached the outskirts of Cincapacinga next day, which we found situated among steep rocks of difficult access. Eight of the principal inhabitants of the place waited on Cortes, whom they asked with tears in their eyes what misconduct of theirs had induced him to destroy them; adding, that the ill will of our allies of Chempoalla proceeded from an ancient dispute about boundaries, and they now took the advantage of our assistance to rob and murder them unjustly. They acknowledged that a Mexican garrison had been in their town, but assured him that it had retired when the officers of Montezuma were arrested at Chiahuitztla, and earnestly entreated to be admitted into favour. Cortes gave immediate orders, forbidding the allies to advance; but they were already engaged in plundering the suburbs, at which Cortes was very angry, and ordering the Chempoallan captains into his presence, he reproached them for their misrepresentations, when their obvious purpose was to employ us, who were bound to prevent and redress injustice, to aid them in plundering their neighbours. He commanded them therefore, on pain of death, instantly to liberate all their prisoners, to restore their plunder, and to withdraw for the night with all their men from the town; with all which orders they immediately complied. By this just conduct, Cortes won the hearts of the people in this district to our cause, and the chiefs and priests listened attentively to his exhortations to abandon their abominable idolatry and barbarous human sacrifices, coming under engagements of allegiance to our king, and making heavy complaints against the tyranny of the Mexican government. Next morning, Cortes brought the chiefs of Chempoalla and Cincapacinga together, and effectuated a complete reconciliation between the two districts. We then set out on our return, taking a different route from that by which we advanced, and halted after a fatiguing march, in a village belonging to the district of Cincapacinga. While here, one of our soldiers took two fowls from one of the inhabitants, and Cortes got notice of the transaction, who was so highly incensed at the commission of such an outrage in a peaceable district, that he immediately ordered the soldier to be hanged; but captain Alvarado cut the rope with his sword in time to save his life. We proceeded from that village to another in the district of our first allies, where the cacique of Chempoalla waited for us with a supply of provisions, and next day marched back to our quarters at Chiahuitztla, into which we were escorted by all the chiefs. Our conduct on this expedition raised us higher than ever in the esteem of the natives, who could distinguish the excellence of justice, though untaught, and saw that the behaviour of Cortes corresponded with his professions of having come into their country to redress injuries, and to put an end to tyranny.
The natives were now under great terror of the power and vengeance of Montezuma for revolting from his authority. They proposed therefore to fix our abode in their country by inducing us to marry their women; and for this purpose, eight young women of the principal families of the district were introduced, all richly dressed and decorated with gold collars and ear-rings, attended by many female slaves. The fat cacique then made a speech to our general, in which he said that seven of these women were intended for the captains of our army, and the eighth, who was his own niece and proprietor of several villages and many vassals, was meant for himself. Cortes received this offer with thanks; but observed, that in order to establish an entire friendship between them and us, they must first renounce their gross idolatry, the shameful custom of male youths appearing in female attire, and their barbarous human sacrifices; as we were daily shocked by seeing four or five horrid murders, the miserable victims being cut up and exposed as beef is in our public markets. The chiefs and priests replied that they could not consent to renounce the accustomed worship of their gods, but were willing to abolish the other evil customs of which he complained. We were by no means satisfied with this answer, and having made sure of our hearty co-operation, Cortes ordered us all under arms, and informed the chiefs that we were determined upon suppressing their idolatrous worship by force at the hazard even of our lives. On hearing this resolution, the fat cacique ordered all his people to arm for the defence of the temple; and when we were about to ascend the great flight of steps, he expostulated with Cortes for attempting a measure which would ensure the destruction both of them and us, by incensing their gods. Cortes replied that their remonstrances were all in vain, as he was determined to hurl their pretended gods down the steps of the temple. Then fifty of us went up to the summit of the temple, whence we threw down and dashed in pieces all the abominable idols we could find, some like dragons, others having half human figures, and others again like dogs. At this sight, the chiefs and priests wept and prayed us to desist, but the warriors seemed ready to attack us; on which we immediately seized the fat cacique and six other chiefs and priests, exclaiming that we would put them all instantly to death, if any resistance or outrage was attempted. The cacique then ordered his warriors to desist, and the tumult being appeased, Cortes made them a long harangue on the subject of religion. He then gave orders that the fragments of the broken idols should be burnt; on which eight priests, who were accustomed to take care of them, brought all their fragments into the temple, where they were consumed to ashes. These priests were dressed in long black mantles like sheets, hanging down to the ground, with hoods hanging on their shoulders like our cannons, and other smaller hoods resembling those of our Dominican friars. Their long hair was matted together with clotted blood, some of them having it so long as to hang down to their feet, and others only to the waist. Their ears were all torn and cut, and they smelt horribly of putrid flesh. These priests were said to be all of noble families.
When all this was ended, Cortes made a harangue to the people, saying, That we were now really brothers, and that Montezuma should not oppress them any more, for he would place them under the protection of the Mother of God, whom we adored; and he added many good and holy arguments exceedingly well expressed, to all of which the people listened most attentively. He then had the walls of the temple cleared of blood and new plastered, employing a number of Indian masons for this purpose, using lime which the place afforded in plenty. After having thus cleaned and purified the temple, he ordered a new altar to be erected, which he hung all round with rich mantles, and adorned it with wreaths of odoriferous flowers; and ordering four native priests to cut off their hair and to put on white garments, he committed the altar to their care, on which he planted the holy cross, before which our chaplain Olmedo celebrated the mass. He also instructed the natives to make wax candles, and enjoined the four priests to keep some of these always burning before the altar. All these things being arranged, he placed a lame old soldier named Juan de Torres, to reside in the temple as a hermit, and to keep the native priests to their new duty. In this first Christian church of New Spain, the principal persons of the surrounding districts attended divine service, and the eight native ladies, already mentioned, having been previously instucted in our holy faith, were solemnly baptized. The niece of the fat cacique of Chempoalla, who was as ugly as possible, was named Donna Catalina; yet the general took her by the hand very affectionately. Puertocarrero was more fortunate, as his lady, who was called Donna Francisco, was very handsome for an Indian, and her father, named Cuesco, was a cacique of considerable power. Having thus cemented a firm friendship with the Totonacas, we returned to our new settlement of Villa rica. We found there a vessel newly arrived from Cuba, under the command of Francisco Sauceda, called _el pulido_ or the beau, from his affectation of finery and high manners. In this vessel there had arrived an able officer named Luis Marin, accompanied by ten soldiers and two horses. He brought intelligence that Velasquez had received the appointment of _adelantado_ of Cuba, with authority to barter and colonize in New Spain. This news gave much satisfaction to the friends of Velasquez in our army, but made no change in the plans of Cortes.
As the works of Villa Rica were nearly completed, many of us became eager for the proposed visit to Montezuma, and expressed our wishes to Cortes that we might try our fortune in that expedition. It was resolved in the first place in a grand consultation, to send a deputation to Old Spain, to give an account to his majesty of all our proceedings, together with all the gold and other articles of value which we had hitherto obtained. For this purpose Ordas and Montejo went through among all the officers and soldiers, and persuaded them to allow of the whole treasure being sent to the king, as it was for the general interest to renounce our claim for a partition. Puertocarrera and Montejo were appointed agents for Cortes and the army, our general having gained Montejo to his party by a present of 2000 crowns. By these gentlemen Cortes sent a letter to his majesty, the contents of which we were not made acquainted with. The cabilda or council of the new settlement wrote also a letter to the king, in conjunction with those soldiers who were most solicitous for the settlement of the colony, and had voted in the election of Cortes as captain-general. Nothing was omitted in this letter which seemed calculated to establish our cause at court, and my name was signed to it along with the rest.
Beginning with expressions of our most profound respect, we related all the events which had occurred from our setting out on the expedition, down to the election of Cortes as our captain-general, till the pleasure of his majesty might be made known on the subject, together with our engagement to allow Cortes a fifth part of the treasure, after deducting the kings part. We gave an account of our having discovered two Spaniards in the country; of our having procured two excellent interpreters; of our war in Tabasco; of the interviews with the messengers of Montezuma; our march into the country, and our alliance with the natives, who had renounced their allegiance to Montezuma and submitted themselves and their country to his majesty; of our expedition to Cincapacinga; the abolition of idolatry at Chiahuitztla, and the establishment of Christianity; the construction of our fortress of Villa Rica; and of our present determination to march to the court of Montezuma, the great sovereign of Mexico. We gave likewise a succinct account of the military establishment and religious observances of the natives, an enumeration of the articles of treasure we had transmitted to his majesty by our agents, and that we had sent over four natives, whom we had rescued from the cages at Chempoalla, where they were fattening for victims to the false gods of the country. We then stated that we were only 450 soldiers, surrounded by innumerable multitudes of enemies, yet ready to sacrifice our lives for the glory of God and the service of his majesty; and we earnestly entreated that he would be graciously pleased not to bestow the government of this great and rich country upon an unworthy person, expressing our fears of what Velasquez might attempt to our prejudice, by means of his patron the bishop of Burgos, whom he had secured in his interest by grants of valuable estates in Cuba which ought to have belonged to his majesty. In conclusion, we awaited the return of his gracious answer with the most profound reverence; yet humbly assured his majesty, if the bishop of Burgos sent over any person to assume the command, we were resolved to suspend our obedience till his majesty’s pleasure were clearly made known to us, remaining in the mean time, as now, under the command of his majesties most faithful servant and our general Hernando Cortes, whose merits we painted in glowing colours. When this was extended in due form, Cortes asked permission to read it, and expressed his perfect satisfaction with the whole, excepting two articles, the mention of his share of the treasure, and the names of Cordova and Grijalva as having previously discovered this country; as he assumed the whole merit to himself in his private letter. He wished therefore to have these passages expunged, but some of us roundly told him, that his majesty must not only be informed of the truth, but of the whole truth.
When this important affair was completed, our agents set sail from Villa Rica on the 26th July 1519[2], with strict injunctions not to touch at the Havanna or the port of _el Marien_, as we wished to keep the whole from being known to Velasquez. Yet they went directly to the Havanna, the pilot Alaminos being over-persuaded into this measure, under pretence of Puertocarrero being sick, and that Montejo wanted to procure provisions from his estate of El Marien. As soon as the ship came to anchor, Montejo sent letters on shore to Velasquez, giving an account of all that had taken place during the expedition; and as the messenger went through the island, he everywhere communicated the news of all that had occurred to our army. On receiving this intelligence from Montejo, Velasquez was highly enraged against Cortes, and heartily cursed his secretary and contador, who had persuaded him to confide the expedition to his guidance. He immediately dispatched two armed vessels to detain our ship, but soon got the unwelcome news that she was considerably advanced on her voyage to Europe. Besides writing to his patron the bishop of Burgos, he lodged a complaint against Cortes before the royal audience at St Domingo; but the members sent him an answer highly favourable to us, with whose good services they were already acquainted. All these untoward circumstances gave the adelantado infinite vexation, insomuch that from being very fat, he became quite lean. But he used every exertion to collect a powerful armament on purpose to overwhelm us as rebels against his legitimate authority, going about the whole island in person to incite the settlers to take up arms in his cause, and prepared a fleet of eighteen sail of vessels for the expedition against us, which was confided to the command of Pamphilo de Narvaez, of which we shall give an account hereafter.
Our agents passed through the Bahama channel, under the direction of the pilot Alaminos, being the first ship which took that passage from the West Indies for Europe. After touching at the island of Tercera for refreshments, they proceeded for Seville, and arrived a few days afterwards at Valladolid, where the court was then held. Our agents immediately waited on the bishop of Burgos, who was president of the council of the Indies, expecting a favourable reception, and requested him to transmit our letters and present them with all speed to the emperor, who was then in Flanders. The bishop gave them a haughty and repulsive answer, saying, That he would make a proper representation of our conduct, for having thrown off our obedience to Velasquez. The arrival of Benito Martinez, chaplain to the governor of Cuba, contributed to place our affairs in an unfavourable light; and as Puertocarrero made a remonstrance to the bishop, he caused him to be thrown into prison, on a frivolous charge of having taken away with him a woman from Medellin to the Indies. The bishop made a represention of our affairs to his majesty, stating every thing in the most favourable light for Velasquez, and as much as he possibly could against us, suppressing all mention of our letters and present, and even appropriated a great part of the latter to his own use. But our agents concerted matters with Martin Cortes, our generals father, and the licentiate Nunez, his near relation, who had an office in the royal council, and by means of some noblemen who were jealous of the bishop and disgusted with his haughty demeanour, they procured duplicates of all our letters to be transmitted to his majesty, together with complaints of the partiality of the bishop. These letters got safe to his majesty, with which he was well pleased; and for a long time his court was full of the praises of Cortes and of us his soldiers. The emperor conceived much displeasure against the bishop of Burgos for his conduct on this occasion; who became quite furious against Cortes and the rest of us, when he heard of the light in which our affairs had been seen at the court; but about two years afterwards the bishop became quite crest-fallen, as he was censured by the emperor, while we continued to be esteemed as loyal subjects. On receiving these duplicates of our letters, the emperor was pleased to say, That he would soon return to Spain, when he would attend to our memorials, and would reward our faithful services.
Four days after the departure of our agents, a plot was discovered which had been concerted among the enemies of Cortes, for seizing a vessel to carry over intelligence to Velasquez of the departure of our agents, and of the measures which had been taken by us against the authority of the adelantado. Among the conspirators were, Escudero, Cermeno, Umbria a pilot, Bernardino de Coria, a clergyman named Juan Diaz, and some sailors who had been whipped at the island of Cozumel; but the plan had been suggested by some persons of consequence, who were enraged at Cortes for preventing their return to Cuba, and for having been deprived of their shares of the treasure which was sent to the emperor. This plot was revealed only a few hours before the vessel was to have sailed, by the repentance of de Coria. All the before-mentioned conspirators were immediately seized, and having confessed the whole plot, they were all condemned to die except the priest, who was in a terrible fright. Escudero and Cermeno were hanged; Umbria had his feet cut off, and each of the sailors received 200 lashes. When Cortes signed the ratification of this sentence, he exclaimed with a sigh: “Happy is he who cannot write, that he may not have occasion to sign the death-warrants of other men.” In my opinion, this sentiment is often affected by judges, in imitation of Nero, at the time he counterfeited the appearance of clemency. As soon as the sentence was put in execution, Cortes set off full speed for Chempoalla, ordering 200 soldiers and all the cavalry to follow him to that place, where likewise he sent orders for a detachment that was then out under Alvarado to march.
In a consultation respecting our intended expedition to Mexico, Cortes was advised by his friends to destroy the fleet, in order to prevent all possibility of the adherents of Velasquez deserting to Cuba, and likewise to procure a considerable augmentation to our force, as there were above an hundred sailors. In my opinion, Cortes had already determined on this measure, but wished the proposal to originate with us, that we might all become equally responsible for the loss. This being resolved upon, Cortes ordered his friend Escalente to dismantle all the ships and then sink them, preserving only the boats for the purpose of fishing. Escalente bore inveterate enmity against Velasquez, who had refused him a good district in Cuba, and went immediately to Villa Rica where he executed this service effectually. All the sails, cordage, and every thing else that could be useful were brought on shore, and the whole of the ships sunk. Escalente then came back to Chempoalla with a company formed of the mariners, many of whom became excellent soldiers. Cortes now summoned all the chiefs who had renounced their allegiance to Montezuma into his presence, whom he exhorted to give every service in their power to the detachment he meant to leave in Villa Rica, and to assist them in completing the town: Then taking Escalente by the hand, whom he had appointed to command there in his absence, he presented him to the caciques as his brother, desiring them to obey him in every thing, and assuring them that he would protect them against their enemies. The chiefs all engaged to perform every thing, he had enjoined. Escalente was left in charge of this port as a person in whom Cortes could entirely confide, to repel any attempts that might be made against him by Velasquez, while absent on the expedition to Mexico. Soon after the destruction of the vessels, Cortes assembled us one morning after mass; and, after some discourse on military affairs, he said, That we now knew the business in which we were engaged, wherein we had no other alternative but conquest or death; for in case of defeat we had no means of escape, and must depend entirely, under GOD, on our own valour; afterwards adding many comparisons of our present situation with incidents drawn from the Roman history. We unanimously answered, That we were prepared to obey and follow him wherever he chose to lead, the lot being now cast, as Caesar said on passing the Rubicon, and we devoted ourselves to the service of God and our emperor. He then addressed us in an eloquent speech; after which he called for the fat cacique, whom he informed of our intended march to Mexico, and gave him strict injunctions to take great care of the holy cross and the church we had established.
When we were ready to depart on our expedition to Mexico, a letter was brought from Escalente, informing Cortes that a strange ship had come to anchor in a river about three leagues from Villa Rica, from which he could get no answer to his signals. Cortes left the command of the army during his absence to Alvarado and Sandoval, and set out with four horsemen for Villa Rica, leaving orders for thirty of the lightest armed infantry to follow, who accordingly arrived that night. Escalente offered to go with twenty men to the vessel, lest she might escape; but Cortes set out along the coast without delay, and fell in with four Spaniards on the road, who had been sent on shore by Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the captain of the vessel, to take formal possession of the country. One of these was a notary, named Guillen de la Loa, and the rest attended him to witness the act. From these men Cortes was informed that Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, had procured a commission from the court as adelantado of such districts as he might discover on this coast to the north of the river of St Peter and St Paul, and had sent three ships with 270 soldiers under Pineda, who was then in the river of Panuco. Cortes wished to have got possession of the ship, but no signals could induce the people to land, as we were informed by de la Loa that their captain was aware of our being on the coast. As a stratagem to decoy them on shore, Cortes dressed four of his soldiers in the clothes of the Spaniards he had taken, and left them on the spot, returning along-shore towards Villa Rica, that he might be noticed from the ship; but after we had got out of sight, we made a secret detour through the woods, and got back about midnight to the rivulet where we had left our disguised companions, where we carefully concealed ourselves. Early in the morning, our disguised men went down to the shore, making signals to the people of the ship, in consequence of which a boat put off with six sailors, two of whom landed with casks to take in water. Our men held down their faces to avoid being noticed, pretending to wash their hands; but on being spoken to by the men in the boat, one of them desired them to come on shore; when alarmed by the strange voice, they put off. We were going to fire upon them, but Cortes would not permit, and they escaped. We thus missed our object, and returned to Villa Rica, having procured six men as a reinforcement to our small force.
[1] Chempoalla appears to have been a place of considerable size, both from the testimony of eye-witnesses and the extent of its ruins. Torquimada in one place says its inhabitants amounted to twenty or thirty thousand; in another place he extends their number to 50,111, and in his index to 150,000. Like many others of the Indian cities in New Spain, it dwindled down, by the diseases and vexations of the sixteenth century, and at length became entirely depopulated.–Clavigero, II. 21.
[2] Bernal Diaz has given no dates of the transactions of Cortes in Mexico, from the 21st of April till now, the 26th of July, a period of 3 months and 5 days.–E.
END OF VOLUME THIRD