importance, and a necessity of the times, that he should write a book against the Christians, whose opinions were, he knew, making such progress as raised the suspicion that they would prevail over all others, and in a short time become universal. This polemical treatise ran to fifteen books, and “exhibited considerable acquaintance with both the Jewish and the Christian scriptures.”[487] It is now lost, but its general character is well known from the works of Eusebius, Jerome, and others. The style was caustic and trenchant. An endeavour was made to show that both the historical scriptures of the Old Testament and the Gospels and Acts in the New were full of discrepancies and contradictions. The history and antiquities of the Jews, as put forth in the Bible, were examined, and declared to be unworthy of credit. A special attack was made on the genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel, which was pronounced to be the work of a contemporary of Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded in palming off upon his countrymen his own crude production as the work of the venerated sage and prophet. Prevalent modes of interpreting scripture were passed under review, and the allegorical exegesis of Origen was handled with especial severity. The work is said to have produced a vast effect, especially among the upper classes, whose conversion to Christianity it tended greatly to check and hinder. Answers to the book, or to particular portions of it, were published by Eusebius of Cæsarea, by Apollinaris, and by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre; but these writers had neither the learning nor the genius of their opponent, and did little to counteract the influence of his work on the upper grades of society.[488]
The literary importance of the Phnician cities under the Romans is altogether remarkable. Under Augustus and Tiberius–especially from about B.C. 40 to A.D. 20–Sidon was the seat of a philosophical school, in which the works of Aristotle were studied and explained,[489] perhaps to some extent criticised.[490] Strabo attended this school for a time in conjunction with two other students, named Boëthus and Diodotus. Tyre had even previously produced the philosophers, Antipater, who was intimate with the younger Cato, and Apollonius, who wrote a work about Zeno, and formed a descriptive catalogue of the authors who had composed books on the subject of the philosophy of the Stoics.[491] Strabo goes so far as to say that philosophy in all its various aspects might in his day be better studied at Tyre and Sidon than anywhere else.[492] A little later we find Byblus producing the semi-religious historian, Philo, who professed to reveal to the Greeks the secrets of the ancient Phnician mythology, and who, whatever we may think of his judgment, was certainly a man of considerable learning. He was followed by his pupil, Hermippus, who was contemporary with Trajan and Hadrian, and obtained some reputation as a critic and grammarian.[493] About the same time flourished Marinus, the writer on geography, who was a Tyrian by birth, and “the first author who substituted maps, mathematically constructed according to latitude and longitude, for the itinerary charts” of his predecessors.[494] Ptolemy of Pelusium based his great work entirely upon that of Marinus, who is believed to have utilised the geographical and hydrographical accumulations of the old Phnician navigators, besides availing himself of the observations of Hipparchus, and of the accounts given of their travels by various Greek and Roman authors. Contemporary with Marinus was Paulus, a native of Tyre, who was noted as a rhetorician, and deputed by his city to go as their representative to Rome and plead the cause of the Tyrians before Hadrian.[495] A little later we hear of Maximus, who flourished under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus (ab. A.D. 160-190), a Tyrian, like Paulus, and a rhetorician and Platonic philosopher.[496] The literary glories of Tyre culminated and terminated with Porphyry, of whose works we have already given an account.
Towards the middle of the third century after Christ a school of law and jurisprudence arose at Berytus, which attained high distinction, and is said by Gibbon[497] to have furnished the eastern provinces of the empire with pleaders and magistrates for the space of three centuries (A.D. 250-550). The course of education at Berytus lasted five years, and included Roman Law in all its various forms, the works of Papinian being especially studied in the earlier times, and the same together with the edicts of Justinian in the later.[498] Pleaders were forced to study either at Berytus, or at Rome, or at Constantinople,[499] and, the honours and emoluments of the profession being large, the supply of students was abundant and perpetual. External misfortune, and not internal decay, at last destroyed the school, the town of Berytus being completely demolished by an earthquake in the year A.D. 551. The school was then transferred to Sidon, but appears to have languished on its transplantation to a new soil and never to have recovered its pristine vigour or vitality.
It is difficult to decide how far these literary glories of the Phnician cities reflect any credit on the Phnician race. Such a number of Greeks settled in Syria and Phnicia under the Seleucidæ that to be a Tyrian or a Sidonian in the Græco-Roman period furnished no evidence at all of a man having any Phnician blood in his veins. It will have been observed that the names of the Tyrian, Sidonian, and Berytian learned men and authors of the time–Antipater, Apollonius, Boëthus, Diodotus, Philo, Hermippus, Marinus, Paulus, Maximus, Porphyrius–are without exception either Latin or Greek. The language in which the books were written was universally Greek, and in only one or two cases is there reason to suppose that the authors had any knowledge of the Phnician tongue. The students at Berytus between A.D. 250 and 550 were probably, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, Greeks or Romans. Phnician nationality had, in fact, almost wholly disappeared in the Seleucid period. The old language ceased to be spoken, and though for some time retained upon the coins together with a Greek legend,[500] became less frequent as time went on, and soon after the Christian era disappeared altogether. It is probable that, as a spoken language, Phnician had gone out of use even earlier.[501]
In two respects only did the old national spirit survive, and give indication that, even in the nation’s “ashes,” there still lived some remnant of its “wonted fires.” Tyre and Sidon were great commercial centres down to the time of the Crusades, and quite as rich, quite as important, quite as flourishing, commercially, as in the old days of Hiram and Ithobal. Mela[502] speaks of Sidon in the second century after Christ as “still opulent.” Ulpian,[503] himself a Tyrian by descent, calls Tyre in the reign of Septimus Severus “a most splendid colony.” A writer of the age of Constantine says of it: “The prosperity of Tyre is extraordinary. There is no state in the whole of the East which excels it in the amount of its business. Its merchants are persons of great wealth, and there is no port where they do not exercise considerable influence.”[504] St. Jerome, towards the end of the fourth century, speaks of Tyre as “the noblest and most beautiful of all the cities of Phnicia,”[505] and as “an emporium for the commerce of almost the whole world.”[506] During the period of the Crusades, “Tyre retained its ancient pre-eminence among the cities of the Syrian coast, and excited the admiration of the warriors of Europe by its capacious harbours, its wall, triple towards the land and double towards the sea, its still active commerce, and the beauty and fertility of the opposite shore.” The manufactures of purple and of glass were still carried on. Tyre was not reduced to insignificance until the Saracenic conquest towards the close of the thirteenth century of our era, when its trade collapsed, and it became “a rock for fishermen to spread their nets upon.”[507]
The other respect in which the vitality of the old national spirit displayed itself was in the continuance of the ancient religion. While Christianity was adopted very generally by the more civilised of the inhabitants, and especially by those who occupied the towns, there were shrines and fanes in the remote districts, and particularly in the less accessible parts of Lebanon, where the old rites were still in force, and the old orgies continued to be carried on, just as in ancient times, down to the reign of Constantine. The account of the licentious worship of Ashtoreth at Aphaca, which has been already quoted from Eusebius, belongs to the fourth century after our era, and shows the tenacity with which a section of the Phnicians, not withstanding their Hellenisation in language, in literature, and in art, clung to the old barbarous and awful cult, which had come down to them by tradition from their fathers. A similar worship at the same time maintained itself on the other side of the Lebanon chain in Heliopolis, or Baalbek, where the votaries of impurity allowed their female relatives, even their wives and their daughters, to play the harlot as much as they pleased.[508] Constantine exerted himself to put down and crush out these iniquities, but it is more than probable that, in the secret recesses of the mountain region, whither government officials would find it hard to penetrate, the shameful and degrading rites still found a refuge, rooted as they were in the depraved affections of the common people, to a much later period.
The mission of the Phnicians, as a people, was accomplished before the subjection to Rome began. Under the Romans they were still ingenious, industrious, intelligent. But in the earlier times they were far more than this. They were the great pioneers of civilisation. Intrepid, inventive, enterprising, they at once made vast progress in the arts themselves, and carried their knowledge, their active habits, and their commercial instincts into the remotest regions of the old continent. They exercised a stimulating, refining, and civilising influence wherever they went. North and south and east and west they adventured themselves amid perils of all kinds, actuated by the love of adventure more than by the thirst for gain, conferring benefits, spreading knowledge, suggesting, encouraging, and developing trade, turning men from the barbarous and unprofitable pursuits of war and bloodshed to the peaceful occupations of productive industry. They did not aim at conquest. They united the various races of men by the friendly links of mutual advantage and mutual dependence, conciliated them, softened them, humanised them. While, among the nations of the earth generally, brute force was worshipped as the true source of power and the only basis of national repute, the Phnicians succeeded in proving that as much could be done by arts as by arms, as great glory and reputation gained, as real a power built up, by the quiet agencies of exploration, trade, and commerce, as by the violent and brutal methods of war, massacre, and ravage. They were the first to set this example. If the history of the world since their time has not been wholly one of the potency in human affairs of “blood and iron,” it is very much owing to them. They, and their kinsmen of Carthage, showed mankind what a power might be wielded by commercial states. The lesson has not been altogether neglected in the past. May the writer be pardoned if, in the last words of what is probably his last historical work, he expresses a hope that, in the future, the nations of the earth will more and more take the lesson to heart, and vie with each other in the arts which made Phnicia great, rather than in those which exalted Rome, her oppressor and destroyer?
FOOTNOTES
PREFACE
[1] /Die Phönizier, und das phönizische Alterthum/, by F. C. Movers, in five volumes, Berlin, 1841-1856.
[2] /History and Antiquities of Phnicia/, by John Kenrick, London, 1855.
[3] /Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité/, par MM. Perrot et Chipiez, Paris, 1881-7, 4 vols.
[4] Will of William Camden, Clarencieux King-of-Arms, founder of the “Camden Professorship,” 1662.
I
THE LAND
[1] See Eckhel, /Doctr. Num. Vet./ p. 441.
[2] {‘H ton ‘Aradion paralia}, xvi. 2, § 12.
[3] Pomp. Mel. /De Situ Orbis/, i. 12.
[4] The tract of white sand (Er-Ramleh) which forms the coast-line of the entire shore from Rhinocolura to Carmel is said to be gradually encroaching, fresh sand being continually brought by the south-west wind from Egypt. “It has buried Ascalon, and in the north, between Joppa and Cæsaræa, the dunes are said to be as much as three miles wide and 300 feet high” (Grove, in Smith’s /Dict. of the Bible/, ii. 673).
[5] See Cant. ii. 1; Is. xxxiii. 9; xxxv. 2; lxv. 10.
[6] Stanley, /Sinai and Palestine/, p. 254.
[7] The Kaneh derives its name from this circumstance, and may be called “the River of Canes.”
[8] Robinson, /Biblical Researches/, iii. 28, 29.
[9] Grove, l.s.c.
[10] Stanley, /Sinai and Palestine/, p. 260.
[11] Lynch found it eighteen yards in width in April 1848 (/The Jordan and the Dead Sea/, p. 64). He found the Belus twice as wide and twice as deep as the Kishon.
[12] A more particular description of these fountains will be given in the description of the city of Tyre, with which they were very closely connected.
[13] Robinson, /Biblical Researches/, iii. 410.
[14] Robinson, iii. 415.
[15] Ibid. p. 414. Compare Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pp. 524, 665.
[16] Robinson, iii. 420.
[17] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 353.
[18] See Edrisi (traduction de Joubert), i. 355; D’Arvieux, /Mémoires/, ii. 33; Renan, pp. 352, 353.
[19] Gesenius, /Thesaurus/, p. 247.
[20] Renan, pp. 59, 60.
[21] Kenrick (/Phnicia/, p. 8), who quotes Burckhardt (/Syria/, p. 161), and Chesney (/Euphrates Expedition/, i. 450).
[22] Renan, p. 59:–“C’est un immense tapis de fleurs.”
[23] Mariti, /Travels/, ii. 131 (quoted by Kenrick, p. 22).
[24] Strabo, xvi. 2, § 27.
[25] Stanley, /Sinai and Palestine/, p. 344.
[26] Martineau, /Eastern Life/, p. 539.
[27] Van de Velde, /Travels/, i. 317, 318. Compare Porter, /Giant Cities of Bashan/, p. 236.
[28] Ritter, /Erdkunde/, xvi. 31.
[29] Grove, in Smith’s /Dictionary of the Bible/, i. 278.
[30] Walpole’s /Ansayrii/, iii. 156.
[31] The derivation of Lebanon from “white,” is generally admitted. (see Gesenius, /Thesaurus/, p. 369; Buxtorf, /Lexicon/, p. 1119; Fürst, /Concordantia/, p. 588.)
[32] Stanley, /Sinai and Palestine/, p. 395.
[33] Tristram, /The Land of Israel/, p. 634.
[34] Ibid. p. 7.
[35] Porter, in Smith’s /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 86.
[36] Ibid. Compare /Nat. Hist. Review/, No. v. p. 11.
[37] See Tristram, /Land of Israel/, pp. 625-629.
[38] See Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 626.
[39] Porter, in /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 86.
[40] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 621.
[41] Ibid. p. 600. Compare Porter, in Smith’s /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 87.
[42] Such outlets are common in Greece, where they are called /Katavothra/. They probably also occur in Asia Minor.
[43] Burckhardt, /Travels in Syria/, p. 10; Chesney, /Euphrates Expedition/, i. 398.
[44] Tristram, p. 600.
[45] Porter, /Handbook for Syria/, p. 571; Robinson, /Later Researches/, p. 423.
[46] Tristram, p. 594.
[47] Robinson, /Biblical Researches/, iii. 409.
[48] Burckhardt, /Travels in Syria/, p. 161; Chesney, /Euphrates Expedition/, i. 450; Walpole’s /Ansayrii/, iii. 49.
[49] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 116.
[50] Porter, /Giant Cities of Bashan/, p. 289.
[51] Ibid. p. 288.
[52] Walpole’s /Ansayrii/, iii. 44.
[53] Porter, /Giant Cities/, p. 292; Robinson, /Later Researches/, p. 605; Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 297.
[54] Maundrell, /Travels/, pp. 57, 58; Porter, /Giant Cities/, p. 284; Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 283.
[55] Porter, p. 283.
[56] Porter, p. 284.
[57] Robinson, /Later Researches/, p. 45.
[58] Ibid. p. 43.
[59] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 44.
[60] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 20.
[61] See the /Transactions of the Society of Bibl. Archæology/, vol. vii.; and compare Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 14; Robinson, /Later Researches/, pp. 617-624.
[62] Walpole’s /Ansayrii/, iii. 6.
[63] Ibid. p. 34. Compare Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, who calls the pass over the spur “un véritable casse-cou sur des roches inclinées” (p. 150).
[64] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 16.
[65] Robinson, /Biblical Researches/, iii. 432.
II
CLIMATE AND PRODUCTIONS
[1] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 32.
[2] Grove, in Smith’s /Dict. of the Bible/, ii. 693.
[3] Kenrick, l.s.c.
[4] See Canon Tristram’s experiences, /Land of Israel/, pp. 96-115.
[5] Ibid. pp. 94, 95.
[6] Kenrick, p. 34.
[7] Walpole’s /Ansayrii/, p. 76.
[8] Kenrick, p. 33.
[9] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 95.
[10] Ibid. p. 409.
[11] Ibid. p. 31.
[12] Ibid. p. 34.
[13] Ibid. p. 596.
[14] Hooker, in /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 684.
[15] Hooker, in /Dictionary of the Bible/, p. 683.
[16] Dr. Hooker says:–“/Q. pseudococcifera/ is perhaps the commonest plant in all Syria and Palestine, covering as a low dense bush many square miles of hilly country everywhere, but rarely or never growing on the plains. It seldom becomes a large tree, except in the valleys of the Lebanon.” Walpole found it on Bargylus (/Ansayrii/, iii. 137 et sqq.); Tristram on Lebanon, /Land of Israel/, pp. 113, 117.
[17] Hooker, in /Dict. of the Bible/, ii. 684. Compare Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 113.
[18] Ibid.
[19] See Walpole, /Ansayrii/, iii. 222, 236; Tristram, /Land of Israel/, pp. 622, 623; Robinson, /Later Researches/, p. 607.
[20] Walpole, iii. 433; Robinson, /Later Researches/, p.. 614.
[21] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 6.
[22] Ibid. p. 111; Walpole, /Ansayrii/, iii. 166; Hooker, in /Dict. of the Bible/, ii. 683.
[23] Walpole says that Ibrahim Pasha cut down as many as 500,000 Aleppo pines in Casius (/Ansayrii/, iii. 281), and that it would be quite feasible to cut down 500,000 more.
[24] Hooker, in /Dict. of the Bible/, ii. 684; and compare Tristram, /Land of Israel/, pp. 16, 88.
[25] Robinson, /Biblical Researches/, iii. 383, 415.
[26] Ezek. xxxi. 3.
[27] Ibid. xxvii. 5. The Hebrew /erez/ probably covered other trees besides the actual cedar, as the Aleppo pine, and perhaps the juniper. The pine would have been more suited for masts than the cedar.
[28] 1 Kings vi. 9, 10, 15, 18, &c.; vii. 1-7.
[29] /Records of the Past/, i. 104. ll. 78, 79; iii. 74, ll. 88-90; p. 90, l. 9; &c. Compare Layard, /Nineveh and Babylon/, pp. 356, 357.
[30] Joseph, /Bell. Jud./, v. 5, § 2.
[31] Plin. /H. N./, xiii. 5; xvi. 40.
[32] Compare the arguments of Canon Tristram, /Land of Israel/, pp. 631, 632.
[33] Walpole, /Ansayrii/, pp. 123, 227.
[34] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 621.
[35] Ibid. pp. 13, 38, &c.
[36] Hooker, in /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 684.
[37] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 82; compare Hooker, l.s.c.
[38] This is Dr. Hooker’s description. Canon Tristram says of the styrax at the eastern foot of Carmel, that “of all the flowering shrubs it is the most abundant,” and that it presents to the eye “one sheet of pure white blossom, rivalling the orange in its beauty and its perfume” (/Land of Israel/, p. 492).
[39] Ibid. p. 596.
[40] Walpole, /Ansayrii/, iii. 298.
[41] Tristram, pp. 16, 28, &c.; Robinson, /Biblical Researches/, iii. 438.
[42] The “terraced vineyards of Esfia” on Carmel are noted by Canon Tristram (/Land of Israel/, p. 492). Walpole speaks of vineyards on Bargylus (/Ansaryii/, iii. 165). The vine-clad slopes of the Lebanon attract notice from all Eastern travellers.
[43] Quoted by Dr. Hooker, in Smith’s /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 684, 685.
[44] Deut. xxxiii. 24.
[45] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, pp. 7, 16, 17; Walpole, /Ansayrii/, iii. 147, 177.
[46] Tristram, p. 492; Stanley, /Sinai and Palestine/, p. 347.
[47] Hooker, in Smith’s /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 685.
[48] Tristram, pp. 622, 633; Walpole, /Ansayrii/, iii. 446; Robinson, /Later Researches/, p. 607.
[49] Tristram, pp. 17, 38; Walpole, /Ansayrii/, iii. 32, 294, 373.
[50] Robinson, /Bibl. Researches/, iii. 419, 431, 438, &c.
[51] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 28.
[52] Hasselquist, /Reise/, p. 188.
[53] /Ansayrii/, i. 66.
[54] Tristram, l.s.c.
[55] Hooker, in /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 685.
[56] /Reise/, l.s.c.
[57] /Mémoires/, i. 332.
[58] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 493.
[59] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 82.
[60] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 59; Hooker, in /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 687; Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 493.
[61] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, l.s.c.
[62] Ibid. p. 82.
[63] Ibid. p. 596. Compare Walpole’s /Ansayrii/, iii. 443.
[64] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 102.
[65] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, pp. 61, 599.
[66] Ibid. pp. 38, 626, &c. Dr. Robinson notices the cultivation of the potato high up in Lebanon; but he observed it only in two places (/Later Researches/, pp. 586, 596).
[67] It can scarcely be doubted that Phnicia contained anciently two other land animals of considerable importance, viz. the lion and the deer. Lions, which were common in the hills of Palestine (1 Sam. xvii. 34; 1 Kings xiii. 24; xx. 36; 2 Kings xvii. 25, 26) and frequented also the Philistine plain (Judg. xiv. 5), would certainly not have neglected the lowland of Sharon, which was in all respects suited for their habits. Deer, which still inhabit Galilee (Tristram, /Land of the Israel/, pp. 418, 447), are likely, before the forests of Lebanon were so greatly curtailed, to have occupied most portions of it (See Cant. ii. 9, 17; viii. 14). To these two Canon Tristram would add the crocodile (/Land of Israel/, p. 103), which he thinks must have been found in the Zerka for that river to have been called “the Crocodile River” by the Greeks, and which he is inclined to regard as still a denizen of the Zerka marshes. But most critics have supposed that the animal from which the Zerka got its ancient name was rather some large species of monitor.
[68] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 36.
[69] See his article on Lebanon in Smith’s /Dictionary of the Bible/, ii. 87.
[70] /Land of Israel/, p. 447.
[71] Houghton, in Smith’s /Dict. of the Bible/, ad voc. BEAR, iii. xxv.
[72] /Dict. of the Bible/, ii. 87.
[73] /Land of Israel/, p. 116. Compare Porter’s /Giant Cities of Bashan/, p. 236.
[74] Cant. iv. 8; Is. xi. 6; Jer. v. 6; xiii. 23; Hos. xiii. 7; Hab. i. 8.
[75] /Land of Israel/, l.s.c.
[76] Ibid. p. 83.
[77] Ibid. p. 115.
[78] Walpole’s /Ansayrii/, iii. 23.
[79] Houghton, in Smith’s /Dict. of the Bible/, ad voc. CONEY (iii. xliii.); Tristram, /Land of Israel/, pp. 62, 84, 89.
[80] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 106.
[81] Ibid. pp. 88, 89.
[82] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 83.
[83] Ibid. p. 55.
[84] Ibid. p. 103. Compare Walpole, /Ansayrii/, iii. 34, 188, and Lortet, /La Syrie d’aujourd’hui/, pp. 58, 61.
[85] /Hist. Nat./ ix. 36.
[86] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 239. There are representations of the Buccunum in Forbes and Hanley’s /British Mollusks/, vol. iv. pl. cii. Nos. 1, 2, 3.
[87] Kenrick, p. 239.
[88] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 51.
[89] Wilksinson, in Rawlinson’s /Herodotus/, ii. 347, note 2.
[90] Canon Tristram writs: “Among the rubbish thrown out in the excavations made at Tyre were numerous fragments of glass, and whole ‘kitchen middens’ of shells, crushed and broken, the owners of which had once supplied the famous Tyrian purple dye. All these shells were of one species, the /Murex brandaris/” (/Land of Israel, p. 51).
[91] Porter, in /Dict. of the Bible/, ii. 87.
[92] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 37.
[93] Tristram, p. 634.
[94] Grove, in /Dict. of the Bible/, i. 279.
III
THE PEOPLE–ORIGIN AND CHARACTERISTICS
[1] /Histoire des Languages Sémitiques/, p. 22.
[2] /Rhet./ iii. 8.
[3] Deutsch, /Literary Remains/, p. 160.
[4] Renan, /Hist. des Langues Sémitiques/, pp. 5, 14.
[5] Ibid. p. 16.
[6] Deutsch, /Literary Remains/, p. 305.
[7] Ibid.
[8] /Ancient Monarchies/, i. 275; Deutsch, p. 306.
[9] Herod. i. 2; vii. 89.
[10] Strab. xvi. 3, § 4.
[11] /Hist. Philipp./ xviii. 3, § 2.
[12] /Ancient Monarchies/, i. 14.
[13] Renan, /Histoire des Langues Sémitiques/, p. 183.
[14] Deutsch, /Literary Remains/, pp. 162, 163.
[15] Herod. vi. 47:–{‘Oros mega anestrammenon en te zetesei}.
[16] On this imaginary “monsters,” see Herod. vi. 44.
[17] Ibid. iv. 42.
[18] Herod. vii. 85.
[19] Ibid. ii. 112.
[20] 1 Kings xi. 1.
[21] Ibid. xvi. 31.
[22] Ezra iii. 7.
[23] Is. xxiii. 15-18.
[24] Mark vii. 26-30.
[25] Acts xii. 20.
[26] Herod. iv. 196.
[27] Herod, i. 1:–{Perseon oi Lagioi}.
[28] Ibid. ii. 190.
[29] Ibid. ii. 4, 99, 142.
[30] Ibid. i. 1; iv. 42; vi. 47; vii. 23, 44, 96.
[31] As they do of being indebted to the Babylonians and the Egyptians for astronomical and philosophic knowledge.
[32] Deutsch, /Literary Remains/, p. 163.
[33] Ibid.
[34] Compare the representation of Egyptian ships in Dümichen’s /Voyage d’une Reine Egyptienne/ (date about B.C. 1400) with the far later Phnician triremes depicted by Sennacherib (Layard, /Monuments of Nineveh/, second series, pl. 71).
[35] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pp. 100, 101.
[36] The Cypriot physiognomy is peculiar. (See Di Cesnola’s /Cyprus/, pp. 123, 129, 131, 132, 133, 141, &c.)
[37] Herod. vii. 90.
[38] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 68, note 3.
IV
THE CITIES
[1] The nearest approach to such a period is the time a little preceding Nebuchadnezzar’s siege, when Sidon, Byblus, and Aradus all appear as subject to Tyre (Ezek. xxvii. 8-11).
[2] 1 Kings xvii. 9-24.
[3] 1 Macc. xv. 37.
[4] Gen. x. 15.
[5] Josh. xix. 29.
[6] Ibid. verse 28.
[7] See Hom. /Il./ vii. 290; xxiii. 743; /Od./ iv. 618; xiv. 272, 285; xvi. 117, 402, 424.
[8] /Hist. Philipp./ xviii. 3, § 2.
[9] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 460.
[10] Steph, Byz. ad voc.
[11] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pl. lxvii.
[12] Scylax, /Periplus/, § 104. This work belongs to the time of Philip, Alexander’s father.
[13] See Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pl. lxii.
[14] The inscription on the sarcophagus of Esmunazar. (See /Records of the Past/, ix. 111-114, and the /Corp. Inscr. Semit./, i. 13-20.)
[15] The name “Palæ-Tyrus” is first found in Strabo (xvi. 2, § 24).
[16] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 347.
[17] Plin. /H. N./ v. 17.
[18] Renan (/Mission de Phénicie/, p. 552) gives the area as 576,508 square metres.
[19] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 21.
[20] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 560.
[21] So Bertou (/Topographie de Tyr/, p. 14), and Kenrick (/Phnicia, p. 352).
[22] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 560.
[23] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 351.
[24] See the fragments of Dius and Menander, preserved by Josephus (/Contr. Ap./ i. § 17, 18), and compare Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 24. It is quite uncertain what Phnician deity is represented by “Agenor.”
[25] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 559.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Strab. xvi. 2, § 23.
[29] Menand, ap. Joseph. l.s.c.
[30] Strab. l.s.c.
[31] Eight thousand are said to have been killed in the siege, and 30,000 sold when the place was taken. (Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ l.s.c.) A certain number were spared.
[32] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 552.
[33] Plin. /H. N./ v. 17.
[34] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 348.
[35] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 22.
[36] See Capt. Allen’s /Dead Sea/, ii. 179.
[37] See Capt. Allen’s /Dead Sea/, ii. 179.
[38] Strabo, xvi. 2, § 13.
[39] Allen, /Dead Sea/, l.s.c.
[40] Ibid. p. 180.
[41] See the woodcut, and compare Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, planches, pl. ii.; and Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité/, iii. 25.
[42] Allen, /Dead Sea/, ii. 180.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Strab. xvi. 2, § 13.
[45] Strab. xvi. 2, § 13. See also Lucret. /De Rer. Nat./ vi. 890.
[46] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 42.
[47] Strab. xvi. 2, § 12.
[48] Fr. ii. 7. Philo, however, makes “Brathu” a mountain.
[49] See /Records of the Past/, iii. 19, 20.
[50] /Mission de Phénicie/, pp. 58-61.
[51] Strab. l.s.c.
[52] Ibid.
[53] Gen. x. 18.
[54] /Eponym Canon/, p. 123, 1. 2.
[55] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 115. And compare the map.
[56] Carnus is identified by M. Renan with the modern Carnoun, on the coast, three miles north of Tortosa (/Mission/, p. 97).
[57] /Eponym Canon/, p. 114, l. 104.
[58] Josh. xiii. 5; 1 Kings v. 18.
[59] Arr. /Exp. Alex./ ii. 15.
[60] Strab. xvi. 2, § 18.
[61] Fragm. ii. 8, § 17.
[62] /Corp. Inscr. Sem./, i. 3 (pl 1); Philo-Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 25.
[63] Strab. l.s.c.
[64] Allen, /Dead Sea/, ii. 164.
[65] Ibid.
[66] Strab. xvi. 2, § 15.
[67] See G. Smith’s /Eponym Canon/, pp. 123, 132, 148.
[68] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 9.
[69] Burckhardt, /Travels in Syria/, p. 162.
[70] Scylax, /Peripl./, § 104; Diod. Sic. xvi. 41; Pomp. Mel. i. 12.
[71] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 633; Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité/, iii. 56.
[72] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 57, 59.
[73] Allen, /Dead Sea/, ii. 152.
[74] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 295.
[75] Lucian, /De Dea Syra/, § 9.
[76] Philo. Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 25.
[77] Stephen of Byzantium calls it {polin thoinikes ek mikrae megalen}. Strabo says that it was rebuilt by the Romans (xvi. 2, § 19).
[78] Phocas, /Descr. Urbium/, § 5.
[79] Cellarius, /Geograph./ ii. 378.
[80] Gen. x. 17.
[81] /Eponym Canon/, pp. 120, l. 25; 123, l. 2.
[82] Josh. xix. 29.
[83] /Eponym Canon/, p. 132, l. 10.
[84] /Eponym Canon/, p. 132, l. 10; 148, l. 103.
[85] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, pp. 20, 21.
[86] This seems to be the true meaning of Strab. xvi. 2, § 25; sub init.
[87] Josh. vii. 23.
[88] Ibid. xvii. 11.
[89] 1 Kings iv. 11.
[90] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 132.
[91] Steph. Byz. ad voc. DORA.
[92] Hieronym. /Epit. Paulæ/ (Opp. i. 223).
[93] Josh. xix. 47.
[94] 1 Macc. x. 76.
[95] Jonah i. 3.
[96] 2 Chron. ii. 16.
[97] Ezra iii. 7.
[98] See Capt. Allen’s /Dead Sea/, ii. 188.
[99] Eustah. /ad Dionys. Perieg./ l. 915.
[100] Compare the Heb. “Ramah” and “Ramoth” from {…}, “to be high.”
[101] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 3.
[102] Gesenius, /Monumenta Scripture Linguæque, Phniciæ/, p. 271.
[103] Allen, /Dead Sea/, ii. 189.
[104] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 23.
[105] Perrot and Chipiez, iii. 23-25.
[106] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité/, iii. 25, 26.
[107] The Phnicians held Dor and Joppa during the greater part of their existence as a nation, but the tract between them, and that between Dor and Carmel–the plain of Sharon–shows no trace of their occupation.
V
THE COLONIES
[1] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 71.
[2] Gen. x. 4. Compare Joseph. /Ant. Jud./ i. 6.
[3] Kenrick, p. 72.
[4] The two plains are sometimes regarded as one, which is called that of Mesaoria; but they are really distinct, being separated by high ground in Long. 33º nearly.
[5] Ælian, /Hist. Ann./ v. 56.
[6] Strab. xiv. 6, § 5.
[7] Theophrastus, /Hist. Plant./ v. 8.
[8] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, Introduction, p. 7.
[9] The copper of Cyprus became known as {khalkos Kuprios} or {Æs Cyprium}, then as /cyprium/ or /cyprum/, finally as “copper,” “kupfer,” “cuivre,” &c.
[10] Ezek. xxvii. 6.
[11] Compare Ammianus–“Tanta tamque multiplici fertilitate abundat rerum omnium Cyprus, ut, nullius externi indigens adminiculi, indigenis viribus a fundamento ipso carinæ ad supremos ipsos carbasos ædificet onerariam navem, omnibusque armamentis instructam mari committat” (xiv. 8, § 14).
[12] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 49.
[13] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 75.
[14] Di Cesnola, pp. 65-117.
[15] Ibid. pp. 68, 83.
[16] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 215.
[17] Ibid.
[18] {Polis Kuprou arkhaiotate}.
[19] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 294.
[20] Ibid. pp. 254-281.
[21] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 294.
[22] Ibid. p. 378.
[23] Strabo, xiv. 6, § 3; Steph. Byz. ad voc. CURIUM.
[24] Herod. v. 113.
[25] Apollodor. /Biblioth./ iii. 14, § 13.
[26] Virg. /Æn./ i. 415-417; Tacit. /Ann./ iii. 62; /Hist./ ii. 2; Strab. xiv. 6, § 3.
[27] Ps. lxxvi. 2.
[28] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 201.
[29] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 198, and Map.
[30] /Eponym Canon/, p. 139, l. 23.
[31] Ibid. p. 144, l. 22.
[32] On the copper-mines of Tamasus, see Strab. xiv. 6, § 5; and Steph. Byz. ad voc.
[33] /Eponym Canon/, ll.s.c.
[34] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 228.
[35] Plut. /Vit. Solon./ § 26.
[36] Diod. Sic. xiv. 98, § 2.
[37] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 231.
[38] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 74.
[39] Gen. x. 4.
[40] Gesenius, /Mon. Script. Linquæque Phniciæ/, p. 278.
[41] Strab. xiv. 5, § 3.
[42] Ibid. xiv. 3, § 9. Mt. Solyma, now Takhtalu, is the most striking mountain of these parts. Its bald summit rises to the height of 4,800 feet above the Mediterranean (Beaufort, /Karamania/, p. 57).
[43] Strab. xiv. 3, § 8, sub fin.
[44] Beaufort, /Karamania/, p. 31.
[45] Herod. iii. 90; vii. 77; Strab. xiii. 4, § 15; Steph. Byz. ad. voc.
[46] Beaufort, /Karamania/, p. 56.
[47] Strab. xiv. 3, § 9.
[48] Beaufort, pp. 59, 60.
[49] Ibid. p. 70.
[50] As Corinna and Basilides (see Athen. /Deipnos/, iv. 174).
[51] Ap. Phot. /Bibliothec./ p. 454.
[52] Ap. Athen. /Deipn./ viii. 361.
[53] Dict. Cret. i. 18; iv. 4.
[54] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, pp. 80, 81.
[55] Aristid. /Orat./ § 43.
[56] Acts xxvii. 12.
[57] Steph. Byz. ad voc.
[58] Herod. iv. 151.
[59] Heb. {…}, Copt. /labo/, &c.
[60] Steph. Byz. ad voc. {KUTHERA}; Festus, ad voc. MELOS.
[61] Kenrick, p. 96.
[62] Steph. Byz. ad voc. {MEMBLIAROS}.
[63] Heraclid. Pont. ap. Steph. Byz. ad voc.
[64] Herod. iv. 147.
[65] Thucyd. i. 8.
[66] Herod. iii. 57; Pausan. x. 11.
[67] Tournefort, /Voyages/, i. 136.
[68] Plin, /H. N./ iv. 12. Compare Steph. Byz. ad voc. {KUTHERA}.
[69] Theophrast. /Hist. Plant./ iv. 2; Plin. /H. N./ xxxv. 15.
[70] Strab. x. 5, § 16.
[71] Ibid. § 19, ad fin.
[72] Herod. ii. 44.
[73] Ibid. vi. 47.
[74] Hesych. ad voc. {KABEIROI}; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {IMBROS}; Strab. vii. Fr. 51.
[75] Strab. xiv. 5, § 28; Plin. /H. N./ vii. 56.
[76] Strab. x. 1, § 8.
[77] Herod. v. 57; Strab. ix. 2, § 3; Pausan. ix. 25, § 6, &c.
[78] Steph. Byz. ad voc. {PRONEKTOS}; Scymn. Ch. l. 660.
[79] Apollon. Rhod. ii. l. 178; Euseb. /Præp. Ev./ p. 115; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. l.s.c.; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {SESAMOS}.
[80] So Kenrick, /Phnicia/, pp. 91, 92.
[81] Utica was said to have been founded 287 years before Carthage (Aristot. /De Ausc. Mir./ § 146). Carthage was probably founded about B.C. 850.
[82] Thucyd. vi. 2.
[83] Strab. xvii. 3, § 13.
[84] See the chart opposite, and the description in the /Géographie Universelle/, xi. 271, 272.
[85] Ibid. p. 270.
[86] Plin. /H. N./ v. 4, § 23; /Géographie Universelle/, xi. 157.
[87] /Géograph. Univ./ xi. 275.
[88] Ibid. p. 274.
[89] /Géograph. Univ./ xi. 413, 414.
[90] Ibid. pp. 410, 411.
[91] See Davis’s /Carthage/, pp. 128-130; and compare the woodcut in the /Géograph. Univ./ xi. 259.
[92] Beulé, /Fouilles à Carthage/, quoted in the /Géograph. Univ./ xi. 258.
[93] “Adrymes” is the Greek name (Strab. xvii. 3, § 16), Adrumetum or Hadrumetum, the Roman one (Sall. /Bell. Jugurth./ § 19; Liv. xxx. 29; Plin. /H. N./ v. 4, § 25).
[94] /Géograph. Univ./ xi. 227, 228.
[95] Ibid. p. 227, note.
[96] /Géographie Universelle/, xi. 224.
[97] /Géograph. Univ./ xi. 84.
[98] Strabo, xvii. 3, § 18.
[99] See Della Cella, /Narrative/, p. 37, E. T.; Beechey, /Narrative/, p. 51.
[100] Herod. iv. 198. Compare Ovid. /Pont./ ii. 7, 25.
[101] See the chart in the /Géographie Universelle/, xi. 223.
[102] Strab. xvii. 3, § 12.
[103] See Daux, /Recherches sur les Emporia Phéniciens/, pp. 256-258; and compare Pl. viii.
[104] At Utica, Carthage, and elsewhere.
[105] Daux, /Recherches/, pp. 169-171; Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité/, iii. 400-402.
[106] Thucyd. vi. 2.
[107] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 336.
[108] Diod. Sic. xiv. 68.
[109] Gesenius, /Monumenta Phnicia/, pp. 297, 298, and Tab. 39, xii. A, B.
[110] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 330.
[111] Polyb. i. 55.
[112] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 331. Compare the accompanying woodcut.
[113] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 334; Woodcuts, No. 242 and 243.
[114] Marsala, whose wine is so well known, occupies a site on the coast at a short distance.
[115] /Géographie Universelle/, i. 552.
[116] /Géographie Universelle/, i. p. 551.
[117] See Gesenius, /Monumenta Phnicia/, pp. 288-290, and Tab. 38, ix. Mahanath corresponds to the Greek {skenai} and the Roman /castra/. Compare the Israelite “Mahanaim.”
[118] Serra di Falco, /Antichità di Sicilia/, v. 60, 67.
[119] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 187-189.
[120] Ibid. p. 426.
[121] /Géographie Universelle/, i. 571.
[122] Gesenius, /Monumenta Phnicia/, p. 298.
[123] Diod. Sic. v. 12.
[124] See the /Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum/, vol. i. No. 132.
[125] Gesenius, /Mon. Phn./ Tab. 40, xiv.
[126] For an account of these buildings, called by the natives “Giganteja,” see Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 297, 298.
[127] Ibid.
[128] Ibid. p. 299.
[129] “Malte, l’île de miel” (/Géogr. Univ./ i. 576).
[130] {Kunidia, a kalousi Melitaia} (Strab. vi. 2, § 11, sub fin.).
[131] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iv. 2.
[132] Diod. Sic. xiv. 63, § 4; 77, § 6; xxi. 16, &c.
[133] Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c. Compare the /Géographie Universelle/, i. 599, 600.
[134] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 233; La Marmora, /Voyage en Sardaigne/, ii. 171-341.
[135] Strabo calls the town Sulchi ({Soulkhoi}, v. 2, § 7).
[136] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 231, 232, 253, &c.
[137] None of the classical geographers mentions the place excepting Ptolemy, who calls it “Tarrus” (/Geograph./ iii. 3).
[138] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 231-236, and 418-421.
[139] Herod. i. 166.
[140] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 116; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 46, 186.
[141] /Géographie Universelle/, i. 800.
[142] Strab. iii. 5, § 1.
[143] Kenrick, p. 118; /Géogr. Univ./ i. 795.
[144] “Un admirable port natured divisé par des ilôts et des péninsules en cales et en bassins secondairs; tous les avantages se trouvent réunis dans ce bras de mer” (/Géographie Universelle/, i. 808).
[145] Ibid. p. 801.
[146] Ibid. p. 799.
[147] {Phoinikike to skhemati} (Strab. iii. 4, § 2).
[148] {Phoinikon ktisma} (ib. iii. 4, § 3).
[149] Gesenius, /Mon. Phn./ pp. 308-310; Tab. 40, xvi.
[150] Strab. iii. 4, § 2.
[151] Ibid.
[152] Ibid. iii. 4, § 6.
[153] Three hundred, according to some writers (Ibid. xvii. 3, § 3).
[154] Plin. /H. N./ xix. 4.
[155] Gesenius, /Mon. Phn./ pp. 309, 310.
[156] /Géograph. Univ./ xi. 710-713.
[157] Strab. ii. 3, § 4; Hanno, /Peripl./ § 6; Scylax, /Peripl./ § 112.
[158] See /Géograph. Univer./ xi. 714.
[159] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 337.
[160] Ibid. p. 339.
[161] Ibid. p. 341.
[162] See Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 118; Dyer, in Smith’s /Dict. of Greek and Roman Geography/, ii. 1106.
[163] Scymn. Ch. ll. 100-106; Strabo, iii. 2, § 11; Mela, /De Situ Orbis/, ii. 6; Plin. /H. N./ iv. 21; Fest. Avien. /Descriptio Orbis/, l. 610; Pausan. vi. 19.
[164] Stesichorus, /Fragmenta/ (ed. Bergk), p. 636; Strab. l.s.c.
[165] Scymn. Ch. l.s.c.
[166] See Herod. i. 163.
[167] 1 Kings x. 22.
[168] Strab. iii. 2, § 8; /Géograph. Univ./ i. 741-745.
[169] Strab. iii. 2, § 11.
[170] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 119.
[171] Strab. iii. 2, § 7.
[172] Aristoph. /Ran./ l. 476; Jul. Pollux, vi. 63.
[173] Vell. Paterc. i. 2.
[174] /Géograph. Univ./ i. 756-758.
[175] Ibid. p. 758.
[176] Strab. iii. 5, § 5; Diod. Sic. v. 20; Scymn. Ch. 160; Mela, iii. 6, § 1; Plin. /H. N./ v. 19; &c.
[177] Gesen. /Mon. Phn./ pp. 304, 370.
[178] Strabo, iii. 5, § 3.
[179] See the /Géographie Universelle/, i. 759.
[180] The name is to be connected with the words Baal, Belus, Baalath, &c. There was a river “Belus,” in Phnicia Proper.
[181] Gesenius, /Monumenta Phnicia/, pp. 311, 312.
[182] Ibid. p. 311.
[183] I.e. towards the north-east, in the Propontis and the Euxine.
VI
ARCHITECTURE
[1] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité/, iii. 101.
[2] See Renan, /Mission de Phnicie/, p. 92, and Planches, pl. 12.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pp. 62-68.
[5] Ibid. Planches, pl. 10.
[6] 1 Kings v. 17, 18.
[7] /Our Work in Palestine/, p. 115. Warren, /Recovery of Jerusalem/, i. 121.
[8] See the /Corpus. Inscr. Semit./ Pars I. Planches, pl. 29, No. 136.
[9] As at Sidon in the pier wall, and at Aradus in the remains of the great wall of the town.
[10] M. Renan has found reason to question the truth of this view. Bevelling, he thinks, may have begun with the Phnicians; but it became a general feature of Palestinian and Syrian architecture, being employed in Syria as late as the middle ages. The enclosure of the mosque at Hebron and the great wall of Baalbek are bevelled, but are scarcely Phnician.
[11] See Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, Planches, pl. vi.
[12] Compare the enclosure of the Haram at Jerusalem, the mosque at Hebron, and the temples at Baalbek (Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 105, No. 42; iv. 274, No. 139, and p. 186, No. 116).
[13] See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 108, 299, &c.
[14] Renan, /Mission/, p. 822.
[15] See Renan, /Mission/, pp. 62-68; and compare Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 242, 243.
[16] See Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 64.
[17] See Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pp. 63, 64.
[18] Ibid. p. 65.
[19] See the volume of Plates published with the /Mission/, pl. ix. fig 1.
[20] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 110; pl. xxxv. fig. 20; xxxvi. fig. 7; xxxvii. figs. 10, 11; Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. pp. 124, 428, 533, &c.
[21] Renan, /Mission/, Planches, pl. ix. fig. 3.
[22] See Perrot et Chipie, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 253, No. 193; p. 310, No. 233.
[23] See the author’s /History of Ancient Egypt/, i. 237.
[24] /Mission de Phénicie/, pp. 64, 65.
[25] See Di Cesnola’s /Cyprus/, pp. 210-212.
[26] The temple of Solomon was mainly of wood; that of Golgi (Athiénau) was, it is thought, of crude brick (Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 139).
[27] See the plan in Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 267, No. 200. Explorations are now in progress, which, it is hoped, may reveal more completely the plan of the building.
[28] As being the most important temple in the island.
[29] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 211.
[30] Ibid. p. 210.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 269.
[33] In M. Gerhard’s plan two circular ponds or reservoirs are marked, of which General Di Cesnola found no trace.
[34] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 211.
[35] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 322.
[36] As Di Cesnola, and Ceccaldi.
[37] Ceccaldi, as quoted by Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 275.
[38] Ceccaldi, /Monuments Antiques de Cypre/, pp. 47, 48.
[39] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 139.
[40] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 149; Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 274; Ceccaldi, l.s.c.
[41] Di Cesnola, p. 139.
[42] Ibid. p. 140.
[43] Ibid. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c.
[44] The only original account of this crypt is that of General Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 303-305.
[45] Mephitic vapours prevented the workmen from continuing their excavations.
[46] The length of this room was twenty feet, the breadth nineteen feet, and the height fourteen feet (Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 304).
[47] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 285.
[48] See the woodcut representing a portion of the old wall of Aradus, which is taken from M. Renan’s /Mission/, Planches, pl. 2.
[49] In some of the ruder walls, as in those of Banias and Eryx, even this precaution is not observed. See Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 328, 334.
[50] Diod. Sic. xxxii. 14.
[51] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 21, § 3.
[52] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 331, 332, 339.
[53] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. pp. 333, 334.
[54] See his /Recherches sur l’origine et l’emplacement des Emporia Phéniciens/, pl. 8.
[55] Compare Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pls. 7, 16, 18, &c.; and Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 224.
[56] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 256, 260; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 219-221.
[57] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 255.
[58] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 255, 256.
[59] See Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 260; and compare Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 219, No. 155.
[60] Di Cesnola, p. 259.
[61] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 224.
[62] See Ross, /Reisen nach Cypern/, pp. 187-189; and /Archäologische Zeitung/ for 1851, pl. xxviii. figs. 3 and 4.
[63] They are not shown in Ross’s representation, but appear in Di Cesnola’s.
[64] See Sir C. Newton’s /Halicarnassus/, pls. xviii. xix.
[65] 1 Macc. xiii. 27-29.
[66] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 80.
[67] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 81.
[68] Ibid. pp. 82, 85.
[69] See Robinson, /Researches in Palestine/, iii. 385.
[70] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 599.
[71] Perrot and Chipiez remark that “the general aspect of the edifice recalls that of the great tombs at Amrith;” and conclude that, “if the tomb does not actually belong to the time of Solomon’s contemporary and ally, at any rate it is anterior to the Greco- Roman period” (/Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 167).
[72] See the section of the building in Renan’s /Mission/, Planches, pl. xlviii.
[73] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 71.
[74] Ibid. Planches, pl. 13.
[75] Ibid. p. 72.
[76] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 153.
[77] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pp. 71-73.
[78] “Ce que ce tombeau offre de tout à fait particulier c’est que l’entrée du caveau, ou, pour mieux dire, l’escalier qui y conduit, est couvert, dans sa partie antérieure, par un énorme bloc régulièrement taillé en dos d’âne et supporté par une assise de grosses pierres” (Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 154).
[79] Mark xvi. 3, 4.
[80] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 334.
[81] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 126, No. 68.
[82] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 211, 301.
[83] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 129-134.
[84] /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 822.
[85] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 822.
[86] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 829.
VII
ÆSTHETIC ART
[1] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 404, and compare pp. 428 and 437.
[2] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 129-157, &c.
[3] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 510.
[4] Ibid. p. 513: “Les figures semblent avoir été taillées non dans des blocs prismatiques, mais dans de la pierre débitée en carrière, sous forme de dalles épaisses.”
[5] Di Cesnola, p. 150.
[6] Ibid. pp. 149, 150.
[7] Di Cesnola, p. 157.
[8] So both Di Cesnola (l.s.c) and Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 565.
[9] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. Nos. 349, 385, 405, &c.; Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 133, 149, 157.
[10] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 519, No. 353.
[11] Ibid. Nos. 323, 342, 368. Occasionally an arm is placed across the breast without anything being clasped (Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 131, 240).
[12] Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 299, 322, 373.
[13] Ibid. Nos. 291, 321, 379, 380.
[14] Ibid. Nos. 381, 382.
[15] Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 306, 345, 349, &c.
[16] See Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 141, 230, 243, &c.
[17] Compare Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 530, No. 358; p. 533, No. 359; and Di Cesnola, pp. 131, 154, &c.
[18] Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 145; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 527, 545.
[19] Di Cesnola, pp. 149, 151, 161, &c.
[20] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 201, No. 142; p. 451, No. 323; p. 598, No. 409. The best dove is that in the hand of a priest represented by Di Cesnola (/Cyprus/, p. 132).
[21] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 114.
[22] Ibid. p. 331; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 203, and Pl. ii. opp. p. 582.
[23] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 136; Ceccaldi, /Rev. Arch./ vol. xxiv. pl. 21.
[24] Di Cesnola, p. 137.
[25] Ibid. p. 133.
[26] Ibid. pp. 110-114.
[27] See the /Story of Assyria/, p. 403; and compare /Ancient Monarchies/, i. 395, 493.
[28] See /Story of Assyria/, l.s.c.; and for the classical practice, which was identical, compare Lipsius, /Antiq. Lect./ iii.
[29] So it is in a garden that Asshurbani-pal and his queen regale themselves (/Ancient Monarchies/, i. 493). Compare Esther i. 7.
[30] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 620.
[31] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 259-267.
[32] Di Cesnola is in favour of Melkarth (p. 264); MM. Perrot and Chipiez of Bes (/Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 610). Individually, I incline to Esmun.
[33] See Di Cesnola, Pl. vi.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 450, 555, 557; Nos. 321, 379, 380, 381, and 382.
[34] Herod. iii. 37.
[35] Perrot et Chipiez see in it the travels of the deceased in another world (/Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 612); but they admit that at first sight one would be tempted to regard it as the representation of an historical event, as the setting forth of a prince for war, or his triumphant return.
[36] A similar crest was used by the Persians (/Ancient Monarchies/, iii. 180, 234), and the Lycians (Fellows’s /Lycia/, pl. xxi. oop. p. 173).
[37] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 609-611.
[38] See the /Journal le Bachir/ for June 8, 1887, published at Beyrout.
[39] 1 Kings vii. 14; 2 Chron. ii. 14.
[40] 1 Kings vii. 21.
[41] “/In/ the porch” (1 Kings vii. 21); “/before/ the house,” “before the temple” (2 Chron. iii. 15, 17).
[42] 1 Kings vii. 15, 16.
[43] Jer. lii. 21.
[44] 1 Kings vii. 17, 20.
[45] Ibid. verse 20; 2 Chron. iv. 13; Jer. lii. 23.
[46] 1 Kings vii. 22.
[47] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, vol. iv. Pls. vi. and vii. opp. pp. 318 and 320.
[48] 1 Kings vii. 23.
[49] Ibid. vv. 23-25.
[50] See the representation in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 327, No. 172.
[51] Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 328.
[52] 1 Kings vii. 27-39.
[53] Ibid. verse 38.
[54] Ibid. verse 29.
[55] See the woodcut in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 331, No. 173; and compare 1 Kings vii. 31.
[56] 1 Kings vii. 36.
[57] 1 Kings vii. 33.
[58] Ibid. v. 40. Compare 2 Chron. iv. 16.
[59] See Di Cesnola’s /Cyprus/, Pls. xxi. and xxx.
[60] A single statue in bronze, of full size, or larger than life, is said to have been exhumed in Cyprus in 1836 (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 514); but it has not reached our day.
[61] See the works of La Marmora (/Voyage en Sardaigne/), Cara (/Relazione sugli idoli sardo-fenici/), and Perrot et Chipiez (/Hist. de l’Art/, iv. 65-89).
[62] Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 65, 66.
[63] Ibid. pp. 67, 69, 88.
[64] Ibid. pp. 67, 70, 89.
[65] Ibid. 52, 74, 75, 87, &c.
[66] See Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, Pl. iv. opp. p. 84.
[67] Ibid. opp. p. 345.
[68] Ibid. p. 337.
[69] /Monumenti di cere antica/, Pl. x. fig. 1.
[70] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 77.
[71] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, Pl. xi. opp. p. 114.
[72] In the museum of the Varvakeion. (See Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 782-785.)
[73] Ibid. p. 783, No. 550.
[74] Compare the author’s /History of Ancient Egypt/, i. 362.
[75] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 779, No. 548.
[76] See /Ancient Monarchies/, i. 392.
[77] See Clermont-Ganneau, /Imagerie Phénicienne/, p. xiii.
[78] See Clermont-Ganneau, /Ima. Phénicienne/, Pls. ii. iv. and vi. Compare Longpérier, /Musée Napoléon III./, Pl. x.; Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 329; Pl. xix. opp. p. 276; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 777, 789; Nos. 547 and 552.
[79] Clermont-Ganneau, Pl. i. at end of volume; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 759, No. 543.
[80] /L’Imagerie Phénicienne/, p. 8.
[81] Helbig, /Bullettino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica/, 1876, p. 127.
[82] /L’Imagerie Phénicienne/, p. 8.
[83] /L’Imagerie Phénicienne/, pp. xi, xiii, and 18-39.
[84] Ibid. p. 151.
[85] /L’Imagerie Phénicienne/, pp. 150-156. It is fatal to M. Clermont-Ganneau’s idea–1. That the hunter in the outer scene has no dog; 2. That the dress of the charioteer is wholly unlike that of the fugitive attacked by the dog; and 3. That M. Clermont- Ganneau’s explanation accounts in no way for the medallion’s central and main figure.
[86] “Les formes et les mouvements des chevaux sont indiqués avec beaucoup du sûreté et de justesse” (ibid. p. 6).
[87] So Mr. C. W. King in his appendix to Di Cesnola’s /Cyprus/, p. 387. He supports his view by Herod. vii. 69.
[88] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 632.
[89] Compare the cylinder of Darius Hystaspis (/Ancient Monarchies/, iii. 227) and another engraved on the same page.
[90] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 635, note.
[91] /Proceedings of the Society of Bibl. Archæology/ for 1883–4, p. 16.
[92] See M. A. Di Cesnola’s /Salaminia/, Pls. xii. and xiii.
[93] See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 639, No. 431.
[94] These fluttering ends of ribbon are very common in the Persian representations. See /Ancient Monarchies/, iii. 351.
[95] /Ancient Monarchies/, iii. pp. 203, 204, 208.
[96] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 630.
[97] Ibid. pp. 635-639. Green serpentine is the most usual material (C. W. King, in Di Cesnola’s /Cyprus/, p. 387).
[98] King, in Di Cesnola’s /Cyprus/, p. 388.
[99] Pl. xxxvi. a.
[100] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 277.
[101] See De Vogüé’s /Mélanges d’Archéologie Orientale/, pl. v.
[102] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 631.
[103] See Di Cesnola’s /Cyprus/, pl. xxvi. (top line).
[104] See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 645.
[105] Ibid. p. 646.
[106] De Vogüé, /Mélanges/, p. 111.
[107] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 651.
[108] Ibid. p. 652.
[109] See Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pl. xxxvi. fig. 8.
[110] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 646.
[111] Herod. vii. 61.
[112] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pl. xxxv. fig. a.
[113] Herod. v. 113.
[114] That of Canon Spano. (See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655, note 1.)
[115] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 656, 657, Nos. 466, 467, 468.
[116] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. p. 655.
[117] Ibid. p. 656, Nos. 464, 465.
[118] See the author’s /History of Ancient Egypt/, ii. 47, 54, 70.
[119] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 657, 658, Nos. 471-476.
[120] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655:–“La couleur parait y avoir été employée d’une manière discrète; elle servait à faire ressortir certains détails.”
[121] Ross, /Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln/, iv. 100.
[122] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 666:–“On obtenait ainsi un ensemble qui, malgré la rapidité du travail, ne manquait pas de gaieté, d’harmonie et d’agrément.”
[123] See Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 65, 71, 91, 181, &c.; and Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 686, 691, 699, &c.
[124] /Cyprus/, pl. xxix. (p. 333).
[125] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 704.
VIII
INDUSTRIAL ART AND MANUFACTURES
[1] Ezek. xxvii. 18.
[2] Ibid. xxvii. 21.
[3] See Herod. ii. 182, and compare the note of Sir G. Wilkinson on that passage in Rawlinson’s /Herodotus/, ii. 272.
[4] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 246.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Hom. /Il./ vi. 289; /Od./ xv. 417; Æsch. /Suppl./ ll. 279-284; Lucan, /Phars./ x. 142, &c.
[7] Ex. xxvi. 36, xxviii. 39.
[8] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 877.
[9] Smyth, /Mediterranean Sea/, pp. 205-207.
[10] Tristram, /Land of Israel/, p. 51.
[11] Lortet, /La Syrie d’aujourd’hui/, p. 103.
[12] See /Phil. Transactions/, xv. 1,280.
[13] Wilksinson, in Rawlinson’s /Herodotus/, ii. 347.
[14] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 258.
[15] See Jul. Pollux, /Onomasticon/, i. 4, § 45.
[16] This is the case with almost all the refuse shells found in the “kitchen middens” (as they have been called) on the Syrian coast. See Lortet, /La Syrie d’aujourd’hui/, p. 103).
[17] See Réaumur, quoted by Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 256.
[18] Plin. /H. N./ ix. 38.
[19] See Grimaud de Caux’s paper in the /Revue de Zoologie/ for 1856, p. 34; and compare Lortet, /La Syrie d’aujourd’hui/, p. 102.
[20] Ibid.
[21] Lortet, /La Syrie d’aujourd’hui/, p. 127.
[22] Plin. /H. N./ xxxii. 22.
[23] Ibid. ix. 37-39.
[24] For the tints producible, see a paper by M. Lacaze-Duthiers, in the /Annales des Sciences Naturelles/ for 1859, Zoologie, 4me. série, xii. 1-84.
[25] Plin. /H. N./ ix. 41.
[26] Ibid. ix. 39:–“Cornelius Nepos, qui divi Augusti principatu obiit. Me, inquit, juvene violacea purpura vigebat, cujus libra denariis centum venibat.”
[27] Kenrick, /Phnicia/, p. 242. Compare Pliny, /H. N./ ix. 38:– “Laus summa in colore sanguinis concreti.”
[28] /Hist. Nat./ xxxvi. 65.
[29] Wilkinson, in Rawlinson’s /Herodotus/, ii. 82. Similar representations occur in tombs near the Pyramids.
[30] Wilksinson, /Manners and Customs/, iii. 88.
[31] Herod. ii. 86-88.
[32] Plin. /H. N./ v 19; xxxvi. 26, &c.
[33] Lortet, /La Syrie d’aujourd’hui/, p. 113.
[34] Ibid. p. 127.
[35] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 735, note 2.
[36] Plin. /H. N./ xxxvi. 26.
[37] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 739.
[38] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 734-744.
[39] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histore de l’Art/, iii. pl. viii. No. 2 (opp. p. 740).
[40] Ibid. pl. vii. No. 1 (opp. p. 734).
[41] Herod. ii. 44.
[42] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 745, and pl. x.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 746, No. 534.
[45] Ibid. pp. 739, 740.
[46] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 740, 741.
[47] The British Museum has a mould which was found at Camirus, intended to give shape to glass earrings. It is of a hard greenish stone, apparently a sort of breccia.
[48] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 745.
[49] Strabo, iii. 5, § 11.
[50] Scylax, /Periplus/, § 112.
[51] Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l’Art/, iii. 669. (Compare Renan Mission de Phénicie/, pl. xxi.)
[52] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 670. The vase is figured on p. 670, No. 478.
[53] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 68. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l’Art/, iii. 671, No. 479.